Fsjal
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Indonesia Defence Forum
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nufix
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Lamborghini, by since I am not a fan of automobiles I don't know the exact serie of this Lambo.
Fsjal
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Lamborghini, by since I am not a fan of automobiles I don't know the exact serie of this Lambo.
That is pretty cool.
nufix
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Nusantara
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Yuki Katoh? Police? For sure?More weekend bonuses..
scobydoo
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Tau tuh ... si Inuyasha2 ngasal aja. Artis2 segala dimasukin
Banyak postingan sampah gak guna yang cuma bikin habis bandwidth gw
nufix
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Tau tuh ... si Inuyasha2 ngasal aja. Artis2 segala dimasukin
Banyak postingan sampah gak guna yang cuma bikin habis bandwidth gw
Doi ngejar postingan kali (?) Biarinlah, paling seminggu dia udahan.
pyropura
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OPM Claims Responsibility for Fatal Shooting of TNI Soldier in Papua
By Banjir Ambarita on 9:56 pm June 26, 2013.
Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers arrive at Tanjung Emas Port in Semarang after a six-month assignment in the restive Papua province in this Feb. 28, 2013 file photo. (JG Photo/Dhana Kencana)
Jayapura. The Free Papua Movement (OPM) has claimed responsibility for the fatal shooting of an Indonesian Military (TNI) soldier, which also left a civilian dead in the Papua district of Puncak Jaya on Tuesday.
Second Lt. I Wayan Sukarta, the head of the TNI station in Puncak Jayas Ilu subdistrict, was traveling in a car along with two lower-rank soldiers when a group of armed men attacked them with rifles in Jigonikme village in Ilu.
They managed to contact the station for help, but Sukarta and the civilian driver of the car, who has been identified as Tono, were already dead as more soldiers arrived in the location on Tuesday afternoon.
There were, more or less, seven attackers who carried riffles, Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. I Gede Sumerta Jaya said on Tuesday.
On Wednesday, Goliath Tabuni, the commander of the OPMs National Liberation Army (TPN), claimed responsibility for the attack.
The shooting was done by my members, on my order, Goliath told Suara Pembaruan. If the TNI and the National Police wish to hunt for the shooters, then come look for me or my members, not Papua civilians.
But he denied that his members had killed a civilian in the attack.
My members wouldnt recklessly shoot civilians. If the media say a civilian has been a victim, thats a lie. The TNI may have shot civilians in this region and even throughout Papua, but we dont randomly shoot [civilians].
Goliath added his group had taken some guns belonging to the soldiers they attacked on Tuesday, saying, Were getting stronger.
In Jakarta, TNI commander Adm. Agus Suharto said the military together with police were hunting for the perpetrators, but no additional force would be sent to Papua.
I am concerned. Weve lost another TNI member. This shows that although we have tried to reach out to them with welfare approach, they keep committing violence. That needs to be underlined, Agus said. We will evaluate our activities there.
Rights group Imparsial, meanwhile, warned the TNI against retaliating with more violence, saying the government needed to establish dialogue with separatist groups in order to end conflict in the restive region.
Imparsial urges police to arrest the attackers but hopes that the government wont use the violence to justify deployment of more troops to Papua, Imparsial executive director Poengki Indarti said on Wednesday. To end violence in Papua, it is time for the government to begin preparing dialogue with groups considered to oppose the government. The government shouldnt have a phobia for dialogue because peaceful dialogue will inspire trust between each other and disentangle the problem.
By Banjir Ambarita on 9:56 pm June 26, 2013.
Indonesian Military (TNI) soldiers arrive at Tanjung Emas Port in Semarang after a six-month assignment in the restive Papua province in this Feb. 28, 2013 file photo. (JG Photo/Dhana Kencana)
Jayapura. The Free Papua Movement (OPM) has claimed responsibility for the fatal shooting of an Indonesian Military (TNI) soldier, which also left a civilian dead in the Papua district of Puncak Jaya on Tuesday.
Second Lt. I Wayan Sukarta, the head of the TNI station in Puncak Jayas Ilu subdistrict, was traveling in a car along with two lower-rank soldiers when a group of armed men attacked them with rifles in Jigonikme village in Ilu.
They managed to contact the station for help, but Sukarta and the civilian driver of the car, who has been identified as Tono, were already dead as more soldiers arrived in the location on Tuesday afternoon.
There were, more or less, seven attackers who carried riffles, Papua Police spokesman Sr. Comr. I Gede Sumerta Jaya said on Tuesday.
On Wednesday, Goliath Tabuni, the commander of the OPMs National Liberation Army (TPN), claimed responsibility for the attack.
The shooting was done by my members, on my order, Goliath told Suara Pembaruan. If the TNI and the National Police wish to hunt for the shooters, then come look for me or my members, not Papua civilians.
But he denied that his members had killed a civilian in the attack.
My members wouldnt recklessly shoot civilians. If the media say a civilian has been a victim, thats a lie. The TNI may have shot civilians in this region and even throughout Papua, but we dont randomly shoot [civilians].
Goliath added his group had taken some guns belonging to the soldiers they attacked on Tuesday, saying, Were getting stronger.
In Jakarta, TNI commander Adm. Agus Suharto said the military together with police were hunting for the perpetrators, but no additional force would be sent to Papua.
I am concerned. Weve lost another TNI member. This shows that although we have tried to reach out to them with welfare approach, they keep committing violence. That needs to be underlined, Agus said. We will evaluate our activities there.
Rights group Imparsial, meanwhile, warned the TNI against retaliating with more violence, saying the government needed to establish dialogue with separatist groups in order to end conflict in the restive region.
Imparsial urges police to arrest the attackers but hopes that the government wont use the violence to justify deployment of more troops to Papua, Imparsial executive director Poengki Indarti said on Wednesday. To end violence in Papua, it is time for the government to begin preparing dialogue with groups considered to oppose the government. The government shouldnt have a phobia for dialogue because peaceful dialogue will inspire trust between each other and disentangle the problem.
pyropura
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Could West Papua be Abbott's East Timor?
By ABC's Tracee Hutchison
Australia was instrumental in supporting East Timor's fight for independence in the 1990s. What role would an Australian Coalition government have in the move towards West Papuan independence, asks Tracee Hutchison.
When former prime minister John Howard and then foreign minister Alexander Downer began working toward East Timor's independence in 1999, history now tells us that they did so, initially, without letting on to the Indonesian government.
As the Australian government continued to publically support Jakarta's territorial claim over the resource-rich Indonesian province, privately the actions of Howard and Downer set in motion the makings of a new nation.
John Howard's leadership overseeing the UN-sponsored independence referendum and Australia's peacekeeping role in the fledgling nation remains, as he wrote in his biography Lazarus Rising, one of his proudest achievements and won him international acclaim. (Perhaps everywhere except Indonesia, where the issue of Timor Leste remains contentious).
But Australia's spiritual investment in East Timor was already considerable by the time the country voted overwhelmingly to break free from Indonesian rule. The killing of five Australian newsmen at Balibo in 1975 and the wave of Timorese refugees who made Australia home in the wake of the Indonesian occupation meant many Australians knew Timor's story well.
And it helped that the country had a Mandela-like leader who led Fretilin's resistance from his jail cell, one who also happened to fall in love with his Australian go-between in the process - and another who traversed the world stage as leader-in-exile, a Nobel peace laureate in the making.
Fast-forward 11 years after Xanana Gusmao was sworn in as the country's first president and the prospect of another Timor-like territorial tug of war with Indonesia at its epicentre is getting some tentative traction in the region. This time it is the Indonesian restive province of West Papua that is creating tension beyond its borders.
While Australian political leaders spent another week focused on a power struggle over who would lead the country, heads of state from Pacific island nations were grappling with a power struggle over a West Papuan application for membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, an intergovernmental organisation made up of the four Melanesian states; Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The West Papuan National Coalition for Liberation had proposed that, as ethnic Melanesians, Papuans had a right to representation.
At first blush it's not the stuff of headlines and in Australia it didn't make any. After all, the MSG's core business of promoting regional trade and political consultation within a 'Melanesian framework' isn't going to be of much consequence to too many people in Australia.
But the mere fact the MSG made Papua's application for inclusion in the group an agenda item is significant in itself. And one that won't have gone unnoticed in Jakarta. Nor would the group's joint communiqué - released without any fanfare late on Friday night - that alleged human rights abuse in the Indonesian province need to be addressed as part of ongoing engagement and dialogue with Indonesia.
These may well prove to be benign manoeuvrings, but at least one Melanesian leader has warned that history would judge them poorly if the bloc displayed a lack of leadership on the West Papua issue. Vanuatu's prime minister Moana Carcasses - a strong supporter of Papuan independence - told fellow MSG leaders that the group's "failure to take decisive action" on Papua would be "exposed by future generations".
While the application is still being considered, the prospect of West Papuan membership in the Melanesian Spearhead Group poses a vexing dilemma for regional geopolitics. In the lead-up to last week's meeting of the MSG PNG prime minister Peter O'Neill slipped up to Jakarta for a meeting with Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono vowing to raise human rights abuses in West Papua in their discussions. Publically, SBY and O'Neill issued a joint statement on those talks that the two nations would "work together" on their shared border issues. Again, the mere fact the issue was raised at this level is not insignificant.
Australia supports Indonesia's territorial governance over West Papua and neither side of politics would meet with high-profile West Papuan independence campaigner Benny Wenda when he undertook his self-described 'Freedom Tour' through Australia, New Zealand, PNG and Vanuatu earlier this year. Benda lives in exile in London and counts Julian Assange's Australian lawyer Jennifer Robinson among his supporters.
But while Australia currently keeps the Papuan cause at arms-length, it hasn't always been that way. Australia, somewhat controversially, accepted a group of West Papuan asylum seekers as genuine refugees back in 2006. The group of 43 - community leaders and their families among them - had fled in fear after violence broke out when the West Papuan flag, the Morning Star, was raised in direct defiance of Indonesian law in the province. The incident caused a bitter diplomatic spat between Jakarta and Canberra. Australia, by acknowledging the group would face persecution if they returned home, had directly challenged Indonesia's sovereignty and governing policy in West Papua. John Howard was Australian prime minister and SBY was Indonesia's president.
In more recent years, the Liberal/National Coalition has mirrored the Rudd/Gillard position on Papua. Both sides of Australian politics understand Jakarta's influence and strategic importance as a regional powerhouse and both have been massaging the relationship through the prism of regional security and economic development.
Despite a steady flow of allegations of human rights abuses in West Papua since the country's 'Act of Free Choice' elections in 1969, the issue of West Papuan independence remains firmly off the Australian-Indonesian bilateral political agenda. It is a curious twist of history and fate that Australia fell in love with East Timor's quest for independence from Indonesian but West Papua, with its not dissimilar circumstance, has been something of a silent witness.
In three months time, if the polls are accurate, Australia will have a new prime minister and a new foreign minister. Tony Abbott is a proud protégé of John Howard and Julie Bishop, should she stay in the foreign affairs portfolio, has invested a great deal travelling and talking to regional leaders in the Pacific. Bishop, in particular, would understand the acute sensitivities of the Papua question in the Melanesian context.
When John Howard was elected prime minister in 1996 an independent East Timor was unthinkable but it proved to be his greatest, and most unlikely, foreign policy triumph. Could an equally unthinkable destiny await West Papua under the stewardship of an Abbott-led Australian Government?
The momentum for change may well be starting to rumble across the Pacific.
Tracee Hutchison broadcasts across Australia/Asia/Pacific for ABC News Radio and Radio Australia. View her full profile here.
By ABC's Tracee Hutchison
Australia was instrumental in supporting East Timor's fight for independence in the 1990s. What role would an Australian Coalition government have in the move towards West Papuan independence, asks Tracee Hutchison.
When former prime minister John Howard and then foreign minister Alexander Downer began working toward East Timor's independence in 1999, history now tells us that they did so, initially, without letting on to the Indonesian government.
As the Australian government continued to publically support Jakarta's territorial claim over the resource-rich Indonesian province, privately the actions of Howard and Downer set in motion the makings of a new nation.
John Howard's leadership overseeing the UN-sponsored independence referendum and Australia's peacekeeping role in the fledgling nation remains, as he wrote in his biography Lazarus Rising, one of his proudest achievements and won him international acclaim. (Perhaps everywhere except Indonesia, where the issue of Timor Leste remains contentious).
But Australia's spiritual investment in East Timor was already considerable by the time the country voted overwhelmingly to break free from Indonesian rule. The killing of five Australian newsmen at Balibo in 1975 and the wave of Timorese refugees who made Australia home in the wake of the Indonesian occupation meant many Australians knew Timor's story well.
And it helped that the country had a Mandela-like leader who led Fretilin's resistance from his jail cell, one who also happened to fall in love with his Australian go-between in the process - and another who traversed the world stage as leader-in-exile, a Nobel peace laureate in the making.
Fast-forward 11 years after Xanana Gusmao was sworn in as the country's first president and the prospect of another Timor-like territorial tug of war with Indonesia at its epicentre is getting some tentative traction in the region. This time it is the Indonesian restive province of West Papua that is creating tension beyond its borders.
While Australian political leaders spent another week focused on a power struggle over who would lead the country, heads of state from Pacific island nations were grappling with a power struggle over a West Papuan application for membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, an intergovernmental organisation made up of the four Melanesian states; Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. The West Papuan National Coalition for Liberation had proposed that, as ethnic Melanesians, Papuans had a right to representation.
At first blush it's not the stuff of headlines and in Australia it didn't make any. After all, the MSG's core business of promoting regional trade and political consultation within a 'Melanesian framework' isn't going to be of much consequence to too many people in Australia.
But the mere fact the MSG made Papua's application for inclusion in the group an agenda item is significant in itself. And one that won't have gone unnoticed in Jakarta. Nor would the group's joint communiqué - released without any fanfare late on Friday night - that alleged human rights abuse in the Indonesian province need to be addressed as part of ongoing engagement and dialogue with Indonesia.
These may well prove to be benign manoeuvrings, but at least one Melanesian leader has warned that history would judge them poorly if the bloc displayed a lack of leadership on the West Papua issue. Vanuatu's prime minister Moana Carcasses - a strong supporter of Papuan independence - told fellow MSG leaders that the group's "failure to take decisive action" on Papua would be "exposed by future generations".
While the application is still being considered, the prospect of West Papuan membership in the Melanesian Spearhead Group poses a vexing dilemma for regional geopolitics. In the lead-up to last week's meeting of the MSG PNG prime minister Peter O'Neill slipped up to Jakarta for a meeting with Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono vowing to raise human rights abuses in West Papua in their discussions. Publically, SBY and O'Neill issued a joint statement on those talks that the two nations would "work together" on their shared border issues. Again, the mere fact the issue was raised at this level is not insignificant.
Australia supports Indonesia's territorial governance over West Papua and neither side of politics would meet with high-profile West Papuan independence campaigner Benny Wenda when he undertook his self-described 'Freedom Tour' through Australia, New Zealand, PNG and Vanuatu earlier this year. Benda lives in exile in London and counts Julian Assange's Australian lawyer Jennifer Robinson among his supporters.
But while Australia currently keeps the Papuan cause at arms-length, it hasn't always been that way. Australia, somewhat controversially, accepted a group of West Papuan asylum seekers as genuine refugees back in 2006. The group of 43 - community leaders and their families among them - had fled in fear after violence broke out when the West Papuan flag, the Morning Star, was raised in direct defiance of Indonesian law in the province. The incident caused a bitter diplomatic spat between Jakarta and Canberra. Australia, by acknowledging the group would face persecution if they returned home, had directly challenged Indonesia's sovereignty and governing policy in West Papua. John Howard was Australian prime minister and SBY was Indonesia's president.
In more recent years, the Liberal/National Coalition has mirrored the Rudd/Gillard position on Papua. Both sides of Australian politics understand Jakarta's influence and strategic importance as a regional powerhouse and both have been massaging the relationship through the prism of regional security and economic development.
Despite a steady flow of allegations of human rights abuses in West Papua since the country's 'Act of Free Choice' elections in 1969, the issue of West Papuan independence remains firmly off the Australian-Indonesian bilateral political agenda. It is a curious twist of history and fate that Australia fell in love with East Timor's quest for independence from Indonesian but West Papua, with its not dissimilar circumstance, has been something of a silent witness.
In three months time, if the polls are accurate, Australia will have a new prime minister and a new foreign minister. Tony Abbott is a proud protégé of John Howard and Julie Bishop, should she stay in the foreign affairs portfolio, has invested a great deal travelling and talking to regional leaders in the Pacific. Bishop, in particular, would understand the acute sensitivities of the Papua question in the Melanesian context.
When John Howard was elected prime minister in 1996 an independent East Timor was unthinkable but it proved to be his greatest, and most unlikely, foreign policy triumph. Could an equally unthinkable destiny await West Papua under the stewardship of an Abbott-led Australian Government?
The momentum for change may well be starting to rumble across the Pacific.
Tracee Hutchison broadcasts across Australia/Asia/Pacific for ABC News Radio and Radio Australia. View her full profile here.
pyropura
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Papuan man says he witnessed the Indonesian military slaughter 40 people
A man in Indonesia’s Papua province says he is currently on the run from the military after witnessing a massacre of Papuans reported last month.
Several reports emerged in May of a slaughter of 40 people in the remote area of Tingginambut, close to the Puncak Jaya mountain, but so far very little evidence has emerged.
The witness says he hid up in the mountain for weeks after seeing the military kill people in villages in anger after not being able to find a wanted Papuan activist.
He says police know about the incident but haven’t taken any action.
He spoke to Alex Perrottet.
MAN: The people were killed, about 40 people, 40 people killed. And we found them in different places.
ALEX PERROTTET: And have you yourself seen the bodies, have you?
MAN: Yeah we found the bodies. Some of them under the bridge, they kill and then they throw next to the bridge, and then some of them under the rock. And we found in different places.
AP: What did you do with the bodies when you found them?
MAN: We tried to, want to burn them, but army, heavy army, they tried looking for us and now we are hide in the jungle.
AP: And do you know the victims, the people who were killed, do you know some of them personally?
MAN: Yes and I have their names and also their picture.
AP: And is anyone going to go back and try to get the bodies or not?
MAN: Yes, but for today no.
AP: Have you told the police?
MAN: Yeah, but I can’t go to the city. In Wamena it’s OK, but here it’s a little bit... They are looking for us and they already know us and I try to kind of hiding.
AP: Do you know whether any police know about this?
MAN: Yeah, police knows. Police know about this, but they just leave.
AP: How do you know that the military killed the 40 people? Did you see them do it?
MAN: Yeah. We were together, the victims we were together. And then they just go and then kill the people, they murdered them. And then we ran and climbed and went up to the mountain.
AP: You were hiding and watching, were you?
MAN: Yeah, I was hiding and watching them and I took some photos and also some video.
AP: And how did you feel?
MAN: I almost died, because I feel scared and because my friends, some they killed. We were together, we eat food together and they were killed by the military. And now I’m very upset and I’m trying to get free, free to live, but I am hiding in the jungle and I am not free.
News Content © Radio New Zealand International
PO Box 123, Wellington, New Zealand
A man in Indonesia’s Papua province says he is currently on the run from the military after witnessing a massacre of Papuans reported last month.
Several reports emerged in May of a slaughter of 40 people in the remote area of Tingginambut, close to the Puncak Jaya mountain, but so far very little evidence has emerged.
The witness says he hid up in the mountain for weeks after seeing the military kill people in villages in anger after not being able to find a wanted Papuan activist.
He says police know about the incident but haven’t taken any action.
He spoke to Alex Perrottet.
MAN: The people were killed, about 40 people, 40 people killed. And we found them in different places.
ALEX PERROTTET: And have you yourself seen the bodies, have you?
MAN: Yeah we found the bodies. Some of them under the bridge, they kill and then they throw next to the bridge, and then some of them under the rock. And we found in different places.
AP: What did you do with the bodies when you found them?
MAN: We tried to, want to burn them, but army, heavy army, they tried looking for us and now we are hide in the jungle.
AP: And do you know the victims, the people who were killed, do you know some of them personally?
MAN: Yes and I have their names and also their picture.
AP: And is anyone going to go back and try to get the bodies or not?
MAN: Yes, but for today no.
AP: Have you told the police?
MAN: Yeah, but I can’t go to the city. In Wamena it’s OK, but here it’s a little bit... They are looking for us and they already know us and I try to kind of hiding.
AP: Do you know whether any police know about this?
MAN: Yeah, police knows. Police know about this, but they just leave.
AP: How do you know that the military killed the 40 people? Did you see them do it?
MAN: Yeah. We were together, the victims we were together. And then they just go and then kill the people, they murdered them. And then we ran and climbed and went up to the mountain.
AP: You were hiding and watching, were you?
MAN: Yeah, I was hiding and watching them and I took some photos and also some video.
AP: And how did you feel?
MAN: I almost died, because I feel scared and because my friends, some they killed. We were together, we eat food together and they were killed by the military. And now I’m very upset and I’m trying to get free, free to live, but I am hiding in the jungle and I am not free.
News Content © Radio New Zealand International
PO Box 123, Wellington, New Zealand
Nike
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Sorry Pyropura , what are you doing to include this rubbish article into our military news and discussion? If you want to black campaigning Indonesia politics and indonesian authority over west papua, u don't have a place in this thread. U can make new thread and u can talk about crap and rubbish till your heart is content, and we don't buy it.
Disini kita bisa mita moderator ngapus postingan member lain nggak?
Itu ada sampah Malon yang mosting isu Papua Barat disini
pyropura
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New ICP Report Details Extent of Violations In Papua
Wednesday, 26 June 2013, 2:34 pm
Press Release: InternationalCoalition for Papua
New ICP Report Details Extent of Violations In Papua
Human Rights and Peace for Papua, the international coalition for Papua (ICP) of faith-based and civil society organisations is publishing its third report on the human rights situation in Papua together with Franciscans International. The 2013 report has now been released and is available for download at wwwdothumanrightspapuadotorg. The report covers cases of violations of civil, political, economic, social, cultural as well as indegenous peoples' rights. It was prepared by a group of human rights organisations based in Papua, Jakarta and abroad and covers events between October 2011 and March 2013. The report shows that the level of human rights violations has not been reduced while impunity widely prevails. Jakarta's approach to address the problem with accelerated economic development has caused a widening of the social gap in Papua. Frustrations over continued violence and injustice angers indigenous Papuans.
Executive Summary
50 years ago, on May 1, 1963, Indonesia took over control of Papua from the UN. Since then Papuans lives have been marked by violence, the lack of access to effective remedies concerning right violations, as well as marginalisation and discrimination. As a result, Papuans are deeply disappointed by the Indonesian Governments administration of Papua and regularly voice their disapproval. The government often resorts to the excessive use of force to silence such protests, however. The call for a dialogue to take place between stakeholders in Papua and Jakarta, as a peaceful means to discuss the problems in Papua and find solutions to these, have not led to the required action by the government.
Cases of extra-judicial killings, torture and arbitrary arrests documented between October 2011 and March 2013 show an ongoing high level of violence, concerning which the perpetrators - notably members of the security forces, including police and military - are not being held accountable, in the majority of cases. In the remote highland areas such forms of violence are most frequently noted. There, the security forces have continued to conduct raids in villages in order to retaliate concerning conflict violence and to intimidate indigenous village communities, resulting in the displacement of people. The Third Papuan Peoples Congress in October 2011 was violently dispersed, persons were killed and peaceful political activists were imprisoned. In 2012, an escalation of violence was noted during which civilians were shot by unknown persons, political activist group leader Mako Tabuni was killed by the security forces and political activists were persecuted with arrests and killings. This, together with the prohibition of demonstrations in the second half of 2012, has resulted in a deterioration of the freedom of assembly and expression in Papua, from which civil society activism has until now not fully recovered despite small improvements in early 2013.
Poor management of human resources in the health-care and education sectors, despite the construction of new facilities and the availability of funds for salaries, have left most health-care centres and schools unattended by health workers and teachers respectively. Due to this, access to education and health-care is often not available, notably in remote areas. Child death rates and HIV/AIDS infection data are at alarming level and rank highest compared to other Indonesian regions, demanding serious reforms of the health sector.
As part of the central governments plan to accelerate economic development in Papua, the issuance of licenses to companies for the extraction of natural resources continued despite serious concerns as to their impact on indigenous communities, who often lose their traditional livelihoods as a result of deforestation. Illegal businesses have accounted for a considerable share of investment activities. The security forces benefit from the provision of security services to such companies and are also themselves involved in the extraction of natural resources. Due to the omnipresence of the army in Papua and the lack of independent mechanisms to hold their members accountable, illegal activities by the military, including human rights violations and resource extraction, continue with impunity, while Papuas natural forests are shrinking at an alarming rate, causing considerable long-term impact on the environment and climate.
This report also documents cases in which children and women have become the victims of violence, including by the security forces. It has been noted that there exists a very low threshold concerning the willingness by the security forces to use arbitrary and excessive violence against women. Out of fear of reprisals and a lack of action by the police concerning the investigation of cases of violence against women, many cases are not reported to the law enforcement institutions and the perpetrators enjoy impunity.
Indigenous Papuans experience a much lower level of security and protection of their right to life as compared with other residents of Papua. Communal violence is often responded to with excessive and arbitrary actions by the security forces or are not addressed, resulting in an environment of lawlessness and injustice affecting the indigenous Papuan community as a whole. The stigmatisation of Papuans as separatists or terrorists is used to justify violent actions against them. Military tribunals and the police internal PROPAM mechanism lack independence or a policy to end human rights violations. As this victimisation continues, the absence of effective legal remedies that are available to Papuans deepens the social and political conflict.
Instead of a civilian approach to justice, the security approach remains the dominant one used by Indonesia in Papua. The intelligence agency makes use of surveillance measures, that are disproportionate and discriminatory against the indigenous populations and contributes significantly to the climate of fear. Reforms to the Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, the Law on Military Tribunals and other laws governing the security forces are necessary. A new bill on National Security and a new law on the state intelligence body allow for arbitrary actions and abuses of power.
While some of the recommendations made by States during the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Councils Universal Periodic Review (UPR) were accepted, Indonesia refused those that concerned the problem of impunity and the use of a security-based approach in Papua. The problem of impunity was denied by Indonesia during the review. Delays in making specific arrangements to allow visits by UN Special Procedures as announced by Indonesia during the UPR indicate the governments ongoing reluctance to provide open access to such experts, notably to the mandate on freedom of expression.
Even though the Special Autonomy Law for Papua included important provisions concerning the implementation of the right to self-determination, the law has frequently been violated and after twelve years of failed Special Autonomy, Papuans have given up hope on the Law as a means to protect indigenous concerns.
The Special Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B) was mandated to work for the four year period between 2010 and 2014 and spearheads the governments approach to address the overall situation in Papua. This ad-hoc approach was designed without consultation with Papuans and as a result fails to address key aspects of the situation in Papua, effectively maintaining the core of the problem. Papuans have in general not benefited from the UP4Bs programmes, as corruption in public institutions continues to be responsible for the disappearance of large parts of promised development funds. Due to mismanagement, important public services and an improvement to living standards for Papuans remain lacking. Whether Jakartas new Special Autonomy Plus approach is able to succeed depends on whether this concept is designed in a participatory way with the Papuan people, such as through the dialogue process.
The Jakarta-Papua Dialogue is a means of building trust between Papuans and the national government and to bring about the vision of Papua as a Land of Peace. Indonesian President Yudhoyono in late 2011 had already declared that the dialogue process was the means to solve the problem in Papua. The central government has, however, not taken visible steps to enter this dialogue process goes forward as announced, as it continues to pander to hard-liners within the government that continue to reject this approach.
ENDS
Wednesday, 26 June 2013, 2:34 pm
Press Release: InternationalCoalition for Papua
New ICP Report Details Extent of Violations In Papua
Human Rights and Peace for Papua, the international coalition for Papua (ICP) of faith-based and civil society organisations is publishing its third report on the human rights situation in Papua together with Franciscans International. The 2013 report has now been released and is available for download at wwwdothumanrightspapuadotorg. The report covers cases of violations of civil, political, economic, social, cultural as well as indegenous peoples' rights. It was prepared by a group of human rights organisations based in Papua, Jakarta and abroad and covers events between October 2011 and March 2013. The report shows that the level of human rights violations has not been reduced while impunity widely prevails. Jakarta's approach to address the problem with accelerated economic development has caused a widening of the social gap in Papua. Frustrations over continued violence and injustice angers indigenous Papuans.
Executive Summary
50 years ago, on May 1, 1963, Indonesia took over control of Papua from the UN. Since then Papuans lives have been marked by violence, the lack of access to effective remedies concerning right violations, as well as marginalisation and discrimination. As a result, Papuans are deeply disappointed by the Indonesian Governments administration of Papua and regularly voice their disapproval. The government often resorts to the excessive use of force to silence such protests, however. The call for a dialogue to take place between stakeholders in Papua and Jakarta, as a peaceful means to discuss the problems in Papua and find solutions to these, have not led to the required action by the government.
Cases of extra-judicial killings, torture and arbitrary arrests documented between October 2011 and March 2013 show an ongoing high level of violence, concerning which the perpetrators - notably members of the security forces, including police and military - are not being held accountable, in the majority of cases. In the remote highland areas such forms of violence are most frequently noted. There, the security forces have continued to conduct raids in villages in order to retaliate concerning conflict violence and to intimidate indigenous village communities, resulting in the displacement of people. The Third Papuan Peoples Congress in October 2011 was violently dispersed, persons were killed and peaceful political activists were imprisoned. In 2012, an escalation of violence was noted during which civilians were shot by unknown persons, political activist group leader Mako Tabuni was killed by the security forces and political activists were persecuted with arrests and killings. This, together with the prohibition of demonstrations in the second half of 2012, has resulted in a deterioration of the freedom of assembly and expression in Papua, from which civil society activism has until now not fully recovered despite small improvements in early 2013.
Poor management of human resources in the health-care and education sectors, despite the construction of new facilities and the availability of funds for salaries, have left most health-care centres and schools unattended by health workers and teachers respectively. Due to this, access to education and health-care is often not available, notably in remote areas. Child death rates and HIV/AIDS infection data are at alarming level and rank highest compared to other Indonesian regions, demanding serious reforms of the health sector.
As part of the central governments plan to accelerate economic development in Papua, the issuance of licenses to companies for the extraction of natural resources continued despite serious concerns as to their impact on indigenous communities, who often lose their traditional livelihoods as a result of deforestation. Illegal businesses have accounted for a considerable share of investment activities. The security forces benefit from the provision of security services to such companies and are also themselves involved in the extraction of natural resources. Due to the omnipresence of the army in Papua and the lack of independent mechanisms to hold their members accountable, illegal activities by the military, including human rights violations and resource extraction, continue with impunity, while Papuas natural forests are shrinking at an alarming rate, causing considerable long-term impact on the environment and climate.
This report also documents cases in which children and women have become the victims of violence, including by the security forces. It has been noted that there exists a very low threshold concerning the willingness by the security forces to use arbitrary and excessive violence against women. Out of fear of reprisals and a lack of action by the police concerning the investigation of cases of violence against women, many cases are not reported to the law enforcement institutions and the perpetrators enjoy impunity.
Indigenous Papuans experience a much lower level of security and protection of their right to life as compared with other residents of Papua. Communal violence is often responded to with excessive and arbitrary actions by the security forces or are not addressed, resulting in an environment of lawlessness and injustice affecting the indigenous Papuan community as a whole. The stigmatisation of Papuans as separatists or terrorists is used to justify violent actions against them. Military tribunals and the police internal PROPAM mechanism lack independence or a policy to end human rights violations. As this victimisation continues, the absence of effective legal remedies that are available to Papuans deepens the social and political conflict.
Instead of a civilian approach to justice, the security approach remains the dominant one used by Indonesia in Papua. The intelligence agency makes use of surveillance measures, that are disproportionate and discriminatory against the indigenous populations and contributes significantly to the climate of fear. Reforms to the Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, the Law on Military Tribunals and other laws governing the security forces are necessary. A new bill on National Security and a new law on the state intelligence body allow for arbitrary actions and abuses of power.
While some of the recommendations made by States during the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Councils Universal Periodic Review (UPR) were accepted, Indonesia refused those that concerned the problem of impunity and the use of a security-based approach in Papua. The problem of impunity was denied by Indonesia during the review. Delays in making specific arrangements to allow visits by UN Special Procedures as announced by Indonesia during the UPR indicate the governments ongoing reluctance to provide open access to such experts, notably to the mandate on freedom of expression.
Even though the Special Autonomy Law for Papua included important provisions concerning the implementation of the right to self-determination, the law has frequently been violated and after twelve years of failed Special Autonomy, Papuans have given up hope on the Law as a means to protect indigenous concerns.
The Special Unit for the Acceleration of Development in Papua and West Papua (UP4B) was mandated to work for the four year period between 2010 and 2014 and spearheads the governments approach to address the overall situation in Papua. This ad-hoc approach was designed without consultation with Papuans and as a result fails to address key aspects of the situation in Papua, effectively maintaining the core of the problem. Papuans have in general not benefited from the UP4Bs programmes, as corruption in public institutions continues to be responsible for the disappearance of large parts of promised development funds. Due to mismanagement, important public services and an improvement to living standards for Papuans remain lacking. Whether Jakartas new Special Autonomy Plus approach is able to succeed depends on whether this concept is designed in a participatory way with the Papuan people, such as through the dialogue process.
The Jakarta-Papua Dialogue is a means of building trust between Papuans and the national government and to bring about the vision of Papua as a Land of Peace. Indonesian President Yudhoyono in late 2011 had already declared that the dialogue process was the means to solve the problem in Papua. The central government has, however, not taken visible steps to enter this dialogue process goes forward as announced, as it continues to pander to hard-liners within the government that continue to reject this approach.
ENDS
Nike
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Why you bring this Papua issue "Malon trollers", you just should look at yourself when you "negotiate" with intruder from Phillippine, you just using excessive power from your armed forces just to crush 200 intruder. I don't know what your intention but you should stop your bullshit and craps.
pyropura
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June 2013
Indonesia: Military tribunals being used to shield human rights violators
Twelve Kopassus (Special Forces Command) soldiers have been accused of the extrajudicial execution of four detainees
The trial of 12 Kopassus (Special Forces Command) soldiers accused of the extrajudicial execution of four detainees is likely to be little more than a sham warned Amnesty International as the military hearing opens on Thursday.
These courts should never be used to try those accused of human rights violations. They are biased, and they create an intimidating environment for witnesses to testify, said Isabelle Arradon, Deputy Director of Amnesty Internationals Asia-Pacific Programme.
Kopassus forces have been accused of a range of serious human rights violations in the past but the vast majority have never been tried in an independent court for these crimes.
This horrific case is a stark reminder of how reforms of the military and the justice system have been stalled for years in Indonesia. Perpetrators of past crimes run free and new abuses can be committed with apparent impunity. There has to be immediate changes in law and practice so that human rights violators can be effectively tried before independent, civilian courts, and to send a clear message that no one is above the law, said Arradon.
The 12 Kopassus soldiers are accused of killing four unarmed detainees at Cebongan prison outside Yogyakarta on 23 March this year. According to credible sources, the soldiers wearing masks and carrying weapons including AK-47s managed to force their way into the prison after a man claiming to be from the Yogyakarta police convinced guards to open the doors.
After beating guards in order to gain access to the detainees cells, the Kopassus soldiers then reportedly shot the detainees dead inside their cell. CCTV footage has since been removed from the prison in an apparent attempt to hide evidence.
The local military commanders initial reaction to the incident was to deny military involvement, but an internal military inquiry later named the 12 Kopassus soldiers as suspects. Despite this, Kopassus commander Major General Agus Sutomo insisted that what happened was not a human rights violation but insubordination.
That senior military officers call insubordination the killing of four unarmed men who were locked up in a cell is deeply concerning, and shows why it is so crucial that the military should not be allowed to simply investigate themselves in these cases. Although it is important that steps are taken to ensure those responsible for serious human rights violations are held to account, military tribunals are not the solution, Arradon said.
Extrajudicial executions are crimes under international law, and also violate the basic human right to life, which Indonesia is bound to respect and protect under international treaties and its own Constitution.
With the trial of the 12 soldiers starting tomorrow, local human rights groups have already raised concerns about the scarcity of evidence compiled by military investigators. At least 10 traumatized witnesses are also afraid to testify in court, and have requested teleconferencing facilities.
Testifying in a military court is clearly a terrifying prospect for many civilians. The Indonesian government needs to ensure that witnesses of military abuses are free from potential retaliation during trial proceedings, said Arradon.
In a previous case in 2010, three soldiers who were filmed torturing Papuan men including by kicking them and burning their genitals were sentenced to between eight and 10 months imprisonment by a military tribunal for deliberately disobeying orders. Victims were too afraid to testify at the trial and no criminal charges were filed against the soldiers.
Indonesia: Military tribunals being used to shield human rights violators
Twelve Kopassus (Special Forces Command) soldiers have been accused of the extrajudicial execution of four detainees
The trial of 12 Kopassus (Special Forces Command) soldiers accused of the extrajudicial execution of four detainees is likely to be little more than a sham warned Amnesty International as the military hearing opens on Thursday.
These courts should never be used to try those accused of human rights violations. They are biased, and they create an intimidating environment for witnesses to testify, said Isabelle Arradon, Deputy Director of Amnesty Internationals Asia-Pacific Programme.
Kopassus forces have been accused of a range of serious human rights violations in the past but the vast majority have never been tried in an independent court for these crimes.
This horrific case is a stark reminder of how reforms of the military and the justice system have been stalled for years in Indonesia. Perpetrators of past crimes run free and new abuses can be committed with apparent impunity. There has to be immediate changes in law and practice so that human rights violators can be effectively tried before independent, civilian courts, and to send a clear message that no one is above the law, said Arradon.
The 12 Kopassus soldiers are accused of killing four unarmed detainees at Cebongan prison outside Yogyakarta on 23 March this year. According to credible sources, the soldiers wearing masks and carrying weapons including AK-47s managed to force their way into the prison after a man claiming to be from the Yogyakarta police convinced guards to open the doors.
After beating guards in order to gain access to the detainees cells, the Kopassus soldiers then reportedly shot the detainees dead inside their cell. CCTV footage has since been removed from the prison in an apparent attempt to hide evidence.
The local military commanders initial reaction to the incident was to deny military involvement, but an internal military inquiry later named the 12 Kopassus soldiers as suspects. Despite this, Kopassus commander Major General Agus Sutomo insisted that what happened was not a human rights violation but insubordination.
That senior military officers call insubordination the killing of four unarmed men who were locked up in a cell is deeply concerning, and shows why it is so crucial that the military should not be allowed to simply investigate themselves in these cases. Although it is important that steps are taken to ensure those responsible for serious human rights violations are held to account, military tribunals are not the solution, Arradon said.
Extrajudicial executions are crimes under international law, and also violate the basic human right to life, which Indonesia is bound to respect and protect under international treaties and its own Constitution.
With the trial of the 12 soldiers starting tomorrow, local human rights groups have already raised concerns about the scarcity of evidence compiled by military investigators. At least 10 traumatized witnesses are also afraid to testify in court, and have requested teleconferencing facilities.
Testifying in a military court is clearly a terrifying prospect for many civilians. The Indonesian government needs to ensure that witnesses of military abuses are free from potential retaliation during trial proceedings, said Arradon.
In a previous case in 2010, three soldiers who were filmed torturing Papuan men including by kicking them and burning their genitals were sentenced to between eight and 10 months imprisonment by a military tribunal for deliberately disobeying orders. Victims were too afraid to testify at the trial and no criminal charges were filed against the soldiers.
nufix
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Thank you for your contribution, but don't forget to cite the source of the news.
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