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Northern Vietnam was a part of China about 2000 years ago, so We Chinese must get it back by force one day!
hahahaha
Chinese rules Asia!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
September 9, 2011 by Richard Javad Heydarian
Recent months have witnessed renewed tensions over disputed territories in the South China Sea.
In response to Chinas encroaching military maneuvers and the countrys designation of the whole area as part of its indisputable sovereignty, several South East Asian countries have found themselves dangerously vulnerable. A murky legal regime has led to the emergence of a series of overlapping territorial claims in the area, but at the center of tensions are five key-actors: China, the Philippines, Vietnam, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and increasingly the United States.
Despite growing economic interdependence, a two-decade-long Chinese charm-offensive, modest levels of pan-regional political integration, and considerable institutional-political linkages, the South China Sea issue is an intractable issue reigniting inter-state tensions and threatening the very stability of the whole Asia-Pacific region. However, the issue is also a catalyst for a more pro-active regional response that emphasizes rule-based diplomatic resolutions of both existent and emerging conflicts.
In a region known for its economic miracles, mercantilist states with performance-based legitimacy, and growing global financial clout, economics might once again trump politics and allow the voice of reason to prevail. But Chinas evolving strategic outlook is central to any prospects for regional stability. The United States should maintain immense strategic patience if it seeks to avoid a great-power clash over an essentially regional issue. The territorial conflicts should also serve as an impetus for a more concrete and binding institutionalization of regional norms, rules, and principles.
The Megatrends
Broader global trends are shaping the geostrategic contours of the South China Sea region. Chinas rapid rise, concomitant with seemingly stark U.S. decline, is creating significant anxiety among smaller states allied to and dependent on Washington.
Chinas growing military expenditure, meteoric rise in high-end and cutting-edge research and innovation, and increasing geopolitical assertiveness heightened since the global financial crisis is changing the complexion of international affairs.
But the U.S.-China dynamic is not new. China expanded its area-wide operations culminating in the 1995 Mischief Reef incident when Washington withdrew its bases from the Philippines in the immediate post-Cold War era. In addition, earlier China-Vietnam clashes also took place when the Soviet Union showed reticence in upholding its mutual defense treaty with Vietnam. Thus, Chinas behavior has proven sensitive to balance-of-power configurations.
Chinas growing assertiveness in the South China Sea reflects its broader and evolving security doctrine. Aware that its fleet is meager compared to U.S. naval power, China is in the process of upgrading its blue-water capabilities. The Peoples Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) now boasts an aircraft carrier, highlighting Chinas emphasis on greater investment in naval rather than land-based military capabilities marking a decisive shift in the countrys strategic calculus. The South China Seas proximity to the mainland makes it a natural area for Chinese naval projection. China is deepening its presence in the area by expanding its nuclear submarine fleet and developing a second-strike nuclear capability. Dominating the region gives China control of one of the worlds busiest sea lanes rendering Japan and Korea vulnerable to any blockade but it also enables Beijing to further its goal of transforming China into the prime Pacific power.
But there are more immediate economic considerations influencing Chinas geopolitical maneuvering in the South China Sea, including its growing stake in the global commodities trade and the necessity of securing natural resources to continue economic expansion. Energy security is a key Chinese national priority, making the South China Sea important in light of two developments: growing volatility in energy markets partly as a result of instability in the Middle East and Chinas rapid development of its offshore-drilling and downstream technological capabilities. The South China Sea potentially hosts one of the worlds richest reservoirs of hydrocarbon resources, and China increasingly views its claims in the area as part of its energy security agenda.
Domestic politics also plays a role as Chinese officials consider tapping into the growing nationalist sentiments of Chinas booming, educated, young and middle-class population. After all, Chinas historical claim to the whole area is ingrained in the Chinese national psyche.
Anatomy of the Problem
The South China Sea conundrum is an intersection of conflicting legal interpretations and seemingly irreconcilable political interests. On the legal front, there is a disjunction between domestic legal regimes and existing international law. Although countries such as the Philippines have tried to align domestic laws with international conventions, China is well known for its moves to embed external territorial claims into its constitutional framework.
The United Nations Convention on the Laws of the Sea (UNCLOS) could be a guideline for resolving issues in the region. But China and Southeast Asian countries have adopted divergent interpretations of certain provisions of the convention. There is no consensus on sections that tackle the regime of islands, which seek to clarify the nature of rocks and atolls in the South China Sea, and their corresponding jurisdictional implications for the party that occupies them.
In 2002, China and members of ASEAN signed the Declaration of Conduct (DOC), which emphasizes peaceful, multilateral, and rule-based resolution of conflicting claims in the South China Sea in accordance with established regional and international principles. But the non-binding declaration leaves no mechanism for monitoring and enforcing its implementation. The 2005 Joint Marine Seismic Undertaking (JMSU), signed by the Philippines, Vietnam, and China, was a novel attempt at transforming the issue into a potential source of cooperation. But China is the only party that is truly capable of pushing sustained and expansive exploration schemes. Besides, the Chinese are said to have used the agreement fraught with secrecy and questionable provisions as a springboard to extend their claims into other hydrocarbon-rich areas well beyond the scope of the agreement.
Whenever there is a quasi-legal vacuum, marked by the absence of clear and defined legal regimes, political forces take over. On one hand, Southeast Asian countries, especially the Philippines, claim that only portions of the South China Sea are subject to conflicting territorial claims. Beijing, on the other hand, claims the whole nine-dash line.
This is a big problem, because it allows China to claim areas already within the Philippines jurisdiction.
Regional Interdependence and Balance of Power
Although many analysts tend to adopt a dichotomous understanding of Chinas foreign policy in Southeast Asia, either bilateralist or multilateralist, in reality China is using a sophisticated bi-multilateralist approach. Under this doctrine, China tends to use multilateralism as a component of its charm-offensive strategy, but it simultaneously utilizes bilateral ties in order to reinforce, if not impose, its interests.
Given Chinas huge economic clout, its investment prowess, and its wide network of socio-political connections especially with Chinese communities across Southeast Asia it has been very savvy in influencing its smaller neighbors, constraining their room for maneuvering.
Two decades of charm offensive and rapid economic growth have allowed China to deepen its presence among Southeast Asian countries, especially in the realm of investment and economics.
As the second largest soon to be biggest economy in the world, China represents a key market for many resource-exporting countries in the region, from Burma and Indonesia to the Philippines and Malaysia.
Moreover, Chinas so-called Beijing Consensus has transformed it into a major source of concessional loans, cheap and affordable technology, and favorable investment opportunities. Chinas growing middle class is also becoming a major boon for the regional tourism industry.
With China becoming involved in strategic infrastructural development schemes from railways to highways Beijing has become central to the national development of its southern neighbors. Conscious of its economic influence, China has become more confident in pushing its political agenda.
Despite growing regional interdependence from industrial vertical integration to intra-regional complementary trade China holds immense leverage over its neighbors.
No wonder, then, that the Philippine presidents most recent visit to China ended up as a high-profile courtship for $60 billion in Chinese investments. The primacy of economic considerations is allowing China to shape the geopolitical architecture of the region.
The ASEAN Element
By East Asian standards, ASEAN is a fairly developed institutional body designed to facilitate economic integration and security cooperation. However, it is more of a soft institution, focusing on confidence-building and preventive diplomacy rather than conflict-resolution/management. ASEAN either totally shuns controversial issues in the spirit of non-interference or fails to develop needed enforcement mechanisms. Although lacking both teeth and resolve on intractable issues, the institution itself is plagued by internal divisions.
On the South China Sea issue, for instance, members have taken varying positions.
Laos, Cambodia, and Burma are more sympathetic to China; Malaysia and Indonesia have cautioned against Washingtons meddling; Thailand and Singapore took a more neutral stance; and Vietnam and the Philippines, wary of balance-of-power considerations, called for more decisive U.S. policy on the issue. ASEAN might have shown considerable success in the realm of economic integration and trade-facilitation, but hard security issues continue to expose its fundamental weaknesses.
These realities have allowed China to conduct its diplomatic tango with considerable ease.
During the 2011 ASEAN Regional Forum, regional leaders adopted guidelines on a more formal, binding regional code of conduct. In reality, nothing has changed on the ground. Meanwhile, China has been able to project a more responsible image by facilitating the drafting and adoption of the so-called guidelines. On the surface, calmer heads seem to have prevailed, considering the huge economic interests at stake.
But the South China Sea issue might precipitate a new round of military build-up as some Southeast Asian countries coax and cajole their U.S. partner to get involved.
ASEAN needs to strengthen its multilateral institutional mechanisms and ensure that Washington stays out of the conflict to prevent a great-power confrontation.
The U.S. Factor
The dynamics of U.S.-China relations will largely shape future patterns of global governance. President Obama must handle sensitive issues that involve Beijing very delicately, because any misstep could send shockwaves through the international system. Washington is already reliant on China on a number of key issues: resolution of major security challenges such as the Iranian nuclear program and North Korea; U.S. debt and financial stability; and establishing the foundation of a post-crisis global economic order. This is why the United States cant be too aggressive in its approach to two key regional issues: China-Taiwan relations, and the South China Sea conflict. The Chinese already treat these issues as core interests, drawing red lines against any direct U.S. intervention.
Beijing is neither irrational nor reckless. Washington must understand Beijings unique needs and challenges, and adopt a more nuanced policy position. Ultimately, China seeks stability as it rises within the current international order. The United States should avoid a self-fulfilling prophecy of confrontation with the worlds next preeminent power. If Washington plays its cards well, it could avoid confrontation with China and further integrate China into an evolving and stable international system that reflects new geopolitical realities.
In Will the Liberal Global Order Outlast America, John Ikenberry analyzes how the current international liberal order provides a solid structure of payoffs, ultimately encouraging compliance and cooperation rather than great-power confrontation and hegemonic wars.
In terms of carrots, the liberal international order provides a set of relatively stable, predictable, and transparent institutional mechanisms to facilitate trade, cooperation, and conflict resolution, especially among major powers. The cost of confronting or directly challenging the current order is simply too much: isolation, backlash from both emerging and established powers, trade disruption, and military confrontation with an alliance of status-quo powers.
But China stands out for its sheer size and rate of growth.
In How to Think About China, China expert Joshua C. Ramo contends that, China is ambitious, to be sure, but it is too insecure to be audacious yet. According to Ramo, the United States and China need to evolve together to serve each others mutual needs.
Chinas rapid ascent is creating considerable anxiety among the established powers.
But the era of Chinas easy growth may be approaching its end.
In The Post-China World, Ruchir Sharma, a Morgan Stanley-based economist, argues that China, like Japan and other previously booming economies, is entering a stage of economic maturity that will feature more modest rates of growth. As a more normal rising economic giant, China might become a more mature and responsible power whose primary goal is stability and steady growth. Still, it is natural to expect greater assertiveness among emerging powers when it comes to their own regional affairs.
The South China Sea conundrum could serve as blessing in disguise if it helps to strengthen the fundamentals of ASEAN and encourage a more responsible and stable relationship between the worlds most powerful countries, the United States and China.
This article was originally published on Foreign Policy In Focus.
five key-actors: China, the Philippines, Vietnam, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN),
New Recruit
Northern Vietnam was a part of China about 2000 years ago, so We Chinese must get it back by force one day!
hahahaha
Chinese rules Asia!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
I know that your China wish to rule the whole world not only Asia.
Vietnam "core interest" is to collect again its lost land South China now. So free South China (Guang Dong, Guangxi, Hunan, Hanan, Fujian...) must be a priority of Vietnamese.
Where are u living in China now? South or North? If South please remember about your ancestors. It has been a long time to remember to your ancestor.
I know that your China wish to rule the whole world not only Asia.
Vietnam "core interest" is to collect again its lost land South China now. So free South China (Guang Dong, Guangxi, Hunan, Hanan, Fujian...) must be a priority of Vietnamese.
Where are u living in China now? South or North? If South please remember about your ancestors. It has been a long time to remember to your ancestor.
New Recruit
Dont be mistake, your ancestors were Viet.
You are frequently tricked by your goverment so you may not know the truth about the world, about the neighbours. Try to remember this, guy.
It can be compared with Hoang Sa (Paracel Islands) and Truong Sa (Spratlys) islands. They have been Vietnamese discovered and executed sovereinty hundreds years ago. And this was approved by not only Vietnamese but also Westerners and even Chinese. However, your goverment has been created so many faked evidences to claim Hoang Sa and Truong Sa as China's. It truly ashamed.
Dont be mistake, your ancestors were Viet.
You are frequently tricked by your goverment so you may not know the truth about the world, about the neighbours. Try to remember this, guy.
It can be compared with Hoang Sa (Paracel Islands) and Truong Sa (Spratlys) islands. They have been Vietnamese discovered and executed sovereinty hundreds years ago. And this was approved by not only Vietnamese but also Westerners and even Chinese. However, your goverment has been created so many faked evidences to claim Hoang Sa and Truong Sa as China's. It truly ashamed.
New Recruit
Keep repeating this ten times won't make it truth.
Look at it this way. You claimed present day people in vietnam move there from china right? But in fact hardly any "viets" moved from vietnam back to china. So really you tell me who is who's "ancestors"?
====
I emigrated to NZ. To me the senior relatives in Taiwan and Mainland China were my ancestors. Can I say my future descendants in NZ are ancestors of descendants of my relatives back in Taiwan and China? But it cannot be denied that my ancestors in Taiwan and China would also be the ancestors of my descendants.
Now Vietnamese have spread all over the world. Their second, third descendants are ancestors of descendants of their relatives right now in Vietnam? Haha. Your thought is similar like this. Do you feel humourous?
South China in the past it was Vietnam land. And its people were Viet. When the Han conquered South China in Qin Shui Huang time and its people became one part of China. And our ancient territories lengthened from Dong Dinh lake stretched to North Vietnam now. That was one part of history and it was erased by your goverment just like Hoang Sa and Truong Sa recently.
Now Vietnamese have spread all over the world. Their second, third descendants are ancestors of descendants of their relatives right now in Vietnam? Haha. Your thought is similar like this. Do you feel humourous?
South China in the past it was Vietnam land.
And its people were Viet.
When the Han conquered South China in Qin Shui Huang time and its people became one part of China.
And our ancient territories lengthened from Dong Dinh lake stretched to North Vietnam now.
That was one part of history and it was erased by your goverment just like Hoang Sa and Truong Sa recently.
New Recruit
The Dongting Lake was the ancient territory of the Chu Kingdom, a subgroup of the Huaxia people.
New Recruit
The preceeding dynasty of modern day vietnam only controled north of modern day vietnam. Control of the south was not established until Ming dynasty when the Chinese Ming emperor listed vietnam as places that is not desired to be conquested or uneconomical, besides countries like Japan. Free of threat from the north allowed vietnam's expansion southward and westward.
In other words you took other people's land as well. Should they demand it back?
Haha. The Vietnamese expanded their state since 10 century not wait to your Ming dynasty. Remember that.
Im not surprised because all of you are brainwashed and consider yourself as central of the world.
Do you know Feng Shui, Kinh Dich. They are Viet's heritages 5000 years ago.