Russia Wants to De-Hyphenate India and Pakistan. Should Delhi Worry?
Moscow’s recent attempt to de-hyphenate its relations with Pakistan and India will only frustrate New Dehli.
By
Umair Jamal for The Diplomat
September 27, 2016
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A contingent of
Russian troops landed in Pakistan on September 23, dispelling rumors that Moscow had decided to
cancel its first ever joint military exercises with Pakistan in order to express solidarity with its long time ally India for the Uri attack, which killed 18 Indian soldiers last week in Jammu and Kashmir.
Russia is one of India’s oldest and closest allies. The two countries have pursued broad military and commercial ties since the partition of the subcontinent in 1947. During the Cold War, India signed a treaty of friendship with the Soviet Union in 1971.
Historically, Pakistan and Russia’s ties have remained strained. Until recently, the relationship between the two countries was shaped by Moscow’s ties with New Delhi. However, Russia’s hesitancy to support its historic ally in the wake of the Uri attack by not calling off the exercises with Pakistan marks a distinct shift in Moscow’s foreign policy.
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Over the last couple of years, Russia has attempted to expand its relationship with Pakistan. Pakistan and Russia are in the
process of finalizing a military deal that includes the sale of Su-35 fighter jets. Moreover, last year, Russia and Pakistan signed an agreement for the construction of an
1,100 kilometer gas pipeline from Lahore to Karachi.
However, Russia’s attempt to engage Pakistan is not a reaction to New Delhi’s much-discussed growing closeness with the United States. Rather, for Russia, it’s an attempt to break out of its growing economic and diplomatic isolation, which surged in the form of Western sanctions aimed at isolating the Russian economy after it annexed Crimea.
Moscow’s decision of not canceling the ongoing military exercises with Pakistan is likely driven by its domestic consideration that the new geostrategic environment in South Asia demands Russia extend its diplomatic, security, and economic outreach beyond its historic partnerships and alliances.
Moreover, Russia is trying to find new markets for its arms in order to keep its defense industry afloat. Russia cannot afford to continue its current dependency on India and China (Russia’s largest arms buyers); the growing economic stagnation of the country will aggravate further if Moscow fails to diversity its arms trade.
India, meanwhile, is diversifying its economic and
security relations. Russia, whose ties with China have historically been difficult, is
deepening its military and economic relations there as well.
Meanwhile, to fulfill its own growing economic and security needs, Pakistan has looked for other sources of support beyond Washington. Arguably, Islamabad’s strategic tilt away from Washington and toward Beijing is meant to counter the United States’ highly demanding partnership.
In the short term, Russia’s rapprochement with Pakistan will surely annoy India, for it does not fall in line with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s new policy aimed at
isolating Pakistan globally.
Keep in mind that the joint military exercises between Russia and Pakistan were planned months ago. However, Russia’s decision to send troops to Pakistan in the wake of the Uri attack, which India squarely blames on Pakistan, would not have been undertaken without due considerations.
However, none of this means that Moscow will not support New Delhi’s stance on terrorism vis-à-vis Pakistan. While many countries’ condemnation of the Uri attack was veiled, Russia, in its statement, directly mentioned Pakistan: “We note with concern the resurgence of
terrorist attacks near the Line of Control. It is alarming and according to New Dehli, the attack on military unit near the town of Uri was committed from the territory of Pakistan.”
Moreover, the Russian embassy in India, in a statement, said that the counterterrorism exercises will not be held in any
disputed areas, such as Gilgit-Baltistan, or the Pakistan-controlled part of the Kashmir region. (There was some confusion regarding this statement as the exercise was slated to start in Rattu in Gilgit-Baltistan,
according to Pakistani reports.)
Without a doubt, the changing phase of Russia-Pakistan relations does not pose any real challenge to New Delhi’s time-tested strategic partnership with Moscow. Nevertheless, these developments do indicate that Moscow and Islamabad’s bilateral relations will no longer be defined by India-Russia ties.
http://thediplomat.com/2016/09/russia-wants-to-de-hyphenate-india-and-pakistan-should-delhi-worry/
Russia’s war drills come as surprise in Asia
By
Sergei Blagov on September 27, 2016 in Asia Times News & Features,
China,
India,
South Asia,
Southeast Asia
The drills in Asia appeared to highlight Russia’s converging interests with China and Pakistan, despite possible adverse repercussions for relations with India and ASEAN. Yet the wisdom of Russia’s latest policy of war games can remain a matter of debate.
MOSCOW (AT)–Military exercises seem becoming instrument of choice of the Kremlin’s foreign policy. Some of these drills also proved instrumental to raise eyebrows in Asia, and elsewhere.
Russia-Pakistan drill takes place at the same time the Indo-Russia joint military exercise Indra-2016 is being held in Vladivostok, Russia
In a surprise move, Russian troops landed in Pakistan on September 23 for the first-ever joint military exercises. Some 200 troops from the two countries take part in the drill, officially described as anti-terror exercise, to October 10. The joint military exercises were apparently intended to highlight growing defense ties between Moscow and Islamabad, the two former Cold War rivals.
The Russia-Pakistan joint drill raised questions whether it could adversely affect Moscow-Delhi traditional ties as the Kremlin was seen as siding with Islamabad in the territorial dispute with India. The Russian Embassy in India was forced to dismiss media reports that the Russia-Pakistan drill could be held in areas disputed with India, including “Azad Kashmir,” Gilgit and Baltistan. In response, India voiced concerns towards what New Delhi described as “Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism” and these concerns were also conveyed to its strategic partner, Russia.
Coincidence or not, the Russia-Pakistan drill takes place at the same time the Indo-Russia joint military exercise Indra-2016 is being held in Vladivostok, Russia, from September 22 to October 2. These biannual exercises, held between the two nations since 2003, were designed to highlight what was officially described as “strategic alliance” between Russia and India. Holding joint military exercises with India and Pakistan simultaneously came as Russia’s surprising stratagem as Moscow appeared undermining the decades-long “strategic alliance” with Delhi so as to develop defense ties with Islamabad.
The Kremlin held other surprising military exercises out there in Asia. Earlier this month, Russian and Chinese naval forces held the first-ever joint military drill in the South China Sea. The Joint Sea-2016 drill from September 12-19 was also the single largest joint maritime military exercise between Russia and China ever.
China claims nearly all of the South China Sea, but ASEAN countries, Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei, disagree with these claims. In July 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague ruled that China has no grounds to claim these islands and reefs in the South China Sea. The Chinese authorities refused to accept the court’s decision.
The Russian Foreign Ministry insisted Russia was not a party in this confrontation and was not going to get involved. However, the Sino-Russian joint drills were seen as having adverse repercussions for Russia-ASEAN.
The Joint Sea-2016 drill was held not in a contested part of the South China Sea. But willingly or unwillingly, Russia backed China’s claim to the disputed islands there.
For Russia though, it would hardly have been worth holding drills in the South China Sea at all in the first place, as Moscow was undermining relations with ASEAN and antagonizing its traditional ally, Vietnam. Backing Beijing’s historic claims to South China Sea appeared to be a dicey game for Moscow as China could potentially have similar historic claims to sizable parts of Russia’s Far East.
The Joint Sea-2016 came as the latest in a series of high-profile joint military drills. In August 2015, Russian and Chinese naval forces held exercises in the Sea of Japan, featuring live-firing combat drills. In May 2015, both navies held joint exercises in the Mediterranean Sea and Black Sea, in an apparent challenge to US perceived dominance in the region.
This year, Moscow even held maneuvers with its smaller neighbor states. Last month, the first Russian-Mongolian joint drill was held in Russia’s Buryatia internal republic.
Russia also held major military exercises unilaterally. The Kavkaz (Caucasus)-2016 drill was held in Russia from late August until September 10. During the maneuvers, the Caspian Flotilla was training to use the Kalibr cruise missiles.
Meanwhile, Russia’s policy of war games also sparked concerns in the West. NATO officials reportedly complained that Russia held increasing numbers of large drills with no advance notification. Last week, Western media outlets floated Ukraine’s military intelligence claims that Russia’s nuclear forces were practising readiness for a large-scale nuclear conflict.
Last month, yet another Russian drill involved called for NATO soldiers “to lay down arms.” The exercises, named Cooperation-2016, was aimed at preparing troops to protect the country’s northwest borders from a hypothetical NATO invasion. While dubbing these exercises as World War 3 drills would probably be an exaggeration, the wording was sufficient to spark concerns in Western capitals.
The drills in Asia appeared to highlight Russia’s converging interests with China and Pakistan, despite possible adverse repercussions for relations with India and ASEAN. Yet the wisdom of Russia’s latest policy of war games can remain a matter of debate.
Sergei Blagov is a Moscow-based independent journalist and researcher. In the past three decades, he has been covering Asian affairs from Moscow, Russia, as well as Hanoi, Vietnam and Vientiane, Laos. He is the author of non-fiction books on Vietnam, and a contributor of a handbook for reporters.
http://atimes.com/2016/09/russian-war-games-come-as-surprise-in-asia/