Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan acknowledged as traitor or not?

[Spring Onion]

This perception of yours is because you people read in history that "Pakistan gained Independence from Hindu dominated Bharat".

Truth is Both gained Independence from British and Jinnah wanted a separate Pakistan and so partition was done to British India.

Bacha Khan at that time a Pro Congress Leader and was a firm believer in Gandhian principles opposed Pakistan since he feared for the rights of his people.

He raised the slogan for Separate administrative unit for Pashtuns called Pashtunistan after formation of Pakistan. To Make sure his people are well treated based on Provincial autonomy.



You cannot name traitor to anyone who is of Bacha Khan stature. Those insecure Pakistani Leaders worried about NWFP since majority of people voted for Congress. So they simply labelled him as a traitor.

1. funny he dint fear for rights of his people.he wanted that he and his family must rule. he was undermind by other political figures.


2. the more funnier is that ANP was not voted to power by same people after 47

 

[474474]

Jinnah called for autonomy for Sub continent muslims, further split India. Bacha Khan called for autonomy for his people , But was demonized by the same people who called for partition.

Get your perception right in both cases the two guys behaved the same, one is considered a traitor but the other is considered as a Quaid.

With age one has to unlearn things studied in childhood and view the world with reasoning and based on facts.

Nope, Jinnah called for peace and equality, Gandhi just played around with him until it was to late and partition was the only answer.

 

[Porus]

Indians never call Jinnah as a traitor. We read Jinnah as a Muslim league leader during the movement for independence.

Regarding Bharat Ratna this award will be given to people who have done great service to India.



He only asked for Pashtunistan administrative unit inside Pakistan.

Arguing with the victims of mutala e Pakistan is kinda banging your head against a brick wall. Bacha Khan was a great man who did a lot for his people. In the early 30s he had even asked the pyjama clads for help which they declined, eventually he had left no other option but to join hands with congress to achieve his goal. Another reason for the antipathy he enjoys among some certain folks is his rejection of two nation theory, he was unable to comprehend what makes a Muslim Bihari different from a Hindu Bihari - like many other wise men of his time.

 

[Umair Nawaz]

Have some ahteyram-e-insaniyat...

ahtram e Insaniyt?

we r talking abt an individual not insaniyat.
Also in yr logic then Abu Jehal, Namrood, Pheroon should not be remembered as they should be because ''ahtram e insaniyat'' get effected.

Dude these are harsh statements from you. This guy is modest and his views are correct. He only thought about his people just Jinnah thought about Muslims in sub continent.

This thread is only for Pakistanis so stay away from diverting the topic.

 

[Umair Nawaz]

Actually Bacha khan is very popular and respected in Afghanistan. @Spring Onion is lying for some unknown reason...he is also very popular in peshawer valley

Thats what u think khocha.

He didn't opted for pakistan makes him a traitor ? how funny why only him majority of the muslims in India choose to stay back India and no regrets we are proud to be a part of this country. so as per that logic all the 190 million muslims in India are traitors as per Pakistanis .

Khan abdul ghaffar khan is called 'Frontier Gandhi'. He is called so because Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan belonged to the NorthWest Frontier Province of British India and shared an ideology similar to Mahatma Gandhi.

To hell with your rants

Mr Imran yr just an individual u cant say much abt others.

 

[Bratva]

This perception of yours is because you people read in history that "Pakistan gained Independence from Hindu dominated Bharat".

Truth is Both gained Independence from British and Jinnah wanted a separate Pakistan and so partition was done to British India.

Bacha Khan at that time a Pro Congress Leader and was a firm believer in Gandhian principles opposed Pakistan since he feared for the rights of his people.

He raised the slogan for Separate administrative unit for Pashtuns called Pashtunistan after formation of Pakistan. To Make sure his people are well treated based on Provincial autonomy.



You cannot name traitor to anyone who is of Bacha Khan stature. Those insecure Pakistani Leaders worried about NWFP since majority of people voted for Congress. So they simply labelled him as a traitor.

So that is what taught in indian text books among other things that India share a border with Afghanistan. Good going

 

[qamar1990]

People call him traitor because of pakhtunistan issue but actually his demand of renaming NWFP to pakhtunistan and giving it autonomous status within Pakistan was different from Afghanistan's demand of making NWFP an independent separate country...
They also call him traitor because he wished to be buried in jalalabad, he still would have been called traitor if he was buried in charsada....
He is also called traitor because he was famous as frontier gandhi due to similarity of his movement with gandhi's, both were friends also.
He is also called traitor because he received highest civilian award from government of india.

He is perhaps one of the most controversial figure in Pakistani history......some pakistanis hate him to extreme while others highly respect him......

From Pakistani prospective he was traitor , from pakhtun prospective he was a great social reformer.

he is traitor if he received and accepted india's highest reward.

 

[darkinsky]

He was Pro-India and you have all the reasons to cheer him.

For us he is not a hero not even the Afghanistanis consider him a hero.

Frankly speaking ANP the political party here in my province run by his grandsons is carrying his name as a liability

what would be a pashtun hero according to pakistani KPK pashtuns?

 

[Marwat Khan Lodhi]

Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Islam and non-violence —Ishtiaq Ahmed

Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a man of peace. He approached Islam in the hope of finding a complementary message to Gandhi’s interpretation of Hinduism as Ram Raj and ahimsa (non-violence) and he found it

A question that keeps popping up in
discussions on violence, terrorism and the Taliban is the following: is the use of force and violence intrinsic to Pakhtun culture? Superficially it seems that it must be so because the Pakhtuns, known as Pathans in the rest of the South Asian subcontinent, have been bearing firearms since a long time. They were producing firearms much before the Afghan jihad started. Many invasions of India were launched from the north-western mountain passes by the Afghans belonging to Pakhtun tribes and clans. Therefore, in popular memory a proclivity towards violence has been associated with the Pakhtuns. This, however, is a myth derived from an essentialist understanding of any culture.

Against such ‘evidence’ is the fact that apart from the mass civil disobedience movement that Mahatma Gandhi started from 1919 onwards, the most organised movement of peaceful resistance to colonial rule was put forth by the Pakhtun leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan (1890-1988) and his Khudai Khidmatgars or Red Shirts. In Pakistani official narrative Abdul Ghaffar has been portrayed as a traitor because of his close association with the Indian National Congress. Such association found him opposed to the partition of India, and later when the partition did take place, he and the Khudai Khidmatgars came under a cloud. They were incarcerated for demanding Pakhtunistan — an entity that was conceived from complete independence to substantial autonomy. The problem was further complicated by the fact that the Pakhtuns did not recognise the Durand Line as an international border dividing the Pakhtun tribes between Afghanistan and Pakistan. That problem remained unresolved even when the Taliban were in power in Afghanistan (1996-2001). It is still a sticking point between the Karzai and Pakistani governments.

Here, we are not interested in the politics that drove the Khudai Khidmatgars and the Muslim League away from each other, except to note that in 1929 Abdul Ghafffar Khan approached both the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress for closer relations. However, while Gandhi responded to his overtures with warmth and sympathy, the Muslim League rebuffed him. The reason was that the Muslim League was opposed to mass-based politics till at least 1937, and even when it became a mass-based party, it was never involved in any anti-colonial agitation. Only on January 24, 1947, the Punjab Muslim League resisted inspection by the police of its office in Laxmi Building, Lahore, and some of their leaders were arrested for a few days.

On the other hand, the story of the Khudai Khidmatgars was entirely different. They were constantly getting into trouble with the British for protests and agitations that were carried out in the NWFP in coordination with similar initiatives of the Congress. Civil disobedience remained peaceful, but police repression against the Khudai Khidmatgars was severe. Torture was often employed against the leaders and cadres who bore the pain and humiliation with great dignity and stoicism.

It is important to mention that the Khudai Khidmatgar movement started initially as a social reform initiative that sought to promote modern education and opposed tribal vendettas among the various tribes and clans. It was a great success and at one time it had more than 100,000 cadres who were always at hand to carry out social services. The same cadres continued to work in the anti-colonial agitations, courting arrest and punishment.

Abdul Ghaffar Khan derived his inspiration from the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and Islam. He particularly emphasised the formative period in Makkah when the Prophet (PBUH) and his devoted followers had to face persecution but did not hit back at their oppressors. For Abdul Ghaffar Khan, violent confrontation with the British was counterproductive because the colonial state always succeeded in defeating armed resistance. Therefore, peaceful resistance was the only effective method to protest colonial domination.

The question then is: how come the Taliban and al Qaeda interpret Islam as a militant ideology that sanctions the use of naked terror? Are there two Islams? This is the most difficult question to ask but we must try to answer it if ever some new level of awareness is to be achieved. While teaching at Stockholm University, I would often be asked by my students the following question: what is the true or real message of the Quran? The question was being asked in the background of the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

I came up with an answer and explanation, which I believe is honest and true. I told them that all religious scriptures are amenable to a variety of interpretations; hence also the Quran and indeed the life of the Prophet (PBUH). Therefore it depends on the enquirer what support he seeks from the sacred sources. For those who are convinced that violence is the way forward for Muslims, they can select those portions of the sacred sources that seem to sanction violence. On the other hand, those who believe in peaceful and civilised ways of conducting their affairs can find plenty of material in the same sources that confirms their standpoint as well.

Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a man of peace. He approached Islam in the hope of finding a complementary message to Gandhi’s interpretation of Hinduism as Ram Raj and ahimsa (non-violence) and he found it. The Taliban and al Qaeda arbitrarily emphasise the wars fought during the lifetime of the Prophet (PBUH) and indeed allusions to the use of violence against non-Muslims in the Quran. Similar things can happen in other religious traditions. I suppose when the Pope ordered the crusades against the Muslims, he surely was not interested in Jesus’ idea of offering the other cheek. Similarly, fundamentalist Jews cannot be serious about the 8th of the 10 Commandments, “You must not steal”, when under one pretext or another they keep confiscating Palestinian land in the occupied territories.

Even secular-minded individuals who do not subordinate their reason and conscience to religious authority have to make a choice. There is secular humanism that accepts all human beings as part of the same family, but there have been secular ideologies justifying racism and ultra-nationalism as well. Ultimately, it is the singer not the song that is important. In the higher court of history, nobody takes notice of the sources and motivations behind actions. It is the deeds that count. In any event, those who want to find practical guidance on the Islamic philosophy of non-violence in contemporary times should study the life of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and the activities of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement.

Ishtiaq Ahmed is a Visiting Research Professor at the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS) and the South Asian Studies Programme at the National University of Singapore. He is also a Professor of Political Science at Stockholm University. He has published extensively on South Asian politics. At ISAS, he is currently working on a book, Is Pakistan a Garrison State? He can be reached at isasia@nus.edu.sg
Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan @mafiya, @Spring Onion, @ghilzai, @DESERT FIGHTER, @qamar1990 @pehgaam e mohabbat

 

[Marwat Khan Lodhi]

‘How about the hen that responds back violently when her child is attacked? Is she being violent then?’

This was the question posed to Gandhi by the then young Wali Khan.

In my opinion Bacha khan tried his best, but non-violence is not in our nature.....You slap us, we would shatter your skull in response , thats how we are......When Jihad was preached to us, we responded it with zeal, we need excuse to be in maidan-e-jang.......

 

[Marwat Khan Lodhi]

Bacha Khan: our forgotten Quaid

January 20, 2012 was the 24th death anniversary of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, popularly known as ‘Bacha Khan’. Thinking of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in 2012, it seems that his main message is now forgotten in the pages of history and his invocation is merely left to empty words echoed by his amazingly corrupt ‘heirs,’ his grandson and the cronies who inhabit the Awami National Party (ANP). Today, seldom does one hear of Bacha Khan’s name in the league of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr — the pioneers of non-violent resistance to injustice in their times. Forgotten is the great, devoutly Muslim leader, who led the fierce and warlike Pakhtun tribesmen to take an oath of non-violence.

Abdul Ghaffar Khan was born in 1890 in Uthmanzai near Charsadda in the Frontier. Having not had the chance to purse higher education like his elder brother, Dr Khan Sahib, Abdul Ghaffar Khan went along a less trodden path. Sensing that the main problem of the Pakhtuns was the lack of education and incessant feuds, Ghaffar Khan set up the Darul Ulum in 1910 in Uthmanzai and Mardan to give elementary education to the villagers. Later in 1921, he set up the Anjuman-e-Islah-e-Afghana, the ‘Society for the Reformation of the Afghans’, to again rid the Pakhtuns of illiteracy and social evils. Thereafter, a network of about 70 Azad Islamia Madarassas were established throughout the province to promote education, Pashtu language and literature, patriotism and true love for Islam. These initiatives were significant in three ways. First, most of these schools were established in the villages, rather than the cities, which were the main focus of reformers during the early part of the 20th century. Secondly, all these initiatives were deeply rooted in the Islamic tradition of seeking knowledge and the promotion of peace and good relations. Thirdly, these schools, independently conceived, were nevertheless part of a great focus on indigenous education and social improvement prevalent in British India. All these great projects, firmly embedded in resuscitating pride in India’s national and religious heritage did a lot to awaken patriotism among the people and charged the nationalist movement.

Abdul Ghaffar Khan also followed the obvious nationalist cause after his educational initiates and established the Khudai Khidmatgars, ‘Servants of God’ movement in November 1929. This movement was significant since it was also deeply rooted in the ideology of non-violence. For the warlike Pakhtuns, where revenge and conflict are almost a way of life, Ghaffar Khan preached the gospel of non-violence. His philosophy of non-violence was deeply religious and found the inspiration in the person of the Holy Prophet (pbuh) and his treatment of people, especially of those from Makkah after the city’s final conquest. This adherence to non-violent principles was absolute, so much so that when the British police fired on Kudai Khidmatgar members indulging in civil disobedience in April 1930, they did not retaliate and suffered over 200 casualties. No wonder then that Ghaffar Khan was soon called the ‘Frontier Gandhi’ for his faithfulness to the principle of non-violence. Like Gandhi, Ghaffar Khan focused not only on gaining independence from the British but also the transformation of the self. So as Gandhi advocated satyagraha, ‘experiments with the truth’, Ghaffar Khan advocated a radical transformation of the Pakhtuns, as peaceful, forward-looking people.

Despite Ghaffar Khan’s significant contribution to Islamic philosophy, social reform and political thinking, he is a lost figure in the Pakistani narrative. His revolutionary ideals were stifled in the evolution of Pakistan, simply because he did not ‘fit’ in the meta-narrative which did not allow any deviation from the line of the Muslim League. It did not matter that Ghaffar Khan’s ideology was as Islamic as anyone else’s and perhaps even more beneficial to adhere to, with its focus on non-violence, non-discrimination and social development, than the purely communal policies of the Muslim League.

Shame that today, the party which claims Bacha Khan can only think of evoking his name, but seem oblivious of his ideals while they indulge in extreme corruption. I wonder if Bacha Khan would be tempted to break his vow of non-violence if he saw today’s ANP?

Bacha Khan: our forgotten Quaid – The Express Tribune

 

[Marwat Khan Lodhi]

Bacha Khan in Afghanistan

Written by a former member of the Pakistani Intelligence Services in Afghanistan, this memoir recounts details of Khan's life in Afghanistan after the partition of India. In addition to its historic significance, it also contains an incisive introduction outlining Khan's remarkable achievements in rising out of a stagnant society to be a leader of rare spiritual depth.

By Dr. Sher Zaman Taizi, June 2002

Introduction
Abdul Ghaffar was born into an aristocratic family of Utmanzai, Hasht-nagar, in 1890, according to school records. He grew tall and handsome, inspiring the hopes and ambitions of his family to become a brutal feudal lord and uphold the family's leading position in the area. He was the second and last son of Bahram Khan who was then known as the Mashar Khan (the great Khan or the Khan of Khans). Bahram's first son was Dr. Khan Sahib.

Pukhtuns form a tribal society living ferae naturae,2 in which a family needs men and wealth to defend its properties and keep up its honour, prestige, pride, status and position against neighbouring contenders. The feudal lords heading these families are forced by circumstance to enter into a rivalry for narcissism, vanity, glory and superiority. Impoverished tenants provide all kinds of menial services to them and are also required to produce wealth and manpower to raise and magnify the status of their respective lords.

This type of feudal lordship normally tempts and provides opportunities for the ruling junta to act as arbitrator in feudal affairs. Every lord wishes and strives to belittle the competing rivals who normally fall within the circle of the family. This diabolical trend introduced the term tarboorwali in the Pukhtuns' traditional life. It means "inter-cousins relationship"--a relationship that is normally strained due to the lords nonsensical struggle for vainglory. Pukhtun society thus became vulnerable to external intervention and fertile ground for superstitions, mental retardation and spiritual gloom, which ultimately created the parasite strata of pseudo mullahs and pirs.3 For the sake of their subsistence and survival, these strata frighten, shock, suppress and numb mental potentialities. These institutions oppose literacy, education and awareness, which pose threats to their wishful and selfish mastery in the field of knowledge. Pukhtun social life was in danger of being stagnated like the water in a natural pool, which stirs only through the introduction of foreign elements but does not flow out to make its own course and move on to its destination.

Abdul Ghaffar was the product of that society. If studied in this perspective, one can imagine that his mission was not easy, simple and indulgent, and that his achievements were much more significant than his contemporaries who had risen out of enlightened societies. Leaders normally stand out on the pedestal of their society. Those leaders are seldom born who raise their society from the ignominious depths of ignorance and obscurity to the heights of enlightenment and glory. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was one of this rare breed of leaders. He blew new life in the dormant people heretofore groaning under the burden of the worst type of feudalism. It was his stamina, struggles, patience, devotion and determined tolerance in the face of suffering that lifted Pukhtuns from the lowest level of serfdom to the high status of nationhood. That was the reason that not only the British and later Pakistani rulers opposed him tooth and nail, but also the feudal lords and parasitic clergy. Therefore, his name will glitter eternally through the pages of Pukhtun history.

While the British rulers were generous in granting different titles to Pukhtun lords and purchasing their loyalties, Bahram Khan lagged behind in that race due to the "eccentricity" of Bacha Khan. Furthermore, Bahram Khan himself had inherited the spirit of freedom. His father Saifullah Khan had supported the people of Buner in defending their soil against British expansionist designs, having taken active part in the battle of Sukawa. Obeidullah Khan, father of Saifullah Khan, had been executed by Durrani rulers. Bahram Khan was advised, coaxed and tempted to honours and rewards by the government to dissuade his son from what they considered anti-British activities. Yet at that time Bacha Khan was concentrating on awakening Pukhtuns--he was concerned more about their education, mannerism, self-respect and self-reliance than he was on directly fighting the British. These activities worried the British rulers who speculated beyond them threats to their presence in the sub-Continent. The British rulers, obsessed by such fears, dragged Bacha Khan into their politics to find an excuse for his persecution and elimination. However, Bacha Khan defied all their intentions with his selfless devotion and nonviolence.

Bacha Khan was not considered for any title or reward by rulers--British as well as Pakistani. However, his own people gave him three titles--Fakhr-e-Afghan, Bacha Khan4 and the Frontier Gandhi--like the man himself a rare phenomenon in the political history of the sub-Continent.5

Khan in Afghanistan
The biography of Bacha Khan is not a mystery for peoples of Pakistan and India in general and Pukhtuns in particular. Besides a number of good and authentic books on his life and struggles, Bacha Khan himself has written a full size autobiography in Pushto.6 Hence, in this paper, I will reveal some reminiscent events related to Bacha Khan's stay in Afghanistan.

At this juncture, we have to admit that we have no record of events in the form of any type of documents. I, as an Assistant-Translator in the Pakistan Embassy in Kabul, had the opportunity to see Bacha Khan frequently. Syed Fida Yunus was then the Second Secretary, Sher Mohammad Khan the Finance Secretary, Dil Jan Khan the First Secretary and Amir Usman the Cultural Attaché in the Embassy. We invariably reported outcomes of my meetings with Bacha Khan to our respective departments in Pakistan. Bacha Khan knew that and had expressed his satisfaction over my approach to him that enabled us to submit first hand and correct information on him to the government.

After release from detention on 30 January 1964, the government of Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan issued a passport to Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan to enable him to go to England for medical treatment. While there, he received an invitation from a group of Pukhtuns in the United States to go there and live with them. The U.S. government disapproved of that. Bacha Khan himself did not want to live far away from his people and homeland. He received an offer from Jamal Abdul Nadir, President of Egypt, to go there. He refused the offer for similar reasons. However, when he received an invitation from King Zahir Shah of Afghanistan through his Prime Minister Dr. Mir Mohammad Yusuf,7 he readily accepted that.

The Afghan government accorded a warm welcome to Bacha Khan on his arrival in Kabul on 12 December 1964. A large number of people gathered to aggrandise the show.

Bacha Khan visited different parts of Afghanistan, including remote areas, and addressed the people with his typical message of peace and brotherhood.
Pakistan's One Unit Collapses

In Pakistan, peoples of smaller provinces, Pukhtunkhwa,8 Sindh and Balochistan continued opposition to the One-Unit of West Pakistan. When the people of Pakistan revolted against Ayub Khan in 1968, he handed over the government to General Mohammad Yahya Khan Qizilbash from Peshawar.

Through his brother Agha Mohammad Ali, President Yahya Khan established contact with Bacha Khan. Agha Mohammad Ali, who was a Police Officer, assigned Arbab Hidayatullah Khan (Assistant Inspector General of Police) from Landi Arbab, Peshawar, for the mission. Arbab Sahib paid several visits to Bacha Khan. He used to call on Syed Fida Yunus before and after the meetings. Both Syed Fida Yunus and I were living in a big house of Abdul Sattar Shalizai in Karta-e-Parwan, Kabul. There we discussed matters relating to dismemberment of the One-Unit and the restoration of old provinces. We proposed that the States in the Frontier Province should also be annexed to the province. Similarly, the tribal belt should be either annexed to the province or given autonomous state as a separate unit so that the tribesmen could get rid of the system of Political Administration.

In the light of the reports and recommendations of Arbab Hidayatullah Khan, the One-Unit was disintegrated and the States were annexed to the Frontier Province. We learned that there were some elements in the bureaucracy and defense forces of Pakistan who did not want disintegration of the One-Unit. They opposed Yahya Khan to the last moment. Some national dailies in English and Urdu also carried out a hostile campaign.

It was in those days that Shakirullah Bacha of Gujar Garhi, Mardan, had visited Kabul. In his informal visit to the Embassy, some officers gathered around the table to offer him tea. During their chat, Colonel Ahmad Khan of the ISI9 asked him about his views on Pukhtunistan. Shakirullah Bacha replied that such queries could best be answered by daily the Nawai Waqt because the office of Pukhtunistan was there.

Bacha Khan was so pleased over the disintegration of the One-Unit that he sought special permission to broadcast a message over radio Kabul and offer his gratitude to President Yahya Khan.

Visit to India
In 1969, Bacha Khan went to India to attend the inaugural ceremony of the centenary of Gandhijee. Before his departure for India, I was directed by Ambassador Hakeem Ahsan to arrange his meeting with Bacha Khan. I accompanied the Ambassador to the residence of Mohammad Ali Lawangin Momand of Kama, an official of the Tourist Department, and held a meeting with Bacha Khan there. The Ambassador conveyed to him a message from President Yahya Khan that he might not say something in India against Pakistan. Bacha Khan received the message with a smile of approval. The house was near the Embassy in Shahr-e-Nao,Kabul. When we left the house, the Ambassador expressed his utmost satisfaction over the response and also uttered something in praise of Bacha Khan.

Another interesting event that took place was the renewal of Bacha Khan's passport. Bacha Khan sent his passport through Mohammad Ali Lawangin for renewal. Then, we found that it was only valid for one year and had long expired. We referred the case to the foreign office. Bacha Khan himself sent a letter in Pushto to Sardar Abdul Rashid, then Interior Minister. The embassy received approval and issued a new passport to him. It was signed by Syed Fida Yunus as the Second Secretary. When the news reached Pakistan that Bacha Khan had gone to India with valid travel documents, Ghulam Mohammad of Lundkhwar, Mardan, and some other enthusiastic rivals demanded of the government to take action against the officials in the Embassy who had issued the passport. Later I came across Ambassador Hakim Ahsan on the stairs while he was at the threshold of his office. The Ambassador smiled at me--an encouraging gesture--and said; "Be prepared for action. Lundkhwar has demanded it!" I replied, "Yes Sir, I know it! But it would be a great event for us to be mentioned in a case of the historical figure of Bacha Khan!" The Ambassador enjoyed it and entered the office with a smile.

The visit of Bacha Khan to India followed a communal riot in Ahmadabad in which Muslims suffered heavy losses at the hands of extremist Hindus. Bacha Khan visited that State. He did not give his bundle of clothes to the local governor or any government official and kept it, as usual, under his arm. The State government had planned to hide the scene from him and conduct his visit to some peaceful Muslim quarters. A Socialist Hindu reached Bacha Khan and told him about the plight of Muslims. Bacha Khan followed him to the camp where a number of displaced Muslims were lying helplessly. There, he asked the ruling junta of India ; "Had Gandhijee taught you to treat your people like this?" He blamed Hindu extremists for persecution of Muslims. In protest, Bacha Khan kept fast for three days. He also addressed the joint session of the Indian Parliament, where he protested against the communal riots.

A large number of admirers of Bacha Khan turned up to have a look at him. The government built a place for Bacha Khan to sit whereby a steady stream of people walked past and paid respect to him.

In celebration of the centenary of Gandhijee, the Indian government in 1969 conferred upon Bacha Khan the Jawaharlal Nehru award for International Understanding with 8 million Indian rupees. Bacha Khan brought and deposited that money in the National Bank of Afghanistan. He informed his party in Pakistan to form a committee to restore publication of his weekly the Pukhtoon. For that purpose, he bequeathed 2.5 acres of his land also. He wished to raise a trust and use that money for the development of the Pushto language and the welfare of the Pukhtun nation.

Some names for the committee were considered, but the committee could not be formed the way Bacha Khan wanted. His nephew (daughter's son) Professor Jehanzeb Niaz--a former member of the teaching staff of Pushto Department, Peshawar University10--later told me that he was considered to head the trust and my name was also considered to be a member. The money was not given to Pukhtoon magazine at all, and its publication was not restored. It was published occassionally by the National Awami Party / Awami National Party.

Confusion Created over Donation
In Pakistan, a cyclone swept East Pakistan in 1970 with disastrous effects. President Yahya Khan raised a president fund for succour of the affected people in that wing. One day, I received a telephone call from Bacha Khan. He told me that he wanted to donate some money to the president fund. Being a government employee I could not take such an action on my own. I reported the matter of Charge d' Affair' Shahid Amin. He was of Indian origin. He did not like Bacha Khan. However, he said "OK, better if he gives even ten rupees!" Having got the approval, I contacted Mohammad Ali Lawangin and his brother Mohammad Siddique who was an officer in the National Bank of Afghanistan.

Mohammad Ali Lawangin, Mohammad Siddique and Faqir Baezai, sons of Mohammad Hassan Khan Momand of Kama, served Bacha Khan devotedly. Bacha Khan also loved them. Siddique and I visited Bacha Khan. He disclosed that he wanted to give five thousand dollars as a donation. Siddique and I considered the matter there and decided to take the cheque from Bacha Khan, cash it in dollars, exchange dollars with Pakistan currency at Shahzada market and pay those proceeds to the embassy. When we informed Bacha Khan, he wanted to know the purpose of that process. We explained to him that official rate of one dollar was five Pakistani rupees whereas it was eleven in the market. Bacha Khan expressed astonishment over the difference between the official and the market rates. However, he allowed us to do as we liked. Hence, we deposited 55,000 rupees in the president fund on behalf of Bacha Khan. The embassy issued a receipt for that.

Meanwhile in Pakistan a vicious circle of the so-called patriots led by Z.A. Sulehri tried to create misunderstanding between Bacha Khan and the embassy. Sulehri was then editor of the daily Pakistan, which carried inside single-column news that Bacha Khan had donated 25,000 rupees to the president fund. Arrangement was made to show that news to Bacha Khan, because it was given such an insignificant place that a common reader would not find it. It was clear that someone from the embassy might have leaked out the information that Bacha Khan had given the cheque for five thousand dollars.

Bacha Khan was confused to see that news. He demanded that the embassy return thirty thousand rupees to him. The embassy wrote to the foreign office and the information ministry to issue another statement with a mention of the actual amount, but all in vain. There was no clarification. Bacha Khan therefore insisted on reimbursement. The state of goodwill was thus poisoned by vested interests with their evil designs. Meanwhile, Khan Abdul Wali Khan12 visited Kabul. I told him all about the matter. What followed was not known to us, but Bacha Khan did not remind us again.

Visit of Qayum Khan
During the campaign for general elections in Pakistan, I attended a party at the Tribal Affairs Department in Kabul. The President of Tribal Affairs Masoud Pohanyar and Bacha Khan were there. I joined them. The atmosphere was quite cordial. During the chat, Pohanyar mentioned to Bacha Khan, "Qayum Khan is coming!" Bacha Khan replied "let him come!" And there was no further discussion on the matter.

Qayum Khan visited Kabul for three days, but we could not meet him. The government accommodated him at some unknown place. Another Muslim League stalwart from Balochistan, Mohammad Khan Jogezai, had also visited Kabul in those days. It was generally believed that Qayum Khan and Mohammad Khan Jogezai sought the blessing and assistance of the Afghan government in general elections. It was later explained by Khan Abdul Wali Khan in a meeting with the Ambassador of Pakistan at his residence in Kabul that the Afghan government would not liked to have seen the National Awami Party win the elections in Pukhtunkhwa, because she would then have no point to continue her propaganda for Pukhtunistan.

Seeking Peace in East Pakistan
When riots erupted in East Pakistan after the general elections, Bacha Khan offered his services for mediation. He proposed to the embassy that he would go back to Pakistan to lead a Jirgah of a few elders from Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Balochistan to meet Mujib-ur-Rahman and settle the dispute through negotiations. The embassy conveyed his messages to foreign office but there was no response. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of the Pakistan Peoples Party and Qayum Khan of the Muslim League, supported by some Army officers, were determined to grab power, although the majority had voted for the Awami Leauge of Mujib-ur-Rahman. Jamaat Islami exploited the Urdu speaking community of Indian refugees to form al-Badr and al-Shams militant groups to terrorise Bengalis. When all these strategies failed to cow down Mujib, Pakistan Army launched an operation in East Pakistan. What then happened is an open secret.

Problems on the Border
At that critical juncture, some tribal Jirgahs called on Bacha Khan that they were prepared to fight for liberation if they were supplied arms. Bacha Khan advised them not to create any problem on the western border for Pakistan. The Jirgahs also met King Zahir Shah who took a similar stand. The King passed on a message to Pakistan's Ambassador that he would not allow any disturbance from that side. The anti-Pakistan propaganda, continuing in the name of Pukhtunistan, was also tuned down.
Thoughts on Pukhtunistan

Normally whenever I visited Bacha Khan at the Dar-ul-Aman guest house, some admirers were there. The majority of them comprised activists from the Afghan Millat and the Parcham faction of Peoples Democratic Party of Pakistan. Bacha Khan always stressed the need of unity, brotherhood and peace. He avoided discussion on the political situation in Pakistan. It was only Pukhtunistan Day,13 following independence-day, that Bacha Khan led a procession from the Pukhtunistan Square to the Ghazi Stadium where he delivered a speech.14 He criticised Pakistan's government for having usurped rights of nationalities and demanded autonomous status for Pukhtunistan (NWFP). In not a single speech did he express any desire for a separate and independent state. His speech was broadcast over Kabul radio that evening. This was a permanent feature during his stay in Kabul.

In a casual meeting with me, Bacha Khan confided that Pukhtuns' economy and education were backward and their country was landlocked. They could not live a better life in a separate state. He therefore demanded due rights for them within Pakistan.

Role of the Intelligence Services
On one occasion I was embarrassed when, on my arrival, Bacha Khan asked me if I would like to see Mardhula Sarabai, a veteran socialist leader from India. Hesitantly I replied--yes. Then Bacha Khan directed me to go upstairs. It was the first time that I explored the first floor of the guest house where an old lady in typical Pukhtun dress of shirt and trousers with Peshawari chapli15 was standing with Anwarul Haq Gran. Still smart in old age with silver-white hair, she was graceful, cheerful and upright. When we exchanged greetings, she turned to Gran and exclaimed, "How fluent do Afghans speak Urdu!" Gran, hailing from Dir district and already known to me, laughed and told her that I am a Pakistani and was serving in the Pakistan Embassy. "Does Pakistan's Embassy keep contact with Bacha Khan!," she expressed with surprise enhanced by that revelation. Gran introduced me to her in clear and plain words that I was working for an intelligence agency of Pakistan. Sarabai appreciated that such a direct approach being used by workers of intelligence agencies would avoid and remove many misunderstandings. Gran told her that Bacha Khan was well aware of my position and had expressed satisfaction with my contacts with him that led to improvement of relations between him and the government of Pakistan.

Selfish People
One day, Syed Fida Yunus and I went from Kabul to Jalalabad. Accompanied by Pakistan's Consul at Jalalabad, Rab Nawaz Khan, we visited Bacha Khan at his residence at Sheesham Bagh. When we reached there, Bacha Khan was busy in his home garden. He received us and led us to his drawing room--a simple room with ordinary furniture. His personal servant Ahmad Kaka placed some fresh fruit before us. We discussed the affairs in East Pakistan. Bacha Khan repeated his proposal that Pakistan should not use force there and try to settle the matter through negotiations. During discussion, Bacha Khan mentioned that there were some selfish people who did not like peace in the country. Rab Nawaz Khan asked him in a way of satire, "Bacha Khan! You blame what you call the selfish people. But if Pakistan were destroyed, wouldn't these selfish people suffer humiliation! Will they like it?" Bacha Khan just smiled to say "The selfish has no sight!" It means that selfish people are driven so rashly by their selfish designs that they do not see the gloom and doom ahead.

Return from Exile
Following the general elections and bifurcation of Pakistan, in 1971 the National Awami Party and Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Islam formed coalition governments in the NWFP and Balochistan. Governor Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo of Balochistan and Governor Arbab Sikandar Khan of NWFP were from the National Awami Party. Bizenjo invited Bacha Khan to return to Pakistan via Balochistan. Before his return, Bacha Khan went on a tour of western parts of Afghanistan. He was somewhere in Zabul or Hilmand, when Ambassador Gen. Rakhman Gul asked me to go and tell Bacha Khan that Bhutto did not like him to return to Pakistan. I was surprised. I had to obey the order. But I tried to tell the Ambassador that such a message to Bacha Khan from a government functionary would annoy him. The Ambassador wrote back to the government. Then Ajmal Khattak was deputed to convey the message. Arbab Sikandar Khan sharply reacted to the stand of Bhutto and sent a delegation to Kabul to invite Bacha Khan. The delegation included Afzal Khan Lala, then Information Minister, and Maulana Badshah Gul from Akora Khattak. They were accommodated at the Kabul Hotel. I had a chance to have my first meeting with Afzal Khan Lala there.

On the 25th of December 1972,16 Bacha Khan returned to Peshawar. A large number of people, mostly young activists with red flags of the Peoples Democratic Party of Afghanistan, accompanied him to Torkham. Similarly, a large number of Khudai Khidmatgars in red uniforms and carrying red flags from Pukhtunkhwa also converged at Torkham. The chain was lifted and the procession from Peshawar greeted their great leader in the foot of Shamshad hill on the Afghan side. Thousands of young flag bearers spread over in the foot of the hill to display fluttering flags. Khan Abdul Wali Khan was also there.

Return to Afghanistan
Bacha Khan went again to Kabul on the 2nd of April 1978, just a few weeks before the Saur Revolution that took place (26 April 1978). He stayed at his residence at Jalalabad. He invited Fazal Rahim Saqi to help him compile his autobiography. In 1980, he went from Kabul to Delhi for medical treatment. Sheikh Abdullah extended an invitation to him to visit Kashmir. Bacha Khan accepted the invitation but could not go there.

Bacha Khan visited the Soviet Union from the 1st of September to the 31st of October 1980 for medical treatment. He returned to Peshawar on 2nd April 1982.

The Government of India awarded Bacha Khan the prestigious Bharat Ratna Award in 1987.

For much of 1987, Bacha Khan was almost unconscious in bed for lengthy periods. He was in India for a time and then at Lady Reading Hospital Peshawar where he breathed his last. Bacha Khan died aged 98 on the 20th of January, 1988, and was buried in Jalalabad on the 22nd of January. He had spent 30 years of his life in prison, and fought against oppression, intolerance and violence for more than 70 years.
Bacha Khan in Afghanistan - Asian Reflection

 

[Marwat Khan Lodhi]

 

[Marwat Khan Lodhi]

 

[RISING SUN]

Even in our books there is no evil mention of those who didn't cooperate in our independence. Those visitors who left our country are shown as good. So in my opinion you people should not think like this. I have a friend from same region, will get his opinion on this matter for sure.