It is not my practice to enter food fights, especially food fights between two national factions, but this is getting out of hand in terms of inaccuracy and downright distortion.
LOL!
Did you make a collective decision to adopt democracy?
Did you vote for democracy?
NO!
Your democracy is also pushed down into your throat.
This displays a superficial, almost non-existent knowledge of recent South Asian history, specifically the history of British India and its ending.
In 1919, under the Morley-Minto reforms, the first Indian elections outside municipal elections (held decades earlier, and through which Indians had come to positions of legislative and administrative authority of sorts) were held. This system marked the beginning of the administrative system known as dyarchy.
There were two major developments from this: educated Muslims, who had been educating themselves in the western system at the urging of their progressive leaders such as Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, were reinforced in their fears, dating back 14 years earlier, that a simple, legislative reservation of seats in favour of their community would not translate into reasonable shares in education, in government service or in jobs in general. They began seeking a settlement of affairs that would assure those three parameters of growth in particular, which search in time evolved the Two Nation Theory. Although it is discredited today, it is discredited for the wrong reasons by both Pakistan and by India, and it would have been better to have drawn lessons from it before rejecting it so comprehensively.
The second development was that identity interests other than Muslim, which was then the most evolved and advanced, came to the early understanding of their quest for identity recognition and acceptance by the rest of Indian society, and for recognition in legislative terms.
In 1935, there was a comprehensive and deep-rooted reform of administration and legislation, driven by the Government of India Act of that year. What is commonly not understood by most observers outside India, this set commenting on this thread most decidedly, others as well as a general rule, as well as by most Indians and Pakistanis not fully aware of their countries' respective legislative histories, is that much of current practice in the three countries of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh is founded on this act, and the administrative experience of this act.
This was a reasonably mature stage of self-governance, and was intended to be the penultimate step before full self-governance, within a Dominion status, that is, the head of the British state would continue to be the head of state in the Dominion, but all legislative decisions would continue to be taken by the Dominion independently. In other words, the Dominions were planned to be clones of Great Britain. This was intended for India, according to some British accounts at a very late date, some 40 or 50 years later.
While from the British point of view this was a big step, from the Indian (=South Asian) point of view, it wasn't much. By this time, the movement for self-determination through a mixture of non-violent and violent means, short of military means, necessitated by the decisive British military success in suppressing the uprising of 1857, had matured into a movement for outright independence. What was a significant feature of this period was the sharply-focussed quest of various minorities for their recognition and for their protection. It is necessary to summarise this movement briefly, to address some incredibly obtuse suggestions that have been made to the effect that democracy was thrust down our throats and that we exercised no choice as a state (not as a nation, which in the South Asian context is to be read within a minority-aspirational context).
In 1857, the independence and freedom of action of the Mughal court at Delhi was sought to be re-established by a combined rebel army of Muslims and Hindus, who rose against their British officers and rallied to the court at Delhi.
There were other significant factors behind this uprising, including the suppressed anger of many Indian princely states, independent entities under the same governance as Tibet under China until 1959, that is, independent under suzerainty of another power. These Indian states were enfuriated at repeated and frequent interventions in their succession and sometimes even in their administration; like other rebellious states under suzerainty elsewhere in the world, they were of the opinion that their antiquated and mediaeval government and administrative systems should be brought to modern times in a graduated and progressive manner (each prince had a different view of what time-frame was reasonable, very advanced and progressive in Travancore-Cochin, most regressive in some others which are better not named). In turn, as in other examples in the world, their suzerain power firmly rejected this and sought to introduce earlier transition. The suzerain power sought sounder human rights, greater development and economic growth, apart from social freedom; parallels are thick on the ground.
In addition, mediaeval India, from roughly 1200 onwards, had been fought over by mercenary armies maintained by each state, and provided and led in military terms by contractors, known as 'jemadars', who were responsible for raising a fixed head of men, for whom he was paid a lump-sum by contract. Purely as a frivolous aside, these were India's warlords; suppressing them was an important objective of 1857.
This uprising was ruthlessly crushed, and the British sought out two leading groups, one representing the earlier reigning dynasty, the other the constituents of the Army which rebelled, recruits from Bihar and Oudh, to be penalised. The first reprisal was aimed at the Muslims, the second reprisal was aimed at the Bihari and upcountry recruiting reservoir. This second reprisal of the British has consequences in India even today, and these consequences are not clearly recognised even by Indian leaders. External commentators have neither the learning and knowledge nor the patience to deal with these factors, unfortunately, which leads to a lot of distorted information flowing about unchecked, largely due to an equally unaware Indian constituency.
Apart from the reprisals, the suppression taught educated Indians that for some time to come, any attempts at self-determination, the initial efforts, would have to be non-violent, or at least non-military. However, this cold shock had hardly worn out when the British took a good administrative decision but a bad political one: the partition of Bengal in 1905.
As far as this point, most initiatives in India, bar some peculiar to Muslim, some peculiar to Hindus, were united efforts of both communities. From 1905 onwards, the educated sections of the Muslim community came to lose faith in the willingness of the majority and the legislators of the majority to look after their interests. This led to the Muslim League formation; the delineating and increasingly confident expression of the Two Nation Theory, and finally, through a gut-wrenching series of manoeuvres and actions on both the Asian and British sides, to independence of a partitioned British India, and to the reversion of all states under suzerainty to completely independent status.
During this entire period, there was a strong violent movement against the British, a movement which was in no way authorised, justified or certified by either the League or the Congress. These efforts were the hallmarks of Bengal, and climaxed in the efforts of a Bengal leader seeking armed struggle, his opposition by M. K. Gandhi, and his expulsion from the Congress.
The final point that needs to be made, most clearly, is that present-day India's constitution was formed by a Constituent Assembly set up for that purpose, and which worked for two and a half years to draft the Constitution of India. The leader of this effort was a leader of a minority, a social minority, and a firm opponent of the Congress Party, and perhaps one of the brightest intellects in the sub-continent - with the possible exception of M. A. Jinnah and J. L. Nehru.
There was nothing accidental about the adoption of democracy.
Before 1949, the Chinese people had the choice either to go with CPC or KMT now in Taiwan. The people chose CPC.
There was a choice in India as well, though not as well-marked a choice.
Why your cheap labor didn't do you such a goodness? This is precisely because your system sucks.
No one who lives in communism wants to live in India.
Unfortunately, as an epigram, this one lacks bite.
No one who lives in India, not even the Communists, want to live in communism.
In fact, democratic Indias brutal suppression against its NE minorities is 100 time more ferocious than what China did in Xinjiang and Tibet, but strangely enough, it has not been publicized except by some Human Rights groups.
Check out this AFSPA enforeced in India NE:
Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
excerpt:
The reason behind this weird phenomenon is perhaps that to criticize Indias system of democracy is equivalent to criticize Western system of democracy, as Indias is a copy of Westerns, and the Act reveals the core nature of brutality in Western system.
Put very simply, the Armed Forces Special Powers Act says that while the acts of the civil authorities taking action against violent occurrences is carefully modified and governed by legislative acts, there is no such act governing the acts of the military authorities. Earlier the practice was that magistrates accompanied the military and authorised whatever was needed to be authorised, it was seen in contemporary cases that this was sometimes not possible: a magistrate cannot be stationed at every bunker, for example. Hence this AFSPA. It allows military forces to take action without reference to the civil authorities in situations where the civil authorities are unable to function.
Nothing more, nothing less.
They just suck at counter-insurgency. Maybe it's because the CCP was an insurgency at one point in its history but it understand the social factors in these conflicts much better than the Indians. As a result its counter-insurgency efforts are 90% social manipulation and 10% fear and brute force, whereas the Indian army is just clueless.
I mean what the fvck is this?
This is the worse thing you can do is act like one of them.
Before you get carried away (justifiably) by the amateur and ineffective methods that have earned your indignation, please look at the anti-terrorist campaigns of the 60s and 70s in Bengal. Their methods and success ratios may open your eyes.