What's new

Mujib was most responsible for 1971 - Bengali scholar

Lots of Pakistanis blame Yahya Khan and Bhutto for the 1971 debacle. While its true both had a role, I am concerned with the fact that Mujib and especially his party the Awami League are given a clean chit in our discussions. The Awami League was a Bengali nationalist party. The economic and political grievances they had were shared by right-wing pro-Pakistan parties in Bengal as well. But unlike the Awami League they did not commit treason. Why? Because of the ideology they had. They were willing to give Pakistan a chance and more time.

Bengali ethnic nationalism and opposition to the two-nation theory was the real cause of the 1971 debacle. Pro-Pakistan Bengali professor Dr Syed Sajjad Hussain states the same in his book "Wastes of Time." He has narrated the rise of Bengali nationalism and propaganda against the ideology of Pakistan which was carried out on a massive level in East Pakistan through the educational system and media - even with the unwitting aid of the Pakistani Government and pro-leftist civil servants such as Altaf Gahaur.

One of the best accounts of the political developments which led to the separation of East Pakistan is "The Last Days of United Pakistan" by Golam Wahed Chowdhury who was a Bengali adviser of Yahya Khan. He had first hand knowledge and insight into the political developments at the top in 1969-1971. He identifies Mujib as the premier culprit for the breakup of Pakistan. He says that he realised from discussions with him that Mujib was more interested in creating a separate Bangladesh than becoming leader of United Pakistan. The other leader he blames is Bhutto - saying he wanted power whether it be a united Pakistan or divided Pakistan. But he blames Mujib for treason more because of his collaboration with India. However, when it comes to Yahya Khan Golam Wahed Chowdhury tells us that the man was sincere but just incompetent.

I will summarise Golam Wahed Chowdhury in dot points

*During the 1965 war against India, Mujib and his henchmen in the Awami League showed utter disregard for national security and defence. When the Pakistani Government requested him for support during the war Mujib instead made treasonous remarks. Some members of the Awami League were also partaking in treasonous activities during the 1965 war. (G. W. Chowdhury quotes Mujib telling him on a later occasion that he had "no dispute with India.")

*Less than six months after the war the Awami League proposed the "Six Points" plan which envisioned Pakistan as a loose confederation. It was a veiled scheme for secession and it was opposed even by the right-wing Bengali Muslims who shared the Awami League's economic grievances and demands for autonomy.

*A detailed reading of the Six Point proposal shows that under it the federal government would only have a paper role. It would only be able to maintain control over defence and foreign affairs, but would have no financial resources to fulfil its duties even with regards to those two subjects.

*In 1968 the Pakistani Government arrested a number of persons including Mujib in connection with the Agartala Conspiracy Case but the case had to be dropped by the Government due to a popular uprising in East Pakistan without even completing the case.

*In 1969 Ayub Khan resigned and was replaced by Yahya Khan. The country was under martial law and the constitution had been abrogated. Yahya Khan acknowledged the economic and political grievances of Bengalis and was sincere in his wish to rectify them.

*Even the majority of the ruling military junta were also willing to give maximum autonomy to East Pakistan provided it would remain within united Pakistan.

*While its true that some of the generals had concerns about an unconditional transfer of power to civilian politicians and they were also concerned with Mujib's six-point plan (as were non-Awami League Bengalis), but generally from March 1969 to December 1970, the ruling military junta gave Yahya Khan a free hand in his negotiations with the politicians for the transfer of power within the framework of a united Pakistan.

*Since there was no Constitution at the time, a Legal Framework Order was instituted in 1970 so that there could be a legal basis for the elections. The National Assembly which would be elected as a result of these elections would draft the new Constitution of Pakistan.

*The conditions in the LFO were that Islam would be the ideology of Pakistan, the country would remain united, all the provinces would have autonomy but there would be sufficient powers left with the Federal Government for it to function. All parties including the Awami League signed this document.

*[G.W. Chowdhury notes here that while the Awami League pledged its allegiance to the Islamic ideology of Pakistan when it signed the 1970 LFO agreement, it went on to impose secularism on Bangladesh after its independence.]

*Mujib also promised to show Yahya Khan his party's draft constitution for Pakistan after the elections. Mujib promised Yahya Khan that he would modify and soften his Six Points scheme after the election.

*Yahya Khan also dissolved the parliament's rule of parity which gave West and East Pakistan an equal number of seats in favour of "One man, One vote" system which meant that East Pakistan could dominate the national assembly due to its larger population.

*During the year long election campaign in 1970, Mujib would publicly reaffirm his loyalty to united Pakistan. But he was not sincere.

*Intelligence services in 1970 managed to secretly tape record Mujib's discussion with his Awami League cabinet in which he said that his aim was to create Bangladesh anyway and after the elections he would tear up the LFO agreement when no one would be able to challenge him. He also referred to "foreign" (presumably Indian) help.

*Both G W Chowdhury and Yahya Khan clearly heard Mujib's voice in the recording but Yahya Khan took no action due to his incompetence.

*Right wing "Islam-pasand" (Islam-loving) political parties found it difficult to campaign in East Pakistan. Militant Awami Leaguers would disrupt and attack their meetings and rallies and the entire Bengali elite and press was on the Awami League's side.

*Even though separatist talk was outlawed by a martial law regulation, Awami Leaguers were preaching the secession of "Bangladesh" and Bengali nationalism all over East Pakistan. For example in a meeting on 14 August Dacca University students displayed the Bangladeshi flag and a map of the new country. The meeting was presided over by the university's Vice-Chancellor. When the martial law administrator Lieutenant General Yakub Khan summoned the Vice-Chancellor to explain this, the naive and incompetent Governor Admiral Ahsan intervened to save the Vice-Chancellor.

*Martial Regulation 60 banned all political groups and individuals from speaking against Pakistan's Islamic ideology or inciting regional hatred. But the Awami League breached this regulation the most and openly and violently preached regional hatred during the election campaign. Yahya Khan's repeated pleas for tolerance were ignored.

*Both foreign and Pakistani intelligence services were reporting the flow of money and arms from India to the Awami League during the election campaign to prepare it for confrontation with the Pakistan Army. Non-Awami League Bengali politicians also gave the government similar reports.

*But the incompetent Governor Ahsan was too optimistic and assured Yahya Khan that Mujib would not break up Pakistan. Yahya Khan believed Ahsan's false optimism.

*Mujib assured Yahya that the Six Points did not mean a division of the country. Yahya believed him. But G W Chowdhury obtained a copy of the premilinary draft of the Awami League constitution and saw that there was no hope for a true federal union in its six points.

*After the Bhola cyclone many Bengali politicians appealed to Yahya Khan to postpone the elections. But Mujib opposed any postponement. He also threatened that 1 million people would be killed in a confrontation if the election was postponed. Yahya gave into Mujib's blackmailing. Mujib won most East Pakistani seats.

*G W Chowdhury observed that most West Pakistanis and Army officers did not have a problem with Mujib becoming Prime Minister, as long as he would keep the country united. Many quarters even described him as "future prime minister" of Pakistan. But Mujib refused to visit West Pakistan which gave the impression to some that Mujib did not really want to become Prime Minister of a united country.

*Yahya Khan held talks with Mujib in January 1971 and described Mujib as the future Prime Minister of Pakistan.

*But in his talks with Yahya in January 1971 after the elections, Mujib refused to show Yahya Khan his party's draft
constitution, contrary to his earlier promise that he would do so.

*G W Chowdhury reminds us that all parties including Mujib had agreed prior to the elections that the constitution would be finalised before the assembly would meet.

*Mujib also did not honour his promise to Yahya Khan that he would modify his Six Points after the elections. He gave public speeches that he would not compromise on the Six Points. Yahya Khan was dismayed by Mujib's public statements and in one meeting said to G W Chowdhury "How could Sheikh Sahab betray me when I have fulfilled all his demands?"

*The military junta had given Yahya a free hand until December 1970 in formulating the transfer of power and holding elections. The junta had a "wait and see" policy. If Yahya could maintain the unity of the country they were fine. But ever since Yahya and Mujib's failed talks in January the military junta was no longer willing to remain passive.

*The election results demonstrated that neither Bhutto nor Mujib represented Pakistan as a whole so there would need to be an understanding between them (as leaders of the two largest elected parties) for the new constitution.

*Bhutto had won the lion's share of West Pakistani seats. He also won in Punjab even though he was a Sindhi. One of the differences between Mujib and Bhutto was their approach to relations with India. Bhutto was more anti-Indian in his approach. While Mujib wanted friendly relations with India.

*When an elderly Bengali politicians suggested to Mujib that Bhutto be made foreign minister in his cabinet, Mujib became angry and to that politician's dismay told him that Bhutto could be made Agricultural Minister but not a Foreign Minister.

*The military junta started favouring Bhutto as they regarded him as a better defender of the country's "national interests." They distrusted Mujib and had never forgotten his role in the Agartala Conspiracy Case. There was also the India factor mentioned above.

*Mujib accused the Army of not wanting to transfer power to him and he started calling Bhutto an Army's puppet. This was a justified accusation.

*Bhutto declared that he was boycotting the upcoming National Assembly meeting and further threatened any West Pakistani politician who would attend it.

*Yahya promised Bhutto that if Mujib was to thrust a "six-point constitution" in the Assembly against the wishes of the West Pakistani members and if Mujib's constitutional draft meant splitting the country, then he would use his Presidential power to immediately cancel the Assembly session. But Bhutto still refused to reverse his decision to boycott the National Assembly meeting.

*So once Yahya Khan decided to postpone the National Assembly meeting, G W Chowdhury wrote Yahya Khan's postponement announcement in "conciliatory" language (which promised that the postponement of the Assembly Session was only a temporary measure) so that there would be minimum provocation in East Pakistan.

*But Bhutto and General Peerzada coerced Yahya Khan to use another draft (without the conciliatory language).

*Following this postponement declaration on 1 March, Mujib and the Awami League revolted and usurped the government's authority in the province.

*While he was running East Pakistan under his parallel government, Mujib still did not officially declare independence even though senior pro-Awami League Bengali officers in the Pakistan Army were offering him a "first strike." He stalled for the final results of his "negotiations."

*At the same time he started calling the province "Bangladesh" and Pakistani flags were torn down, burnt, disrespected and replaced with Bangladeshi flags. Mujib saluted the Bangladeshi flag in a march of Bengali paramilitary units near his residence.

*Mujib was effectively already running the province as a separate country, even if he had not officially declared independence. He issued no less than 31 "Directives" on the administration of Bangladesh.

*Mujib had the loyalty of most of the Bengali soldiers in the East Bengal Regiment and East Pakistan Rifles (units of the Pakistan Army) as well as the province's police. He appointed Colonel Usmani as Commander of the "Revolutionary Forces."

*Meanwhile, Pakistan Army was also trying to fly in troops to East Pakistan (via Sri Lanka, because India had banned flights between the two wings of Pakistan after the incident of plane hijacking by some Kashmiri nationalists).

*Despite his Army Generals getting ready for a confrontation, Yahya Khan still went to East Pakistan in March to talk to and plead with Mujib at a time when East Pakistan was no longer under the government's control but Mujib's.

*Mujib used the Bangladeshi flag over the car he drove in to meet Yahya Khan. He described the President as a "guest" of Bangladesh. There were lots of provocative anti-Pakistan rallies while the negotiations between the leaders took place privately.

*Some foreign diplomats were hinting that there were already established links between Mujib's headquarters in Dacca and Indian officials. Pakistani intelligence services received many such reports.

*While Yahya Khan was making concession after concession to Mujib, the military junta was warning him of the consequences of weakening the national government. The Army Generals had historically distrusted politicians from both West and East Pakistan.

*Bhutto also arrived for talks on March 21.

*On March 22 Mujib told Yahya Khan that the Awami League would not agree to the establishment of any national government, Instead it wanted power to be transferred separately to West and East Pakistan.

*This effectively meant they were demanding that Pakistan be split into two (without explicitly mentioning secession). Yahya Khan pleaded with Mujib to withdraw his demand.

*Yahya was shocked and reminded Mujib that his pledge in 1969 was to transfer power to elected representatives, not preside over the breakup of the country. He warned Mujib that the threat to the country's territorial integrity wouldn't go unchallenged.

*The Awami League rejected Yahya Khan's draft constitution (which gave full autonomy to East Pakistan minus breakup of Pakistan) and promised to present its own draft constitution.

*It seems to G W Chowdhury that the Awami League proposal for splitting the country would now be presented more subtlety in this document deceptively titled "Confederation of Pakistan" so that the failure of the negotiations would not be blamed on the Awami League.

*Mujib and the Awami League knew that this camouflaged proposal for the breakup of Pakistan would be unacceptable to the Army, so they made confrontation inevitable. (i.e. they were trying to provoke the Army to take action and take the blame)

*On 23 March the Awami League presented its draft constitution to Yahya Khan.

*G W Chowdhury read the Awami League's draft constitution. He says that its provisions confirmed that Awami League did not believe in the unity of Pakistan and that the Six Points plan were a veiled scheme of secession after all.

*After 1971, Sheikh Mujib admitted to journalist David Frost in an interview that he had been working for Bangladeshi independence for quite some time.

-End of summary

That said, I have also read in the Bengali academic Dr M Abdul Mumin Chowdhury's book that Mujib was having second thoughts on Bangladesh in March (Gholam Wahed Chowdhury also hints in his book that Mujib was afraid of his radical colleagues in the Awami League) because he knew an independent Bangladesh would be dominated by India that is why he wanted for some time to maintain some link with Pakistan. But it was too late. He had travelled too far with India and his Awami League colleagues. Especially by the time he was released from prison after the war. And because he was afraid of his political rivals in the Awami League such as Tajuddin who were more active during the war while he was in jail, he had to make up for his lack of wartime contribution by making Pakistan look more "brutish" by exaggerating the casualties and atrocities of the war.

As for the start of Operation Searchlight, it was planned to restore the government's writ in East Pakistan and was said to be a pre-emptive action against a Bengali mutiny which the Awami League had planned for 26 March. But the operation was poorly conducted due to the Army acting out of revenge sentiments (for the atrocious treatment they, West Pakistani civilians and Biharis had received in the preceding three weeks at the hands of Bengali nationalists).

There was another operation planned earlier too, in mid-February 1970 to arrest the Awami Leaguers and deploy the military on the streets to prevent any uprising. But there is no evidence atrocities were intended. Hamoodur Rehman Commission Report also concluded the same about Operation Searchlight that atrocities were not an intended part of it.

Sources:
The Last Days of United Pakistan by Gholam Wahed Chowdhury
Wastes of Time by Professor Syed Sajjad Hussain
Behind the Myth of Three Million by Dr M Abdul Mumin Chowdhury
East Pakistan was a semi-enclave 3,000 miles away that had no ethno-cultural ties with West Pakistan, such an experiment was never viable. East Pakistan was bound to naturally separate in one way or another, now lets just move on.
 
.
East Pakistan was a semi-enclave 3,000 miles away that had no ethno-cultural ties with West Pakistan, such an experiment was never viable. East Pakistan was bound to naturally separate in one way or another, now lets just move on.





What is being discussed here has literally been discussed to death many thousands of times before. It is completely pointless........... :disagree:
 
Last edited:
.
What is being discussed her has literally been discussed many thousands of times before. It is completely pointless........... :disagree:
Only point here is when an Indian slave traitor like Mujib reappears every now and then, what Pak's gonna do? Feed them or crush them!!! The rest doesn't count...
 
. .
Bhutto in 1971 was not the leader of west Pakistan. His party was hardly in majority in west Pakistan but still he wanted to hijack the process and forcefully wanted to become PM.
All the other parties with lot of seats in the west Pakistan supported Mujeeb to form the next government.
No matter what we are told but these facts would never change.

Bhutto's faults are known. When will we recognise that Mujib was a traitor? He was a Bengali nationalist first and last with no true loyalty to Pakistan. Why else did he tell his Awami League cabinet during the 1970 elections that his aim was to establish Bangladesh and tear up the LFO after the elections? Intelligence agencies showed these tape recordings to Yahya Khan in 1970 but unfortunately he took no action.
East Pakistan was a semi-enclave 3,000 miles away that had no ethno-cultural ties with West Pakistan, such an experiment was never viable. East Pakistan was bound to naturally separate in one way or another, now lets just move on.

Here is a viewpoint from Professor Syed Sajjad Hossain who was a pro-Pakistan Bengali in his book Wastes of Time:

"Finally, if Mr Zaheer has perceived nothing anomalous in the yoking of the Bengali Hindus of West Bengal with Punjabi Sikhs and Hindus, where was the illogically of the Muslims of East and West Pakistan forming a single state?"

"What, on the contrary, the Awami Leaguers, assisted by the left-wing journalists, fanned all the time was the cult of Bengali nationalism. Here again their dishonesty was transparently plain. They didn’t contend that the entire subcontinent needed reorganizing on linguistic lines, or that each major language group in Pakistan and India called for recognition as a separate nationality with a right to self-determination. The theory was applied to the Bengalis of Pakistan only. The Bengalis in West Bengal in India could stay where they were; the Marathis, the Tamils, the Andhras---all belonged to the Indian nation and nothing illogical could be seen in their union into a single State of the disparate language groups which inhabited India. The Nagas ethnically, linguistically and culturally differed from the rest of India but they received no support, although they had been struggling for secession since 1947; their leader Dr Phizo lived in exile in London, while Indian tanks, armoured cars, heavy artillery and bombs helped ‘pacify’ Naga villages. The disputed area of Kashmir was also left severely alone. No, India had a right to be one, and anyone who pleaded for pluralism either politically or culturally was a reactionary. But Pakistan with precisely the same demographic composition as India had to be viewed differently. Never in political history before has the jaundiced eye been so powerfully at work as in India and Pakistan, weighing the same problems in the two countries in different scales and insisting on different conclusion.

However insincere the motive of the Awami Leaguers, the cult of Bengali nationalism grew from strength to strength, owing to a combination of fortuitous circumstances. The first of these was the geographical distance between the two wings. The second was the failure of the Central Government to comprehend the nature of the nationalism and predict its course. The third was the habit politicians in the West Wing developed of administering pin-pricks to East Pakistanis which served to irritate and annoy. The fourth was the government’s unwillingness to refute the lies about the economic situation sedulously spread by the enemy. The fifth was an attitude of guilty- mindedness among West-Wing politicians and administrators towards the end. The sixth, and most dangerous of all, was the complacent belief that nothing could really shake Pakistan’s foundations. The seventh and last was utter ignorance in the upper echelons of the administration of the forces gathering against Pakistan on the international front."

We need to learn from this history. Otherwise, we are destined to repeat it,
 
Last edited:
. . . .
We should discuss this issue with a serious aim to make aware to our people the facts of 1971. Too many of us believe wholeheartedly the BD narrative.

@Pan-Islamic-Pakistan Have you read "Wastes of Time" by Professor Syed Sajjad Hussain (a Bengali). It is an eye opening read which should be compulsory for all Pakistanis so we can learn from history.

He blames Pakistanis for being naive about the Awami League and Bengali nationalists. One of the factors which he says contributed to Bengali nationalism gaining strength is the self-blaming trend among West Pakistani politicians and administrators, especially in the last years of United Pakistan. It seems our self-hate emboldened the Bengali nationalists.

He also narrates how the Pakistani Government unwittingly allowed leftists to propagate separatism, Bengali nationalism and other ideas hostile to the Islamic ideology of Pakistan through the official organs and media. The government of Pakistan did nothing while Bengali nationalists did propaganda for years against the ideology of Pakistan and the two nation theory.

He particularly blames Altaf Gauhar, Ayub Khan's West Pakistani adviser, who he says was not loyal to the ideology of Pakistan and gave patronage to Bengali leftists.

Dr Syed Sajjad Hossain in one place comments that the non-Bengali industrialist families in East Pakistan funded the Awami League campaign, thinking that Bengalis wanted a share in the wealth they had been denied due to "exploitation." Dr Hossain says about these naive non-Bengalis: "Of the grim and sinister spectre of Bengali racialism they had no idea."
 
.
Lots of Pakistanis blame Yahya Khan and Bhutto for the 1971 debacle. While its true both had a role, I am concerned with the fact that Mujib and especially his party the Awami League are given a clean chit in our discussions. The Awami League was a Bengali nationalist party. The economic and political grievances they had were shared by right-wing pro-Pakistan parties in Bengal as well. But unlike the Awami League they did not commit treason. Why? Because of the ideology they had. They were willing to give Pakistan a chance and more time.

Bengali ethnic nationalism and opposition to the two-nation theory was the real cause of the 1971 debacle. Pro-Pakistan Bengali professor Dr Syed Sajjad Hussain states the same in his book "Wastes of Time." He has narrated the rise of Bengali nationalism and propaganda against the ideology of Pakistan which was carried out on a massive level in East Pakistan through the educational system and media - even with the unwitting aid of the Pakistani Government and pro-leftist civil servants such as Altaf Gahaur.

One of the best accounts of the political developments which led to the separation of East Pakistan is "The Last Days of United Pakistan" by Golam Wahed Chowdhury who was a Bengali adviser of Yahya Khan. He had first hand knowledge and insight into the political developments at the top in 1969-1971. He identifies Mujib as the premier culprit for the breakup of Pakistan. He says that he realised from discussions with him that Mujib was more interested in creating a separate Bangladesh than becoming leader of United Pakistan. The other leader he blames is Bhutto - saying he wanted power whether it be a united Pakistan or divided Pakistan. But he blames Mujib for treason more because of his collaboration with India. However, when it comes to Yahya Khan Golam Wahed Chowdhury tells us that the man was sincere but just incompetent.

I will summarise Golam Wahed Chowdhury in dot points

*During the 1965 war against India, Mujib and his henchmen in the Awami League showed utter disregard for national security and defence. When the Pakistani Government requested him for support during the war Mujib instead made treasonous remarks. Some members of the Awami League were also partaking in treasonous activities during the 1965 war. (G. W. Chowdhury quotes Mujib telling him on a later occasion that he had "no dispute with India.")

*Less than six months after the war the Awami League proposed the "Six Points" plan which envisioned Pakistan as a loose confederation. It was a veiled scheme for secession and it was opposed even by the right-wing Bengali Muslims who shared the Awami League's economic grievances and demands for autonomy.

*A detailed reading of the Six Point proposal shows that under it the federal government would only have a paper role. It would only be able to maintain control over defence and foreign affairs, but would have no financial resources to fulfil its duties even with regards to those two subjects.

*In 1968 the Pakistani Government arrested a number of persons including Mujib in connection with the Agartala Conspiracy Case but the case had to be dropped by the Government due to a popular uprising in East Pakistan without even completing the case.

*In 1969 Ayub Khan resigned and was replaced by Yahya Khan. The country was under martial law and the constitution had been abrogated. Yahya Khan acknowledged the economic and political grievances of Bengalis and was sincere in his wish to rectify them.

*Even the majority of the ruling military junta were also willing to give maximum autonomy to East Pakistan provided it would remain within united Pakistan.

*While its true that some of the generals had concerns about an unconditional transfer of power to civilian politicians and they were also concerned with Mujib's six-point plan (as were non-Awami League Bengalis), but generally from March 1969 to December 1970, the ruling military junta gave Yahya Khan a free hand in his negotiations with the politicians for the transfer of power within the framework of a united Pakistan.

*Since there was no Constitution at the time, a Legal Framework Order was instituted in 1970 so that there could be a legal basis for the elections. The National Assembly which would be elected as a result of these elections would draft the new Constitution of Pakistan.

*The conditions in the LFO were that Islam would be the ideology of Pakistan, the country would remain united, all the provinces would have autonomy but there would be sufficient powers left with the Federal Government for it to function. All parties including the Awami League signed this document.

*[G.W. Chowdhury notes here that while the Awami League pledged its allegiance to the Islamic ideology of Pakistan when it signed the 1970 LFO agreement, it went on to impose secularism on Bangladesh after its independence.]

*Mujib also promised to show Yahya Khan his party's draft constitution for Pakistan after the elections. Mujib promised Yahya Khan that he would modify and soften his Six Points scheme after the election.

*Yahya Khan also dissolved the parliament's rule of parity which gave West and East Pakistan an equal number of seats in favour of "One man, One vote" system which meant that East Pakistan could dominate the national assembly due to its larger population.

*During the year long election campaign in 1970, Mujib would publicly reaffirm his loyalty to united Pakistan. But he was not sincere.

*Intelligence services in 1970 managed to secretly tape record Mujib's discussion with his Awami League cabinet in which he said that his aim was to create Bangladesh anyway and after the elections he would tear up the LFO agreement when no one would be able to challenge him. He also referred to "foreign" (presumably Indian) help.

*Both G W Chowdhury and Yahya Khan clearly heard Mujib's voice in the recording but Yahya Khan took no action due to his incompetence.

*Right wing "Islam-pasand" (Islam-loving) political parties found it difficult to campaign in East Pakistan. Militant Awami Leaguers would disrupt and attack their meetings and rallies and the entire Bengali elite and press was on the Awami League's side.

*Even though separatist talk was outlawed by a martial law regulation, Awami Leaguers were preaching the secession of "Bangladesh" and Bengali nationalism all over East Pakistan. For example in a meeting on 14 August Dacca University students displayed the Bangladeshi flag and a map of the new country. The meeting was presided over by the university's Vice-Chancellor. When the martial law administrator Lieutenant General Yakub Khan summoned the Vice-Chancellor to explain this, the naive and incompetent Governor Admiral Ahsan intervened to save the Vice-Chancellor.

*Martial Regulation 60 banned all political groups and individuals from speaking against Pakistan's Islamic ideology or inciting regional hatred. But the Awami League breached this regulation the most and openly and violently preached regional hatred during the election campaign. Yahya Khan's repeated pleas for tolerance were ignored.

*Both foreign and Pakistani intelligence services were reporting the flow of money and arms from India to the Awami League during the election campaign to prepare it for confrontation with the Pakistan Army. Non-Awami League Bengali politicians also gave the government similar reports.

*But the incompetent Governor Ahsan was too optimistic and assured Yahya Khan that Mujib would not break up Pakistan. Yahya Khan believed Ahsan's false optimism.

*Mujib assured Yahya that the Six Points did not mean a division of the country. Yahya believed him. But G W Chowdhury obtained a copy of the premilinary draft of the Awami League constitution and saw that there was no hope for a true federal union in its six points.

*After the Bhola cyclone many Bengali politicians appealed to Yahya Khan to postpone the elections. But Mujib opposed any postponement. He also threatened that 1 million people would be killed in a confrontation if the election was postponed. Yahya gave into Mujib's blackmailing. Mujib won most East Pakistani seats.

*G W Chowdhury observed that most West Pakistanis and Army officers did not have a problem with Mujib becoming Prime Minister, as long as he would keep the country united. Many quarters even described him as "future prime minister" of Pakistan. But Mujib refused to visit West Pakistan which gave the impression to some that Mujib did not really want to become Prime Minister of a united country.

*Yahya Khan held talks with Mujib in January 1971 and described Mujib as the future Prime Minister of Pakistan.

*But in his talks with Yahya in January 1971 after the elections, Mujib refused to show Yahya Khan his party's draft
constitution, contrary to his earlier promise that he would do so.

*G W Chowdhury reminds us that all parties including Mujib had agreed prior to the elections that the constitution would be finalised before the assembly would meet.

*Mujib also did not honour his promise to Yahya Khan that he would modify his Six Points after the elections. He gave public speeches that he would not compromise on the Six Points. Yahya Khan was dismayed by Mujib's public statements and in one meeting said to G W Chowdhury "How could Sheikh Sahab betray me when I have fulfilled all his demands?"

*The military junta had given Yahya a free hand until December 1970 in formulating the transfer of power and holding elections. The junta had a "wait and see" policy. If Yahya could maintain the unity of the country they were fine. But ever since Yahya and Mujib's failed talks in January the military junta was no longer willing to remain passive.

*The election results demonstrated that neither Bhutto nor Mujib represented Pakistan as a whole so there would need to be an understanding between them (as leaders of the two largest elected parties) for the new constitution.

*Bhutto had won the lion's share of West Pakistani seats. He also won in Punjab even though he was a Sindhi. One of the differences between Mujib and Bhutto was their approach to relations with India. Bhutto was more anti-Indian in his approach. While Mujib wanted friendly relations with India.

*When an elderly Bengali politicians suggested to Mujib that Bhutto be made foreign minister in his cabinet, Mujib became angry and to that politician's dismay told him that Bhutto could be made Agricultural Minister but not a Foreign Minister.

*The military junta started favouring Bhutto as they regarded him as a better defender of the country's "national interests." They distrusted Mujib and had never forgotten his role in the Agartala Conspiracy Case. There was also the India factor mentioned above.

*Mujib accused the Army of not wanting to transfer power to him and he started calling Bhutto an Army's puppet. This was a justified accusation.

*Bhutto declared that he was boycotting the upcoming National Assembly meeting and further threatened any West Pakistani politician who would attend it.

*Yahya promised Bhutto that if Mujib was to thrust a "six-point constitution" in the Assembly against the wishes of the West Pakistani members and if Mujib's constitutional draft meant splitting the country, then he would use his Presidential power to immediately cancel the Assembly session. But Bhutto still refused to reverse his decision to boycott the National Assembly meeting.

*So once Yahya Khan decided to postpone the National Assembly meeting, G W Chowdhury wrote Yahya Khan's postponement announcement in "conciliatory" language (which promised that the postponement of the Assembly Session was only a temporary measure) so that there would be minimum provocation in East Pakistan.

*But Bhutto and General Peerzada coerced Yahya Khan to use another draft (without the conciliatory language).

*Following this postponement declaration on 1 March, Mujib and the Awami League revolted and usurped the government's authority in the province.

*While he was running East Pakistan under his parallel government, Mujib still did not officially declare independence even though senior pro-Awami League Bengali officers in the Pakistan Army were offering him a "first strike." He stalled for the final results of his "negotiations."

*At the same time he started calling the province "Bangladesh" and Pakistani flags were torn down, burnt, disrespected and replaced with Bangladeshi flags. Mujib saluted the Bangladeshi flag in a march of Bengali paramilitary units near his residence.

*Mujib was effectively already running the province as a separate country, even if he had not officially declared independence. He issued no less than 31 "Directives" on the administration of Bangladesh.

*Mujib had the loyalty of most of the Bengali soldiers in the East Bengal Regiment and East Pakistan Rifles (units of the Pakistan Army) as well as the province's police. He appointed Colonel Usmani as Commander of the "Revolutionary Forces."

*Meanwhile, Pakistan Army was also trying to fly in troops to East Pakistan (via Sri Lanka, because India had banned flights between the two wings of Pakistan after the incident of plane hijacking by some Kashmiri nationalists).

*Despite his Army Generals getting ready for a confrontation, Yahya Khan still went to East Pakistan in March to talk to and plead with Mujib at a time when East Pakistan was no longer under the government's control but Mujib's.

*Mujib used the Bangladeshi flag over the car he drove in to meet Yahya Khan. He described the President as a "guest" of Bangladesh. There were lots of provocative anti-Pakistan rallies while the negotiations between the leaders took place privately.

*Some foreign diplomats were hinting that there were already established links between Mujib's headquarters in Dacca and Indian officials. Pakistani intelligence services received many such reports.

*While Yahya Khan was making concession after concession to Mujib, the military junta was warning him of the consequences of weakening the national government. The Army Generals had historically distrusted politicians from both West and East Pakistan.

*Bhutto also arrived for talks on March 21.

*On March 22 Mujib told Yahya Khan that the Awami League would not agree to the establishment of any national government, Instead it wanted power to be transferred separately to West and East Pakistan.

*This effectively meant they were demanding that Pakistan be split into two (without explicitly mentioning secession). Yahya Khan pleaded with Mujib to withdraw his demand.

*Yahya was shocked and reminded Mujib that his pledge in 1969 was to transfer power to elected representatives, not preside over the breakup of the country. He warned Mujib that the threat to the country's territorial integrity wouldn't go unchallenged.

*The Awami League rejected Yahya Khan's draft constitution (which gave full autonomy to East Pakistan minus breakup of Pakistan) and promised to present its own draft constitution.

*It seems to G W Chowdhury that the Awami League proposal for splitting the country would now be presented more subtlety in this document deceptively titled "Confederation of Pakistan" so that the failure of the negotiations would not be blamed on the Awami League.

*Mujib and the Awami League knew that this camouflaged proposal for the breakup of Pakistan would be unacceptable to the Army, so they made confrontation inevitable. (i.e. they were trying to provoke the Army to take action and take the blame)

*On 23 March the Awami League presented its draft constitution to Yahya Khan.

*G W Chowdhury read the Awami League's draft constitution. He says that its provisions confirmed that Awami League did not believe in the unity of Pakistan and that the Six Points plan were a veiled scheme of secession after all.

*After 1971, Sheikh Mujib admitted to journalist David Frost in an interview that he had been working for Bangladeshi independence for quite some time.

-End of summary

That said, I have also read in the Bengali academic Dr M Abdul Mumin Chowdhury's book that Mujib was having second thoughts on Bangladesh in March (Gholam Wahed Chowdhury also hints in his book that Mujib was afraid of his radical colleagues in the Awami League) because he knew an independent Bangladesh would be dominated by India that is why he wanted for some time to maintain some link with Pakistan. But it was too late. He had travelled too far with India and his Awami League colleagues. Especially by the time he was released from prison after the war. And because he was afraid of his political rivals in the Awami League such as Tajuddin who were more active during the war while he was in jail, he had to make up for his lack of wartime contribution by making Pakistan look more "brutish" by exaggerating the casualties and atrocities of the war.

As for the start of Operation Searchlight, it was planned to restore the government's writ in East Pakistan and was said to be a pre-emptive action against a Bengali mutiny which the Awami League had planned for 26 March. But the operation was poorly conducted due to the Army acting out of revenge sentiments (for the atrocious treatment they, West Pakistani civilians and Biharis had received in the preceding three weeks at the hands of Bengali nationalists).

There was another operation planned earlier too, in mid-February 1970 to arrest the Awami Leaguers and deploy the military on the streets to prevent any uprising. But there is no evidence atrocities were intended. Hamoodur Rehman Commission Report also concluded the same about Operation Searchlight that atrocities were not an intended part of it.

Sources:
The Last Days of United Pakistan by Gholam Wahed Chowdhury
Wastes of Time by Professor Syed Sajjad Hussain
Behind the Myth of Three Million by Dr M Abdul Mumin Chowdhury
Good analysis but completely ignores the Ayub and Sikandar Mirza factor. In 1954 first elections were held in East Pakistan and their elected govt was abolished only months later citing "conspiracy". Naturally this led to distrust among East Pakistanis against West Pakistanis that boiled over in 1971.
 
.
mujib or no mujib east pakistan have to leave us one day in 1971 1981 or 2071 . they have diffrent culture dress food language and almost everything different from west pakistan . i am happy they leave us but i am not happy how this happened . after 1947 we should make them a free country by ourselves rather then all this mess .lets move on now .

it was far away from day one to reach
pakistan to bangladesh 1790km

then look this one all these are closer to us then BD .

pakistan to iraq-1264km
pakistan to Kuwait 1245km
pakistan to baharain 1053km
pakistan to Saudi Arabia 1152km
pakistan to UAE 575KM
pakistan to Oman 382km
pakistan to Yemen 1270km
pakistan to turkemnistan 660km
pakistan to Uzbekistan 354km
pakistan to Tajikistan 30km
pakistan to kyergistan 314km
pakistan to kazakhistan 544km
pakistan to Nepal 611km
pakistan to magnolia 1624km
pakistan to russia 1654km
 
Last edited:
.
Good analysis but completely ignores the Ayub and Sikandar Mirza factor. In 1954 first elections were held in East Pakistan and their elected govt was abolished only months later citing "conspiracy". Naturally this led to distrust among East Pakistanis against West Pakistanis that boiled over in 1971.

It was a summary of Gholam Wahed Chowdhary's book which focuses on the 1969-1971 period and shows Mujib's dishonest game (as well as Bhutto's) while Yahya tried to be fair. As for the "distrust" factor I advise you to read Professor Syed Sajjad Hussain's "Wastes of Time."
mujib or no mujib east pakistan have to leave us one day in 1971 1981 or 2071 . they have diffrent culture dress food language and almost everything different from west pakistan . i am happy they leave us but i am not happy how this happened . lets move on now .

But we have to learn from history instead of self-blame. Otherwise we can never stop future treason by elements in our country. That is purpose of this post.
 
.
This post is more for us Pakistanis to get over the self-blame.

50 years has passed, all have moved on.

New generation, new mentality and new promises. Start the chapter afresh, all will benefit from a spirit of fellow-feeling and cooperation in all spheres.

Pakistanis and Bangladeshis will need to be brothers and sisters for each others' benefit.

Maybe our faces are a little different, but hearts are in the same place.
 
.
50 years has passed, all have moved on.

New generation, new mentality and new promises. Start the chapter afresh, all will benefit from a spirit of fellow-feeling and cooperation in all spheres.

Pakistanis and Bangladeshis will need to be brothers and sisters for each others' benefit.

Maybe our faces are a little different, but hearts are in the same place.

Moving on is not the point here. Both Pakistanis and Bangladeshis have moved on. But Pakistanis need to learn their history to avoid repetition of the same errors.
 
.
Why do we try to milk the cow that died 50 years ago? Move on
@LeGenD bro please lock this head as it’s fodder for troll fest
Why do we try to milk the cow that died 50 years ago? Move on
@LeGenD bro please lock this head as it’s fodder for troll fest

Yeh put in martial to stop bengalis voting for who they want I power for ex-united Pakistan. Economically exploit bd for its garments exports in the 50' 60's including jute. Take out money of east pak, then stop bengalis from voting who they want in power.

The fault lies with west pak leaders end of, any way inshallal bd will surpass the three despot nations to the east and west.

50 years has passed, all have moved on.

New generation, new mentality and new promises. Start the chapter afresh, all will benefit from a spirit of fellow-feeling and cooperation in all spheres.

Pakistanis and Bangladeshis will need to be brothers and sisters for each others' benefit.

Maybe our faces are a little different, but hearts are in the same place.

Fellow Bangladeshi members, I recommend you sit back and watch the show without posting. Some Pakistanis are desperate to find relief by washing their hands off any responsibility and as usual blame India for everything.

Let them have it.

You see the same tendency with many Indians.

We are a separate nation now. What Indians or Pakistanis think has no material impact on us.
 
.

Pakistan Affairs Latest Posts

Back
Top Bottom