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Mujib was most responsible for 1971 - Bengali scholar

No one cares about what these Bangladeshi uncle Toms have to say in BD. These are just aged sore losers on the side that lost. When they're dead, they'll be forgotten.
Two of the sources (Dr Syed Sajjad Hossain and Dr Gholam Wahed Chowdhary) passed away decades ago.
 
Ab jo hogaya so hogaya. These articles won't change the reality, which is that Bangladesh is doing much better than us.

Aray bhai, nations rise and fall all the time. We will do better for ourselves eventually Insha Allah. But what does the current reality of Bangladesh have to do with identifying and apportioning blame for the political crisis which broke Pakistan in 1971? Lets not mix the issues.
 
Ab jo hogaya so hogaya. These articles won't change the reality, which is that Bangladesh is doing much better than us.

You can attribute the economic difference to our involvement in Afghan war and their political stability (which is again an exaggerated point because Sri Lanka thrived even with their Tamil civil war). But the fact is they're doing better than us in all other social metrics, such as female rights, literacy and child healthcare, as well.


Put your head down and get to work. This country needs a roadmap of atleast 20 years. Gimmicks like these articles are just a way to keep living in your bubble.

The 1971 war was totally avoidable. It's not like I'm dreaming up some imaginary reality. E Pakistan was a part of our country and if we had stayed together, we would have been a much stronger country. It was something that was totally avoidable if it weren't for the racial arrogance of the junta and ruling elite at that time.

Sorry if it hurts your patriotic bubble.

If this if that if if if. It's because of this attitude why Pakistan is doing so poorly in all the things you mentioned. You're literally the source of the problems you're mentioning.
 
If this if that if if if. It's because of this attitude why Pakistan is doing so poorly in all the things you mentioned. You're literally the source of the problems you're mentioning.
No. I have made peace with it. I sometimes wonder what it would have been like if we were united and been the 3rd largest country of the world and the largest Muslim country. But that's it.

I'm saying this because that pre 1971 thinking still pervades. We are more concerned about Kashmir than the regions we actually have. People probably know more about what's going on Srinagar than FATA, GB and Balochistan.
 
Greenland, Alaska are separated by thousands of miles from Denmark and USA. Culture, language etc are different in those regions too. Yet they seem to be united and are not seeking independence. So please stop calling establishment of Pakistan in East and West a mistake. Had our military leaders not imposed martial laws and let grassroots democracy grow naturally, we would still have East Pakistan

Awami League was born out of events in 1954 where East Pakistan's first elected govt was dismissed after only a month in power:
"The dismissal of the United Front was a key turning point in aggravating East Pakistan's grievances in the Pakistani union, and lead Maulana Bhashani to openly call for separation and independence in 1957, in his Salaam, Pakistan (Farewell, Pakistan) speech."
you are implying civilized socities method on these cattle ? how its fair sir ? south asians are 3rd world totally ignorant socities .if i am wrong then please tell me how its failed with in 20 years with civil war rape killing and chaos ? in fact history prove it that it was bad idea .
 
No. I have made peace with it. I sometimes wonder what it would have been like if we were united and been the 3rd largest country of the world and the largest Muslim country. But that's it.

I'm saying this because that pre 1971 thinking still pervades. We are more concerned about Kashmir than the regions we actually have. People probably know more about what's going on Srinagar than FATA, GB and Balochistan.






It would help if REAL Pakistanis were analysing the situation and speaking about the ground realities rather than indian trolls MASQUERADING as Pakistanis............ :disagree:


Are REAL Pakistanis and residents of Karachi still using the term "Karachiites"..............:rofl::rofl::rofl:
 
It is just Black and White people story in USA.... The diff however is that if we have Nuke back in 1971 like USA then it is same situation like the protest for racism.
 
The term GHADDER and CORRUPT were first introduced in Pakistan by Field Marshall Ayub Khan. I can write a book on it but will leave it for some other occasion. The almighty Junta pushed Mujeeb into the corner for siding with Fatima Jinnah. And when his cadres were being killed as a last resort he crossed the line.
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The term GHADDER and CORRUPT were first introduced in Pakistan by Field Marshall Ayub Khan. I can write a book on it but will leave it for some other occasion. The almighty Junta pushed Mujeeb into the corner for siding with Fatima Jinnah. And when his cadres were being killed as a last resort he crossed the line.
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Lets not go there. Mujib's crossing of the line is said to date much earlier to this. For instance, Bangladeshi journalist Syed Badrul Ahsan recounts that Mujib asked Suhrawardy about the idea of a sovereign East Pakistan in the 1950s. Of course, Suhrawardy repudiated him as he was the Premier of the country. But to think that the Awami League was completely sincere with united Pakistan is naive.

Even before the establishment of Pakistan Suhrawady and the socialist (Abul Hashim-Suhrawardy) faction of the Muslim League also the forerunner of Awami League) were talking of a separate sovereign United Bengal. Thus revealing the ideological germ that bent them towards secession later. Their patriotism was always compromised. In contrast, the conservative faction of the Muslim League in Bengal under Khawaja Nazimuddin which advocated for a single Pakistan remained loyal even in 1971.
 
But to think that the Awami League was completely sincere with united Pakistan is naive.
I think you need to browse the Internet and go through hundreds of his speeches in favor of Pakistan during the Fatima Jinnah presidential campaign and before. But then the mentor of Muslim Leaque in Bengal, the presenter of Pakistan Resolution in 1940 ,Molvi Fazalul Haq was also declared a Ghaddar.
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Lets not go there. Mujib's crossing of the line is said to date much earlier to this. For instance, Bangladeshi journalist Syed Badrul Ahsan recounts that Mujib asked Suhrawardy about the idea of a sovereign East Pakistan in the 1950s. Of course, Suhrawardy repudiated him as he was the Premier of the country. But to think that the Awami League was completely sincere with united Pakistan is naive.

Even before the establishment of Pakistan Suhrawady and the socialist (Abul Hashim-Suhrawardy) faction of the Muslim League also the forerunner of Awami League) were talking of a separate sovereign United Bengal. Thus revealing the ideological germ that bent them towards secession later. Their patriotism was always compromised. In contrast, the conservative faction of the Muslim League in Bengal under Khawaja Nazimuddin which advocated for a single Pakistan remained loyal even in 1971.
Tou bhai it was the establishment's fault for letting things get so bad. You're going to neglect the population tou obviously they'll fall into the trap of someone who speaks for them.

It's exactly what happened in Karachi. Why did you have educated people supporting MQM- people (boys and girls alike) with bachelors and masters degree joining MQM? The sense of alienation was too large.

Don't pin it on Mujeeb. It was the establishment's fault. Yahya was having obscene parties with Noor Jehan and Lollywood singers while there was a cyclone in East Pakistan.
 
Tou bhai it was the establishment's fault for letting things get so bad. You're going to neglect the population tou obviously they'll fall into the trap of someone who speaks for them.

It's exactly what happened in Karachi. Why did you have educated people supporting MQM- people (boys and girls alike) with bachelors and masters degree joining MQM? The sense of alienation was too large.

Don't pin it on Mujeeb. It was the establishment's fault. Yahya was having obscene parties with Noor Jehan and Lollywood singers while there was a cyclone in East Pakistan.

I agree establishment had a role in it but we can't neglect the bad faith of the other side. Pakistan was ultimately broken because of (in Professor Syed Sajjad Hossain's words): "betrayal, treachery, foolishness, myopia, deception on one side (Bengali) and lack of forethought, unconcern, ignorance, want of sympathy, arrogance on the other (Pakistani)"

Some passages from Hossain's "Wastes of Time" which are pertinent here. They illuminate how the Pakistani establishment failed to take timely action against the Awami League, leftists and those who were opposed to the ideology of Pakistan.

"The myth sedulously propagated by the Awami League had aimed at painting the progress that took place in the Pakistan period as retrogression. Facts were suppressed; statistics distorted; and people were persuaded that East Pakistan was being ruthlessly exploited by the non-Bengali businessmen who had invested millions in this area. Investment which East Pakistan badly needed was termed capitalistic exploitation. How the province could have got on without outside capital, how the new industries could have been financed, where the entrepreneurial skills would have come from were questions conveniently avoided. The worst and most vocal critics of the Pakistan regime were the new class of Bengali capitalists nursed into existence by the Central Government. Forgetting how they had come into being, they started fretting at the presence of non-Bengali rivals and dreaming of growing richer overnight by throwing them out."

"However insincere the motive of the Awami Leaguers, the cult of Bengali nationalism grew from strength to strength, owing to a combination of fortuitous circumstances. The first of these was the geographical distance between the two wings. The second was the failure of the Central Government to comprehend the nature of the nationalism and predict its course. The third was the habit politicians in the West Wing developed of administering pin-pricks to East Pakistanis which served to irritate and annoy. The fourth was the government’s unwillingness to refute the lies about the economic situation sedulously spread by the enemy. The fifth was an attitude of guilty- mindedness among West-Wing politicians and administrators towards the end. The sixth, and most dangerous of all, was the complacent belief that nothing could really shake Pakistan’s foundations. The seventh and last was utter ignorance in the upper echelons of the administration of the forces gathering against Pakistan on the international front"

Dainik Pakistan, the Bengali Daily founded and owned by the Press Trust of Pakistan, was manned almost exclusively by leftists. Anyone who knew Bengali well enough to understand subtle hints, allusions, innuendoes and understatements, could see how the campaign against Pakistan was being conducted through an official organ. It was no use pointing these things out to the administration. The enemies controlled both Press and administration. Outsiders would consider this an unbelievable paradox: a government wedded to Islam and the ideology of Pakistan trying on the one hand to counteract to campaign against them and on the other encouraging and promoting activities calculated to bring about results they were most anxious to avoid. For proof one has only to examine the files of the Dainik Pakistan and also to a lesser degree ‘Morning News’, another Press Trust News paper. As long as Morning News continued to have a non-Bengali nationalism, but the news columns which Bengali editor, its editorial columns were at least immune from the virus of Bengali nationalism, but the news columns which Bengali reporters filled with their poison spouted forth a candid stream of lies calculated to sustain the myth of colonial subjugation by the West Wing. It shows how things drifted in Pakistan and how the leftists came to power in East Pakistan with the blessings and support of the West Pakistanis themselves. It also throws light on the reasons why the language movement grew from strength to strength, thriving on the nourishment it received from the Centre itself.

You could engage in intrigues against the state, and express as a student sentiments prejudicial to the continuance of Pakistan, and yet claim the indulgence of the state you sought to destroy on the ground that whatever you did as a young man was to be condoned as youthful exuberance. Mr. A. K. M. Ahsan, one of the three or four young men who insulted the Quaid-e-Azam at the 1948 Convocation was not only appointed to the CSP but in 1970 when General Yahya was looking ground for some East Pakistani civilians to be promoted to the position of Secretary in the Central Secretariat, he figured on the list a handsome reward for his subversive activities, indeed! Likewise, Mr. Rab, another person promoted to the same position, was well-known for his rabid antipathy towards the ideology of Pakistan.

A third mystery which future historians have to probe is why non-Bengali industrialists in East Pakistan, the Adamjees and Isphahanis and others, went out of their way to finance Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s campaign. Was it fear of a triumphant and revengeful Awami League that actuated them? Was it any sympathy with the Awami League’s principles? The latter explanation must be rejected out of hand as being too implausible. But if it was fear and the belief that support for the Awami League was a sort of long-term investment which accounts for the pouring of the wealth of these misguided business houses into the Awami League coffers, one can only smile in retrospect, at their lack of understanding, at their utter failure to comprehend the nature of the forces operating on the political plane. Sheikh Mujib in his speeches had been saying openly that he wanted an end to exploitation. The Adamjees and Ispahanis thought that what the Bengalis behind the Sheikh demanded was a share in the fleshpots. Of the grim and sinister spectre of Bengali racialism they had no idea.

The Central and provincial governments in their turn contributed no little to the Awami League’s strength. President Ayub, apparently in a move designed to conciliate the Bengalis, declared the removal of inter-wing economic disparities to be one of the administration’s constitutional responsibilities. Acting obviously under instructions for him, Mr. Monem Khan, governor of East Pakistan, dilated upon these disparities in every speech he made, pointing out that their real architect was Chaudhary Muhamma Ali. The idea seems to have been to achieve two objects simultaneously, to score off Chaudhri Mohammad Ali, one of President Ayub’s political enemies, and to underline the Government’s genuine anxiety to grapple with a problem they had received as a legacy from the former premier. The effect of the governor’s speeches was, however, entirely contrary to that which he intended. The Awami League was seen to be a true champion of East Pakistan’s interest and its campaign appeared based on introvertible facts. Secondly, the Awami League was again seen to be right in its demand that East Pakistan must be granted almost the status of a self-governing dominion in order to be able adequately to counteract central neglect and exploitation

To our surprise and agony, the Press, radio, TV and other mass communication media mounted a direct offensive against the ideology of Pakistan which left us breathless. The Government seemed powerless to intervene, or to care. Day by day the situation grew worse. The group which dominated the radio, TV and press, ---- consisting of such persons as Munir Chowdhury, Rafiqul Islam, Sirajul Islam Chowdhury, Neelima Ibrahim---- who all belonged to Dacca University---- constituted themselves into the guardians of Bengali culture assuming the responsibility of unearthing conspiracies against it and exposing the foes

I think you need to browse the Internet and go through hundreds of his speeches in favor of Pakistan during the Fatima Jinnah presidential campaign and before. But then the mentor of Muslim Leaque in Bengal, the presenter of Pakistan Resolution in 1940 ,Molvi Fazalul Haq was also declared a Ghaddar.
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For all this you need to consider the history of the Muslim League's politics against the United Front and its background in the language movement in the 1950s. The Bengalis were being turned against the two nation theory in the 1950s and ethnic nationalism was being promoted. The Awami League was opposed to the ideology of Pakistan and even our Prime Minister Suhrawardy was suggesting territorial nationalism instead of religious nationalism which is the basis of Pakistan. And one more thing. It was later under the military ruler Ayub Khan that the central government contributed to the Awami League's strength in East Pakistan.
 
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I agree establishment had a role in it but we can't neglect the bad faith of the other side. Pakistan was ultimately broken because of (in Professor Syed Sajjad Hossain's words): "betrayal, treachery, foolishness, myopia, deception on one side (Bengali) and lack of forethought, unconcern, ignorance, want of sympathy, arrogance on the other (Pakistani)"

Some passages from Hossain's "Wastes of Time" which are pertinent here. They illuminate how the Pakistani establishment failed to take timely action against the Awami League, leftists and those who were opposed to the ideology of Pakistan.















For all this you need to consider the history of the Muslim League's politics against the United Front and its background in the language movement in the 1950s. The Bengalis were being turned against the two nation theory in the 1950s and ethnic nationalism was being promoted. The Awami League was opposed to the ideology of Pakistan and even our Prime Minister Suhrawardy was suggesting territorial nationalism instead of religious nationalism which is the basis of Pakistan. And one more thing. It was later under the military ruler Ayub Khan that the central government contributed to the Awami League's strength in East Pakistan.
That's because Bengalis' reason for wanting independence was never ideological. Islam was never in danger there. Their reason was purely economical and political, they wanted freedom from the upper caste Bengali Hindu bhadralok ruling over them.

And after partition that bourgeoisie position, previously occupied by Hindus, was filled by West Pakistanis hence the Bengalis' frustration.
 

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