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India plans to deport 40,000 Rohingyas

South Asian Monitor

Unhelpful and hostile neighbors have thrust the enormous burden of looking after 400,000 Rohingya refugees from Myanmar on the slender shoulders of Bangladesh when the latter is just beginning to make progress on the economic front.

After telling Bangladesh that it is fully with it on the Rohingya issue (to assuage anger in that country over India’s statement that the Rohingya problem is a terrorist one), the Indian government told the Supreme Court on Monday, that the Rohingyas are a “serious threat” to India’s security and that the court must not interfere with plans to deport 40,000 “illegal immigrants”.

It is not clear if the Rohingyas will be shipped to Myanmar or pushed into Bangladesh from where they entered India. If Myanmar refuses to take them, as they well might, the hapless refugees may have to be pushed into Bangladesh to add to the lakhs already there. In fact, The Hindu has reported that the BJP-ruled Indian state bordering Bangladesh like Assam and Manipur have already told their police to “push back” incoming Rohingyas.
 
Rohingya barely settled already causing problems. One 35 year old Rohingya man in Australia about to go to jail for marring a 14 year old girl, and he was warned before marriage by child protective services not to do it.
 
Delhi’s move to deport the refugees stirs debate
SAM Staff, September 21, 2017
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Rohingya refugees arriving by boat at Shah Parir Dwip on the Bangladesh side of the Naf River after fleeing violence in Myanmar on Sept 12, 2017. PHOTO: AFP
The Indian government is looking to deport about 40,000 Rohingya Muslims living in India, triggering debate over whether the world’s largest democracy and an aspiring global power should turn away refugees seeking asylum.

India has welcomed thousands of Tibetans, Sri Lankan Tamils and other refugees in the past, but has flagged security concerns over the Rohingya.

India’s Home Ministry on Monday told the Supreme Court – where a petition has been filed challenging the government’s decision to deport the Rohingya – that it is in possession of intelligence showing some Rohingya in India had links to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and Pakistan-based terror organisations, labelling the community a “security threat”. It said it would share that information with the Supreme Court next month, and urged the court to leave the decision on deporting the Rohingya to the executive.

The Rohingya, some of who have been in India for years, live in different parts of the country, with Jammu state having the largest population. They are not part of the current exodus from Rakhine state, for which the Myanmar government is facing international condemnation. The Myanmar government said it is fighting Rohingya militants.

Critics have said India’s move to deport the Rohingya, combined with a mild statement asking Myanmar to handle the situation, went against India’s stature as a leading regional power.

Amnesty International called the government’s deportation move “abject dereliction of India’s human rights obligation”, even as the opposition Congress party urged the government not to issue a blanket ban, and sought political consultations.

In the Indian media, too, opinion writers have argued whether India can ignore the developments in Myanmar.

“Since the refugees have no home to return to right now, New Delhi must show some magnanimity,” said an opinion piece in The Hindu newspaper entitled “Can India ignore the Rohingya crisis?”.

India regards Myanmar as a gateway to South-east Asia and, for years, has cultivated the military junta, and now the government led by de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

India’s policy towards Myanmar has in large part been driven by its need for help in cracking down on insurgents along its border, as well as its need for energy.

New Delhi has also been concerned over Beijing’s increasing influence in Myanmar.

Yet, the Modi government has also sent relief supplies for Rohingya Muslims in Bangladesh in an operation called Insaaniyat, or Humanity.

“The basic concern is if we take a stand on refugees and criticise Myanmar, we undo all the good work done. Yet, helping the Rohingya in Bangladesh and not in India is not a very convincing stand,” said former Indian foreign secretary Lalit Mansingh.

“It is a moral dilemma, but the government looks at it in terms of clear balancing of strategic interests and has come to the conclusion that this is the right line to take,” he said.

Back in India, the Rohingya community is wondering what will come next.

Ali Johar, 25, who came to the country with his parents when he was 17, said the community, which has continued to struggle in India, worries about its future.

“People are in fear. The government of India is accusing us of being a security threat. So, people are feeling helpless and hopeless. We are like birds in a cage – stuck,” said Ali.

“But it will be difficult for the Indian government to repatriate. Will Myanmar accept us back?”
SOURCE AFP
http://southasianmonitor.com/2017/09/21/delhis-move-deport-refugees-stirs-debate/
 
Rohingyas could have stayed peacefully in Myanmar if they had not claimed separation from Myanmar.
But what did Myanmar do so that they left en masse. India should learn from Myanmar Armed forces.
 
Rohingyas could have stayed peacefully in Myanmar if they had not claimed separation from Myanmar.
But what did Myanmar do so that they left en masse. India should learn from Myanmar Armed forces.

So true. People can't claim oppression if they want to break up a country.
 
IAPI, SANSAD urge Indian Govt. to ‘open doors for Rohingya refugees’
Holiday Desk

Indians Abroad for Plural India (IAPI) and South Asian Network for Secularism and Democracy (SANSAD) in a joint statement condemn the Government of India’s endorsement of the Myanmar government’s treatment of the Rohingya minority that has been described by the UN as “ethnic cleansing” and the Hindu nationalist BJP government’s determination to expel the Rohigya refugees already in India as illegal immigrants.

Rohingyas are a historically persecuted Muslim minority in Myanmar, who had been denied citizenship recognition as an ethnic minority though they have been settled in the Arakan district for hundreds of years, with the majority of them being settled there by the British after they conquered Arakan in early nineteenth century. They have been denied even the right to call themselves “Rohingyas,” being insistently named “Bengalis” instead by the state. They have been subjected to genocidal violence since 2012, which has led to the fleeing of hundreds of thousands and the internment of thousands in camps in abysmal conditions.

In the current spate of state violence, triggered as genocide often is by the attack of a group of Rohingya resistance, the military and Buddhist extremists have unleashed a terror that has driven more than 400, 000 Rohingyas fleeing in desperation to already over-burdened Bangladesh.
The attack on August 25 by Rohingya militants on a police outpost in northern Rakhine state that triggered this current violence and exodus has given both the Buddhist nationalist Myanmar and the Hindu nationalists of India the justification of framing this genocide/ethnic cleansing as a fight against Muslim terrorism. We deplore this familiar genocidal alibi that falls within the currently popular bogey of Muslim terrorism.

We deplore religious nationalism in Myanmar and India. We demand that the Modi government immediately stop its attempts to expel the Rohingya refugees. We demand that the Government of Canada take up strongest measures to stop the genocidal violence against Rohingyas in Myanmar and strip Aung San Suu Kyi of honorary citizenship in Canada. We further demand that the Government of Canada use all diplomatic means to persuade India to respect its international commitments by protecting rather than persecuting the Rohingya refugees currently resident in India.
http://www.weeklyholiday.net/Homepage/Pages/UserHome.aspx
 
It is India's top court, and not anymore in Modi's hand. If the court decides that Rohingya's be deported..they will be deported. If the courts stop the deportation...they will remain until things are better before they are sent back to Burma.
 
Are the Rohingya India's 'favourite whipping boy'?
Soutik Biswas India correspondent
25 September 2017
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Image copyright REUTERS
Image caption The Rohingya are described as the world's 'most friendless people'

At home in Myanmar, they are unwanted and denied citizenship. Outside, they are largely friendless as well. Now the government says that Rohingya living in India pose a clear and present danger to national security.

First, a government minister kicked up a storm earlier this month when he announced that India would deport its entire Rohingya population, thought to number about 40,000, including some 16,000 who have been registered as refugees by the UN.

The Rohingya are seen by many of Myanmar's Buddhist majority as illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Fleeing persecution at home, they began arriving in India during the 1970s and are now scattered all over the country, many living in squalid camps.

The government's announcement has come at what many say is an inappropriate time, as violence in Myanmar's western Rakhine state has forced more than 400,000 Rohingya Muslims across the border into Bangladesh since August.

Seeing through the official story in Myanmar
Who are the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army?
When petitioners went to the Supreme Court challenging the proposed ejection plan, Narendra Modi's government responded by saying it had intelligence about links of some community members with global terrorist organisations, including ones based in Pakistan.

It said some Rohingya living here were indulging in "anti-national and illegal activities", and could help stoke religious tensions.
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Image copyright REUTERS
Image caption Most Rohingyas in India live in squalid camps
Experts agree the threat from Myanmar's newly-emergent Rohingya militant group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (Arsa), should not be underestimated. Analyst Subir Bhaumik describes Arsa as "strong and motivated", although its exact size and influence remain unclear.

The current crisis began in Rakhine in August with an Arsa attack on police posts which killed 12 security personnel. Reports say the group has at least 600 armed fighters.

Bangladeshi officials claim that Arsa has links with a banned militant group Jamaat-ul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), which was held responsible for the July 2016 cafe attack in Dhaka in which 20 hostages died. Delhi believes groups like Arsa pose a threat to regional security.

But critics of the move wonder how much credible intelligence India has on Rohingya refugees on its soil with terror links.

They say India has fought long-running home-grown insurgencies with rebel groups in the north-east and Maoists in central India, which have arguably posed a greater threat to national security than what they say is a rag-tag and scattered Rohingya population.

Also, many question a proposed move to punish a community for the perceived crimes of some - in other words, is it right to consider all Rohingya a security threat?
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Media caption Watch: Who are the Rohingya?
On the other hand, India's Home Minister Rajnath Singh insists Rohingya are not refugees or asylum-seekers. "They are illegal immigrants," he said recently.

But critics say this is untenable because India is legally bound by the UN principle of "non-refoulement" - meaning no push-backs of asylum seekers to life-threatening places.

Also, India's constitution clearly says that it "shall endeavour to foster respect for international law and obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another".

Like much of Asia, which is home to a third of the more than 20 million displaced people in the world, India has a curious track record in refugee protection.

Although the country is not party to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention and its 1967 protocol and doesn't have a formal asylum policy, it hosts more than 200,000 refugees, returnees, stateless people and asylum seekers, according the UN refugee agency, UNHCR. (These include more than 100,000 Tibetans from China and more than 60,000 Tamils from Sri
Lanka.)
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Image copyright EPA
Image caption The Rohingyas are thought to number about 40,000 in India
At the same time, India has always taken in refugees based on political considerations. It took in tens of thousands of refugees from Bangladesh during the country's 1971 war of independence from Pakistan even as it trained and supported pro-liberation guerrillas, for example.

Many like Michel Gabaudan, former president of the advocacy group Refugee International, believe that India distrusts the international refugee process partly "because it [has] received little recognition for taking in refugees" in the past.
'Unenviable'
A 2015 paper by a group of Indian researchers said the image of Rohingya in India was "unenviable - foreigner, Muslim, stateless, suspected Bangladeshi national, illiterate, impoverished and dispersed across the length and breadth of the country".

"This makes them illegal, undesirable, the other, a threat, and a nuisance," the paper said.

This also makes them, says analyst Subir Bhaumik, "a favourite whipping boy for the Hindu right-wing to energise their base".

"Remember how the issue of the Bangladeshi illegal migrant was invoked by Mr Modi and his party during the 2014 election campaign?" he said, referring to the prime minister's efforts to generate support from his Hindu base in areas with many migrants.

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Image copyright REUTERS
Image caption In Myanmar, Rohingya are seen as illegal migrants from Bangladesh
In the end, many say, what is is deeply troubling is a country talking about returning Rohingya people to Myanmar even as they appear to be the target of what the UN says "seems a textbook example of ethnic cleansing".

"Any nation has a right, and indeed a responsibility, to consider security risks, but that cannot be confused as an excuse to knowingly force an entire group of people back to a place where they will face certain persecution and a high likelihood of severe human rights abuses and death," Daniel Sullivan of Refugees International told me.
That is something India would possibly do well to remember.
 
Hapless people in a fluid corridor
Subir Bhaumik, October 2, 2017
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In the 1970s, an Indian army brigadier took up the cause of his people suffering human rights violations in his native Mizoram in the country’s northeast. His human rights forum ultimately provided him the launch pad for his Peoples Conference which came to power twice in the 1970-80s. The first Indian chief minister I met and interviewed in my professional career was this retired brigadier Thenpunga Sailo, a conscientious Christian and every inch a Mizo, brave and forthright. Sailo told me he saw India and its northeast as a ‘flower garden’ and this diversity, he said, gave India its beauty and strength.

But that idea of India faces a huge challenge today, though saffronite ministers publicly parrot the ‘unity in diversity’ mantra. The country that sheltered tens of thousands of refugees from Tibet to Sri Lanka to Bangladesh now says it will throw out Rohingya refugees, even those who have been registered by the UNHCR.

Rijjuju fired this salvo just before PM Narendra Modi’s visit to Myanmar in a move seen as much an effort to energise the drooping spirits of the Hindutva brigade as to connect to Buddhist hardliners in the Pagoda Nation, where the RSS is spreading its organisational tentacles and India is seeking ever greater influence to undermine the Chinese clout.

One rather worrying feature about Rijjuju is his insistence that the courts should not interfere with what he saw as executive matter – like his government’s decision to throw out Rohingya refugees without being sure who (Bangladesh or Myanmar or any third country) would take them. As a minister tasked to ensure not just a stable law and order situation but also protect the rule of law, it belies any reasonable India how a minister could challenge one of the key edifices of the country’s polity — the principle of judicial review.

India’s independent judiciary has been the bete noire of many authoritarian administrations like the one headed by late PM Indira Gandhi, but the BJP government is carrying the executive-judiciary conflict to new heights. And no leader wades into this conflict more often than Khiren Rijjuju. Now the politician from Arunachal Pradesh has opposed the Supreme Court’s decision to order the government to grant citizenship to Chakma and Hajong refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).

The Chakmas and Hajongs, who were settled in Arunachal Pradesh by the Nehru government after they came to India in 1964-65, now number close to 100,000. The local tribes in Arunachal have furiously oppose grant of citizenship for them, because that would change the power balance in the state. Most local tribes like Adis and Nishis number not more 100,000, and most other tribes much less that.

If all Chakmas and Hajongs become Indian citizens, they will become the second or third most important voting bloc in the state. And that is what the local tribes do not want. This is no surprise in Indian democracy where numbers matter — no dominant caste in Karnataka would like Bengalis or Tamils to become the third or fourth important voting bloc in their state. Rijjuju is a local tribesman from Arunachal and has now emerged as a powerful voice against grant of citizenship to Chakmas and Hajongs. But when he challenges the Supreme Court again and publicly states the court has overlooked local sensitivities and the government should go slow on the issue, he ends up challenging the country’s top court and questions the very principle of judicial review. Courts don’t go by local or political sensitivities — they are expected to go by the law of the land. If Rijjuju thinks he can get the courts to think like him, a politician, it is like expecting an elephant to turn into a man-eating tiger.

His Rohingya statement ahead of Modi’s Myanmar visit may reflect his party’s thinking (or lack of it) on the issue,what with senior leader Varun Gandhi now questioning its wisdom. No Indian would want more refugees to come in from anywhere — we are an over populated country and our resources are limited even after India has become the world’s third largest economy. But what is the wisdom of saying India will throw all Rohingyas who have entered the country over the past two decades! And who will take them! Surely not the fat cats of Middle East who would champion a Muslim cause but only shell out cash and not take responsibility to shelter hapless Rohingyas. How can Bangladesh take anymore of them, though PM Hasina have demonstrated a large Bengali heart when she said “we can feed one million Rohingyas if we can feed 160 million Bengalis.” Myanmar won’t take any of them.

Now are we saying Chakmas and Hajongs should go back to Bangladesh where they came from (though they came when Bangladesh was still East Pakistan)! Is Rijjuju suggesting that the Chakmas and Hajongs should live in a perpetual state of statelessness! It would be a huge anachronism these tribes people who came to India before Sonia Gandhi were to remain non-citizen even as the Italian lady heads one of India’s largest party. Rijjuju may say some other Indian state(s) should take them — but why!

Arunachal is a huge state and the reason Nehru’s top minister Biju Patnaik took the initiative to settle them in Arunachal was because he felt the need to have a very loyal tribe like the Chakmas there which could be armed and trained for behind-the-lines partisan warfare to bleed the Chinese if they swept into Arunachal again a la 1962. This is not to suggest other Arunachali tribes are not loyal to India. They are and to Modi’s delight they speak fluent Hindi. But the Chakmas have a history of resistance and can be more easily mobilised to fight for India is what Patnaik felt. Now how can India go back on its own decision! India backed the Chakma insurgency in Chittagong Hill Tracts after Bangladesh lost its founding father Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in a coup.

The Chakmas were unhappy with Bangabandhu who told their leader the late M N Larma to ‘go home and become Bangali”. But so long as Bangladesh remained a democracy, the predominantly Buddhist Chakmas had hope that democracy will ensure they would finally a semblance of self rule. Military rulers Zia and Ershad justified the Chakma resistance when they started a demographic operation involved settlement of tens of thousands land hungry Bengali landless peasants in the CHT. Now the tribes people have a very thin majority which they are destined to lose, like the Tibetans have in their homeland, victim of a similar demographic operation.

The Shanti Bahini and PCJSS came back to normal life after the 1997 CHT accord after Hasina came back to power in 1996. But the accord has not been implemented and the Buddhist tribes people are fleeing to India in droves.

I can see Chakma settlements coming up around New Town Rajarhat on the outskirts of British Calcutta — Bimal Thisya Bhikkhu has done an admirable job with his Sishu Karuna Sangha and its school for Chakma children and now plans with support of Buddhist countries to create a huge Buddha so that pilgrims headed for Bodh Gaya from Southeast or East Asia can stop over in Calcutta for a day or two. The Mamata Banerjee government has so far failed to back this project despite the big bucks it can bring for Bengal Tourism. She would prefer Rohingyas to add to her Muslim vote bank which she assiduously cultivates. Her government was willing to take Muslims of East origin rendered homeless during the 2012 riots in Western Assam but her Trinamul Congress has taken no stance on the Chakma issue as it has on the Rohingya issue.
http://southasianmonitor.com/2017/10/02/hapless-people-fluid-corridor
A taste of your own medicine.
 
Can India protect Rohingya women and children, SC asks govt
SAM Staff, October 4, 2017
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Rohingya refugees who just arrived by wooden boats from Myanmar wait for some aid to be distributed at a relief centre
The government, meanwhile, claimed that the crisis over its move to deport 40,000 Rohingya was outside the domain of the judiciary.

Can India live up to its international commitments and protect a large section of humanity comprising Rohingya women, children, the sick and the old who are “really suffering”?

This is the question the Supreme Court wants the government to answer.

The government, meanwhile, claimed that the crisis over its move to deport 40,000 Rohingya was not “justiciable”, that is, outside the domain of the judiciary.

But the court rejected this stand outright.


“I, for one, believe, from my past experience of 40 years, that when a petition like this comes to us under Article 32 of the Constitution, the court should be very slow in abdicating its jurisdiction,” Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra, who leads the three-judge Bench, said.

The government said its August 8, 2017 communication to all the States to identify Rohingya and aid in their deportation was based on certain “executive parameters” like diplomatic concerns, on whether the county can sustain such an influx of refugees and geographically whether there would be tensions and threat to national security.

It denied saying all Rohingya were terrorists, but only “some of them”.

Faced with stiff resistance from the Bench, the government climbed down and explained saying whether an issue was justiciable or not had to be decided on a case to case basis.
“Obligation to grant asylum is universal”
Senior advocate Fali Nariman, appearing for the Rohingya community, said the government “has gone out of sync” with its August 8 directive for deportation of Rohingya.

He submitted that the government’s affidavit claiming the question of deportation of Rohingya was exclusively “within its subjective domain and not justiciable” makes “big inroads into what we thought our Constitution was”.

He rubbished the government’s claims that the Rohingya refugees will eat into the resources meant for citizens. “Our Constitution is not made up of group rights but individual rights,” he said.

Mr. Nariman, who introduced himself as a refugee from British Burma, submitted that the fundamental right to life enshrined in Article 21 of the Constitution protected all “persons”, including refugees who fled persecution in their native countries.

He said the obligation to grant assylum was universal. “The Government of India has constantly made efforts to substantiate, enhance the rights of refugees. The August 8 communication is totally contradictory to Article 14. It sticks out like a sore thumb in our nation’s policy towards protecting refugees.”

Mr. Nariman referred to the December 29, 2011 directive, which laid out the standard operating procedure and internal guidelines for Foreigner Regional Registration Office (FRRO), and if necessary take steps to provide the foreign national with a long-term visa. This had to be done irrespective of religion, gender, etc.

He said India had been “supportive of burden-sharing, of providing humanitarian assistance”, citing the Nepal earthquake as an instance.

The court asked the government to address Mr. Nariman’s submissions that humanitarian concerns of children, women, the sick and the old outweigh justiciability and cannot be viewed in the same light as “everyone”.

The next date of hearing is October 13.
No blanket claims of terrorism
The Rohingya had said anyone among them found to be a militant can be proceeded against in accordance with law and he or she can be stripped off the status of a refugee under the exclusion clause of the 1951 Refugee Convention.

They were replying to the Centre’s claims that the Rohingya community was a threat to national security, easy prey for radicalisation. Their affidavit in the Supreme Court had referred to India’s strong track record of hosting refugees of different profiles from those from Tibet to ethnic Chakmas and Hajongs.

The Rohingya community, represented by Mohammad Salimullah, the main petitioner who moved the Supreme Court, said the government cannot make a “blanket claim that all Rohingya refugees have terror links”.

The Rohingya countered the government’s claims that India was not bound by the Convention Relating to Status of Refugees, 1951 and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1967. They said though India was not a signatory, it was a member of several international instruments/declarations which provide for right to asylum and against forcible repatriation.

India had a legal obligation to protect the human rights of refugees under Article 51(c) of the Constitution, the Rohingya said.
SOURCE THE HINDU
http://southasianmonitor.com/2017/10/04/can-india-protect-rohingya-women-children-sc-asks-govt/
 
Delhi giving political colour to a human issue
By Kuldip Nayar | Update: 08:29, Oct 05, 2017
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Communist leader Jyoti Basu ruled West Bengal for two and a half decades. He fought relentlessly against the communal forces. It is surprising how the RSS has penetrated and practically taken over the state. Chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress is in power in the state at present but even her adherence admits that they are fighting a losing battle.

The RSS has moved into the interior of the state and its morning shakhas (branches) are being held in every park. How and why it has happened is a case study. Communism and ideology is what the Left pursued. In sharp contrast is the RSS preaching, completely archival and conservative. The rich Bengali culture is today sandwiched between the RSS and communists.

Mamata is accused of trying to appease the Muslims when she vainly banned the immersion of Durga idols beyond certain hours. The state government, according to news reports, apprehended that both immersion processions and the Muharram processions will be taken out deliberately to cross each other’s path, putting the contaminated administration to a stern test. However, the Culcutta High Court intervened to restore the status quo.

Perhaps, what prompted Mamata to order the ban was the steady string of communal riots that have been breaking out in the districts. Controversies over the routes of Muharram processions, too, had ignited the spark. In addition, the accusations by belligerent Hindu groups, comprising both Bengalis and non-Bengalis, had sprung up to resist ‘Bangladeshi infiltrators’ and ‘Islamic terrorists.’

All these added to the communal cauldron that was already boiling, thanks to a steady exodus of Hindus from Bangladesh in recent times. The upper caste Hindus, who were a part of Bangladesh before the country was liberated from West Pakistan, had migrated to India and even today they maintain two houses, one in Bengal and the other in Bangladesh. Their children study in Indian schools and have even acquired identity and become citizens of India in some cases.

However, the rising Islamic radicalism and the steady attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh have led to fresh exodus over a decade. Unable to find a living, the economically poor are mostly confined to the border districts, eking out a living through odd jobs. Understandably, the Bengalis harbour deep resentment of ‘the other’ Muslims. And these are the ones that RSS has targeted cleverly to pull on to its side.

Against this backdrop, the Bangladeshis are going through a peculiar problem of exodus of Rohingyas, a minority Muslim community, from Myanmar. Dhaka has provided shelter to these refugees on humanitarian ground but beyond a point it cannot help much. The number of Rohingya refugees who fled Myanmar to Bangladesh since late August has reached 480,000, challenging efforts to care for them, according to UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric.

"The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) says that the number of Rohingya refugees who have fled Myanmar into Bangladesh since late August has now topped 480,000," he said. "This brings the total number of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh to more than 700,000. The Rohingyas are denied citizenship under a 1982 Myanmar citizenship law. The Myanmar government recognises them as illegal immigrants from neighbouring Bangladesh.

The exodus of Rohingyas has also posed a problem to New Delhi since some of them have infiltrated into India through the northeastern states which are sharing a long border with Myanmar. Even as the government is trying to prove to the court their association with Pakistani terrorist groups, BJP MP Varun Gandhi has advocated asylum for Rohingya Muslims who have escaped the violence in Myanmar. This is a view that is in contrast to what the government has advocated. In a recent editorial in The Navbharat Times, Varun has expressed that Rohingya refugees should not be deported but treated humanely.

No doubt, it has created a stir in political circles, particularly with minister of state for home affairs, Hansraj Ahir, saying that Varun Gandhi's view was against India’s interest. “Anyone who cares about national interest will never give such a statement," said Ahir.

The government recently told the Supreme Court that it will give evidence to the court. According to the government, some Rohingya militants are linked with Pakistan-based terrorist groups. The centre has said it will deport all 40,000 Rohingyas who are illegal immigrants. The move has been challenged in court by two Rohingya petitioners who said that their community is peace-loving and that most of them have no link to any terror activity.

New Delhi has to face the refugee problem stoically. There are Kashmiri pundits in Jammu and Bangladeshi Muslims in Kolkata and Guwahati. So is the case with Sri Lankan Tamils who have taken asylum in Tamil Nadu. Small skirmishes are already taking place and pose a serious problem. But the Rohingyas exodus has forced the government to revisit the issue of refugees, giving a political colour to a human issue.

What is disconcerting is that the problem is slowly getting a communal colour - Hindu versus Muslim. West Bengal, which is already sitting on a volcano, has to retrieve the situation which may get out of control. In fact, the secular and democratic forces would have to join hands to fight against the onslaught of Hindutva elements.

Sadly, one has to admit that the country is going towards a philosophy which has been fought by Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Our heritage is pluralism and its essence has to be kept alive. This is not a one-party task. All like-minded and non-BJP forces have to come together to fight against the creeping communal forces.

With the Hindu extremists getting an upper hand in every sphere, it is an uphill task. But there is no option either. If we want communalism to be rolled back to restore the ethos of pluralism, the secular forces have to go to the grassroots. The communists are giving the impression as if they alone are putting up a fight. The Congress is also doing so relentlessly, however irrelevant it looks in the present scenario.
http://en.prothom-alo.com/opinion/news/161907/Delhi-giving-political-colour-to-a-human-issue
 
Rohingya crisis: India identifies 140 vulnerable locations along Bangladesh border, deploys more security personnel
India PTI Oct, 07 2017 09:23:40 IST
New Delhi: India has identified 140 vulnerable locations, deployed more security personnel and surveillance gadgets, and launched a "campaign" against organised criminal gangs that help Rohingyas sneak across the India-Bangladesh border, the BSF chief on Friday said.

The Border Security Force (BSF) concluded its bi-annual four-day talks with their counterparts, Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), and chalked out plans to keep a vigil on the "spillover effect of the Rohingyas crossing over to India."
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Border Security Force (BSF) soldiers walk across the open border with Bangladesh. Reuters

BSF Director General (DG) KK Sharma and the visiting BGB chief, Major General Abul Hossain, addressed the media at the end of their talks that began after the Bangladeshi delegation arrived here on 2 October.

The BGB DG said they have assured the BSF that the policy of the Bangladeshi government is very clear and "does not allow" their soil to be used for any kind of terrorist activity, neither in their country nor against its neighbour India.

Hossain said his country was also planning to have a fenced border with Myanmar.

Sharma said both the sides discussed the issue of Rohingyas.

"We are both aware that the issue is very very serious as large number of Rohingyas have entered Bangladesh. You are very right in apprehending that the spillover effect of the Rohingyas crossing over to India is also very genuine. Both of us (BSF-BGB) have taken steps.

"The BGB has ensured that their (Rohingyas) movement is being regulated and they have mounted some nakas and check posts on various routes to ensure that they do not cross over to our side," the BSF DG said.

He added that "140 vulnerable border posts" along the 4,096-kilometre long India-Bangladesh border – that can be exploited for illegal crossing over of Rohingyas – have been identified by the BSF. These posts, Sharma said, are being "strengthened by us by deploying more manpower and by technological inputs and gadgets."

The surveillance equipments, the BSF chief said, have been "diverted" from other BSF posts and deployed all along the eastern frontier.

"We are also in touch with our sister agencies, the intelligence agencies, to identify and take action against the touts. Because, these people (Rohingyas) cannot come on their own. There are organised criminals on both the sides who assist in their crossing over to India. So, we are mounting the campaign against the touts," DG Sharma said.

He added that the border guarding force has "sensitised" the local population to inform them about people trespassing across the border.

The BSF DG said the force is constantly in touch with the BGB on a daily basis. "...our commanders on the border can speak to each other quickly and share intelligence on any movement of Rohingyas."

The BGB DG said his country has already begun the mandatory registration of all Rohingyas entering Bangladesh.

"This is a problem in Myanmar and this is not our problem. Five lakh people have already come to Bangladesh. But, this is a problem for our country also...they (Rohingyas) cannot spread all over the country.

"Our government has taken a decision and the Rohingyas have been put in the Cox's Bazar district," he said, adding they have identified the exit and entry points (of Rohingyas) which are being guarded properly.

"We have started the registration of these people...we have declared that anybody without registration will not be given any facilities. We have also informed our people in the country to inform about any such person to law enforcement agencies," Hossain said.

He added that Myanmar has told Bangladesh that they will "soon form a joint working committee to find out Rohingyas and take them back."
Published Date: Oct 07, 2017 09:19 am | Updated Date: Oct 07, 2017 09:23 am
http://www.firstpost.com/india/rohi...-deploys-more-security-personnel-4118085.html
 
Rohingyas not to be deported till next hearing:Supreme Court
পরবর্তী শুনানি না হওয়া পর্যন্ত ভারত থেকে রোহিঙ্গাদের মিয়ানমারে পাঠানো যাবে না: সুপ্রিম কোর্ট

অক্টোবর ১৩, ২০১৭
BD3FE0E9-060E-4BFB-AA98-D0C1C0E6F309_cx4_cy15_cw69_w1023_r1_s.jpg

আগামী ২১ নভেম্বর পরবর্তী শুনানি না হওয়া পর্যন্ত ভারত থেকে রোহিঙ্গাদের মিয়ানমার পাঠানো যাবে না বলে শুক্রবার মন্তব্য করেছে সুপ্রিম কোর্ট।
এ দিকে, সব রোহিঙ্গাদের মায়ানমারে ফেরত দেওয়ার যে নির্দেশ জারি করেছে ভারত সরকার, তাতে আপত্তি তুলে সুপ্রিম কোর্টে আবেদন জানাল পশ্চিমবঙ্গ শিশু অধিকার কমিশন।
তারা স্মরণ করিয়ে দিয়েছে, এ দেশে রোহিঙ্গাদের মধ্যে অন্তত ৪৪টি শিশু রয়েছে। তাদের ফেরত পাঠানোর নির্দেশ তো অমানবিক।
এর মধ্যে ২০ রোহিঙ্গা শিশু রয়েছে তাদের মায়েদের সঙ্গে বিভিন্ন সংশোধনাগারে। তাছাড়া ২৪ জন অন্যান্য সরকারি আশ্রয়স্থলে রয়েছে।
পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায় নিজেও রোহিঙ্গাদের ফেরত পাঠানোর বিরোধী। কমিশন এ-ও বলেছে, জাতিসঙ্ঘের কনভেনশন অন দ্য রাইটস অফ চাইল্ড বা according to the UN Convention n the Rights of Child,India must abide by the rules ইউএনসিআরসি-র নিয়ম ভারতকেও মেনে চলতে হবে।
তা অনুসারে শিশুদের এমন করে ফেরত পাঠানো যায় না।

https://www.voabangla.com/a/india_rohingyas_gg-10-13-17/4069285.html
 

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