India plans to deport 40,000 Rohingyas

[UKBengali]

To Bangladesh first and then Bangladesh would could work with Myanmar on their future.

And BD will take Rohingya that are not even BD citizens!


Modi should make sweet love to Aug Suu Kyi and then Myanmar
can take back their own citizens.

 

[StraightShooter]

And BD will take Rohingya that are not even BD citizens!


Modi should make sweet love to Aug Suu Kyi and then Myanmar
can take back their own citizens.

For the most part, Rohingyas are south asian Muslims. So the primary responsibility falls on Bangladesh & Pakistan than India.

1) As I said in my earlier post, India would be open to grant Indian citizenship to all Hindu Rohingyas in Myanmar. May be we can work a swap deal with Myanmar. Barter Hindu Rohingyas in Myanmar for Muslim Rohingyas illegally staying in India.

2) If Muslim Rohingyas give up Islam and convert back to one of the Dharmic religions, they could be allowed to stay in India and be granted Indian citizenship after 2-3 decades.

All Muslim Rohingyas who are illegally in India need to go back to Bangladesh/Pakistan.

Myanmar
can take back their own citizens.

If you consider them as Myanmar citizens then why make such a huge issue out of this? It is an internal issue of Myanmar isn't it? You cannot have it both ways.

 

[UKBengali]

If you consider them as Myanmar citizens then why make such a huge issue out of this? It is an internal issue of Myanmar isn't it? You cannot have it both ways.

Because Myanmar has labelled them as BD'shis and is driving them into BD.

Myanmar made BD a party to this issue.

 

[waz]

All Muslim Rohingyas who are illegally in India need to go back to Bangladesh/Pakistan.

Back to? They never inhabited Pakistan, yet the country has taken in many refugees.

 

[StraightShooter]

Because Myanmar has labelled them as BD'shis and is driving them into BD.

Myanmar made BD a party to this issue.

Why don't you just shoot all Rohingyas crossing from Myanmar into Bangladesh? Problem solved. Simple. Why make a hue and cry about this and throw a fit?

 

[UKBengali]

Why don't you just shoot all Rohingyas crossing from Myanmar into Bangladesh? Problem solved. Simple. Why make a hue and cry about this and throw a fit?

We are not monsters like some.

 

[StraightShooter]

Back to? They never inhabited Pakistan, yet the country has taken in many refugees.

They did not inhabit in India either. The point is Rohingyas are of South Origin race not Myanmar race. Hence South Asians need to take their responsibility.

Indian can take the responsibility of Rohingyas who follow Dharmic religions and Pakistan/Bangladesh need to take the responsibility of the Rohingyas who follow Islam.

Wasn't Pakistan created as the land for the Muslims of South Asia? What is your excuse for not accepting the Muslim Rohingyas?

We are not monsters like some.

Nope. You are just shedding crocodile tears for the Rohingyas.

 

[waz]

They did not inhabit in India either. The point is Rohingyas are of South Origin race not Myanmar race. Hence South Asians need to take their responsibility.

Indian can take the responsibility of Rohingyas who follow Dharmic religions and Pakistan/Bangladesh need to take the responsibility of the Rohingyas who follow Islam.

Wasn't Pakistan created as the land for the Muslims of South Asia? What is your excuse for not accepting the Muslim Rohingyas?

Pakistan has already accepted thousands and has not stopped anyone.

 

[prashantazazel]

They shouldn't be deported to Myanmar. It is better if one of the Arab countries take them in.
Those who aren't radical should be allowed to stay.
I think the best place for them would be Haryana. Jats would be strict and not allow any radicalisation.

 

[Rollno21]

There are more than 50 muslim countries and they can't take 1 million Rohingyas but expect non Muslim states to take the Muslims in millions as some how it's the fault of non Muslims

 

[Banglar Bir]

Mamata rejects Modi's 'Rohingyas Push Back" programme
মোদির রোহিঙ্গা ‘পুশব্যাক’ পরিকল্পনায় মমতার ‘না’
বিদেশ ডেস্ক
প্রকাশিত: ১৬:৫৩, সেপ্টেম্বর ১০, ২০১৭ |সর্বশেষ আপডেট: ১৮:০১, সেপ্টেম্বর ১০, ২০১৭

সাম্প্রতিক ক্লিয়ারেন্স অপারেশনের লক্ষ্যে সেনা অভিযান শুরুর কয়েকদিনের মাথায় 'বিদ্রোহী রোহিঙ্গা'রা ২৪টি পুলিশ চেকপোস্টে বিদ্রোহীদের সমন্বিত হামলায় অন্তত ১০৪ জন নিহত হওয়ার কথা জানিয়ে রোহিঙ্গাবিরোধী অভিযান জোরদার করে সরকার। এরপর থেকেই মিলতে থাকে বেসামরিক নিধনযজ্ঞের আলামত। পাহাড় বেয়ে ভেসে আসতে শুরু করে বিস্ফোরণ আর গুলির শব্দ। পুড়িয়ে দেওয়া গ্রামগুলো থেকে আগুনের ধোঁয়া এসে মিশছে মৌসুমী বাতাসে। মায়ের কোল থেকে শিশুকে কেড়ে নিয়ে শূন্যে ছুড়ছেন সেনারা। কখনও কখনও কেটে ফেলা হচ্ছে তাদের গলা। জীবন্ত পুড়িয়ে মারা হচ্ছে মানুষকে। আহত শরণার্থী হয়ে তারা ছুটছে বাংলাদেশ আর ভারতে।

আনন্দবাজার পত্রিকার খবরে বলা হয়েছে, ভারতে ইতিমধ্যেই আশ্রয় নিয়েছেন প্রায় ৪০ হাজার রোহিঙ্গা। তাদের মধ্যে প্রায় ১০ হাজার জম্মু লাগোয়া এলাকায় রয়েছেন। প্রধানমন্ত্রী নরেন্দ্র মোদী সম্প্রতি মায়নমারে গিয়ে এদের সকলকে ‘পুশব্যাক’ করার নীতি ঘোষণা করে এসেছেন। রাজ্যগুলিকে এই নীতি মেনে চলতে বলেছে কেন্দ্রীয় স্বরাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয়। তবে নবান্নের শীর্ষ মহলের সিদ্ধান্ত, উদ্বাস্তু রোহিঙ্গারা এ রাজ্যে থাকতে চাইলে মানবিকতার খাতিরেই তাদের থাকতে দেওয়া হবে। কোনও অবস্থাতেই জোর করে ফেরত পাঠানো হবে না। রাজ্য প্রশাসনের এক শীর্ষ কর্মকর্তা আনন্দবাজার পত্রিকাকে বলেছেন, ‘রোহিঙ্গারা মুসলিম বলেই কেন্দ্র এমন অবস্থান নিচ্ছে। কিন্তু কেন্দ্র অমানবিক হলেও আমরা তা হতে পারব না।’’

আনন্দবাজার পত্রিকা জানিয়েছে, পশ্চিমবঙ্গে রোহিঙ্গা শরণার্থীর সংখ্যা তেমন নয়। বনগাঁ-বসিরহাট সীমান্ত এবং উত্তরবঙ্গের বেশ কিছু এলাকা দিয়ে কিছু রোহিঙ্গা এ রাজ্যে ঢুকেছেন। ধরা পড়ার পরে তাদের অনেকেই এখন জেলে। আসামের দাঙ্গার পর উত্তরবঙ্গেও বেশ কিছু রোহিঙ্গা আশ্রয় নিয়েছেন। মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর নির্দেশে এদের কাউকেই ‘পুশব্যাক’ করা হবে না বলে সরকারি স্তরে সিদ্ধান্ত হয়েছে। তবে আনন্দবাজার পত্রিকা খবর দিয়েছে, কেন্দ্রের চাপে এ রাজ্যের বিভিন্ন হোমে বন্দি থাকা ২৩ জন মহিলা ও শিশুর পরিচয়পত্র বিতরণ বন্ধ রাখতে হয়েছে। ইউনাইটেড নেশন হাইকমিশন ফর রিফিউজিস রোহিঙ্গাদের জন্য বিশেষ পরিচয়পত্র দিচ্ছে। এ রাজ্যের হোমে বন্দিদেরও তেমন দেওয়ার কথা ছিল। তবে কেন্দ্রীয় স্বরাষ্ট্র সচিব রাজ্যের মুখ্যসচিব মলয়কুমার দে-কে ধমক দিয়ে সেই পরিচয়পত্র বিতরণ বন্ধ করিয়েছেন।
http://www.banglatribune.com/foreign/news/241687/মোদির-রোহিঙ্গা-‘পুশব্যাক’-পরিকল্পনায়-মমতার-‘না’

 

[Flynn Swagmire]

Why don't you just shoot all Rohingyas crossing from Myanmar into Bangladesh? Problem solved. Simple. Why make a hue and cry about this and throw a fit?

Killing-Raping is very simple for Indians. But, NOT for us...

 

[Michael Corleone]

To Bangladesh first and then Bangladesh would could work with Myanmar on their future.

Let me know how that works for you guys okay. Bye!

 

[Banglar Bir]

Buddha’s Orphans

Sohini Chattopadhya
The article Buddha's Orphans has been adjudged the best entry at the 2014 International Committee for the Red Cross and Press Institute of India award for humanitarian reporting

On a boggy, fermented scrap of land by the dregs of the diseased Yamuna, a group of men stand in a circle and play. The ball looks like it is made of bamboo, a lamp-shade like thing with shapely cracks. They are playing a version of Sepak Takraw, a sport popular back home in Myanmar, a kind of volleyball but played only with the legs and head. The men are a ragamuffin band— some dressed in cheap tracksuits, some in lungis, some in baggy, hip-hop shorts. But they play sharp and quick, with lightness and laughter and loose-limbed grace. They bring a handsomeness to their rank surroundings, this scab-like pocket of the city where they live in frail, flappy hutments. They make it, almost, a place of beauty.

They are the Rohingya of Myanmar. It has not been easy finding them here. Rohingya refugees? The peanut toffee sellers on the rutted stretch of road leading to their camp look puzzled, the people at a kabaadi (recycling) compound shrug, before a chaiwalla finally points the way. They have been here 19 months, yet no one seems to know who they are. Or perhaps, they do not care to know.

It could be a metaphor for the Rohingya narrative. Myanmar, a Buddhist majority state, does not recognise the Rohingya—who number around 800,000, says the United Nations High Commission for Refugees—as its citizens and refers to them as ‘Bengalis’. Bangladesh does not accept them as its own. The Indian Government’s policy on them is unclear. The Ministry of Home Affairs says that it is aware of the Rohingya trickling into India, but it does not recognise them as refugees or asylum seekers.

Since June 2012, more than 145,000 people, most of them Rohingya, have been displaced within Myanmar as a result of the horrific violence that has unfolded chiefly in Rakhine state in Myanmar. Human Rights Watch has labelled this a state-aided campaign of ethnic cleansing directed against the Rohingya. Matthew Smith, executive director of the human rights organisation Fortify Rights, who has been touring Myanmar through February for research, says more than 100,000 Rohingya may have fled Myanmar, chiefly for Bangladesh, Thailand and Malaysia.

About 8,900 Rohingya, by the UNHCR India office’s count in February, have also made their way to India over the past months. Social worker Ubais Sainulabdeen, who is working with the Rohingya here, puts this number at 15,000. Hostilities have flared again of late—the BBC reported 40 people killed in Rakhine state last month. The CPM was planning to raise a question about the Rohingya in the last session of Parliament before the General Election. “I visited the Rohingya refugees in Delhi in December, when it was freezing. This is a pressing matter, but unfortunately because of the Telangana upheaval, it will have to wait for the next Parliament,” says A Sampath, the CPM’s Attingal MP.

For some reason, 55-year-old Abul Hashim cannot stop thinking about his fishing equipment. What a strange thing, to leave behind the things accumulated over a lifetime—the home, the rooms-full of conversation, his friends, and to think only of the fishing equipment. A one-time resident of Maungdaw district in Myanmar, he arrived in Delhi three weeks ago. For 25 days, there had been fighting and arson in his village. Half his friends and relatives were dead, or gone, or missing. Everyday people were planning to leave by boat, in the dead of the night. So Hashim decided to leave too.
It was 2 am when Hashim, his wife and their four children crept out of home to catch their boat to Bangladesh. The cops are less alert at night; all day, they patrol the villages, “taking what they want, our plump chickens, our potatoes, bags of rice,” says his volunteer interpreter.

The boat Hashim took was crammed with refugees, perhaps many of them his neighbours and relatives. But he didn’t have the heart to look at their faces; instead, he remembers how dark the water was. He was in Bangladesh for about a week, where he arranged for his wife and four children to live in a Rohingya settlement; his aunt is also there. He came to India by car with the help of a ‘dalaal’ (broker).

His brother, Mohammad Hashim, has been in India for several years and lives in a slum next to the Kalindi Kunj camp in a two-room hovel. He runs a small business, selling prayer caps. “ [Abul Hashim] is the eldest of my brothers, the roof above our heads, [as it were]. After several years apart, we are finally together,” says the younger Hashim, who came away four years ago.

And yet, Abul Hashim’s wife and children are still in Bangladesh; this is reunion by instalments. He has acquired a cellphone, and been calling his wife and children every day. As we speak, his phone rings. He takes it out, a new phone with its stiff plastic screen sticker intact, and speaks eagerly, then looks puzzled. He hands the phone to one of the camp dwellers, who listens for a second before laughing and telling the others.

It is a call from the service provider. “At least someone is interested in us,” a kind interpreter explains amid some mirth.

Mohammad Issaq, 27, ran away from home in Myanmar’s Buthidaung district the same day he came away from the hospital. He had been there for eight days, and the bill had come to ‘1 lakh’ in Burmese currency; he insisted he had to leave before the bill became any bigger. He had been beaten up brutally by the security forces for not reporting to work. Six months since, he shows swollen knob-like clots on his hand, and marks on his knees and shins.

He made up his mind to leave after leaving hospital. An agent said he could organise passage to Bangladesh that night. Issaq didn’t tell his parents he was leaving. “They would have cried, and I would have cried, and then I wouldn’t have been able to leave. I wanted to go while I was able-bodied,” Issaq says through the interpreter. He has been in Delhi three months; he spent three months working in Bangladesh. His Hindi is not fluent, but he follows it well and doesn’t wait for questions to be translated.

There is little room in the camp, so Issaq sleeps at night with another refugee who runs a store on the premises. He works as a labourer at construction sites nearby. He has seldom been paid on time, or his actual dues. “They know we are not from here, so they keep us hanging,” he says. “But I have to save up money for Saudiya,” says Issaq. He is a quiet, serious young man, who keeps mostly to himself. He smiles at noisy games, and nods at conversations from the sidelines.

“First, we have to get you a wife,” says Mohammad Haroun, one of the refugees who has been in India for several years. Issaq grins and murmurs this can wait till he gets to ‘Saudiya’. “You need to get a passport for that, you don’t need a passport or permit to get married here [unlike in Myanmar, where the Rohingya need an official sanction to marry]. So many have got married at this camp,” says Haroun bhai. “A wife can make a home of a store-room, dil basa degi (give your restless heart a place to roost). A couple of girls, in fact, have been asking after you,” he grins at Issaq. It makes him chuckle, this quiet, solemn young man who is shy of speaking in his own interview.

Mohammad Abdullah, 21, has been dreaming of a football match back home: after the match, which his side wins of course, they walk back home in Maungdaw district, and come across a large fish in a stream. Then, his wife woke him, and he cried for an hour. Despite this, Abdullah is a cheerful young man, who can’t help break into a grin every minute or so. “I have done an India darshan after I arrived,” he says, “I have been to Jammu, Punjab, Bengal, Bihar and Kerala. I have never travelled so much before. In Myanmar, we had to take a permit to travel outside our village.”

Abdullah came away 11 months ago. He was working for a politician in his district, Zakir Ahmed of the Union Solidarity and Development Party who was elected to the lower house in 2010. “Our MP was working very hard for us, me and some boys used to travel with him,” says Abdullah.

When the violence began in June 2012, Abdullah’s village was among the first to be affected. Gangs of men would drag women away. Houses would be burnt. Certain men were singled out for attack. “We stopped sleeping at night, so we could be alert to sounds of danger. My family worried for me because of my political associations. I didn’t want to go, but Zakir Ahmed advised me to leave. I asked my brother to give me a gift for sending me away. He gave me the money with which I travelled in India,” he chuckles.

He runs a small business selling fish here. Two months ago, he married a girl he met in Jammu. One day, she drew flowers on his left arm with mehendi. He laughs when you ask him about it: “I must have been dreaming about football, and my friends, and the fish we caught in the village. When I dream like that, I never want to wake up.”
BUDDHIST MAJORITARIANISM
The Rohingya crisis is the second instance of a Buddhist-majority state targeting a minority in south Asia in recent years. The first is Sri Lanka, where the ethnic Tamil population (18 per cent of the population) was targeted in the war to wipe out the terror outfit, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. A report by a UN panel of experts suggests 40,000 civilians were killed in the final phases of the conflict in the Vanni region of Sri Lanka between August 2008 and May 2009. Another UN report published in 2012 suggests 70,000 civilians have not been accounted for, implying that civilian casualties could be far higher.

In Myanmar, a Human Rights Watch report by Smith calls the violence against the Rohingya a ‘campaign of ethnic cleansing’ and writes of a ‘a Burmese government policy of deportations... that appear aimed at permanently removing Rohingya and other Muslims’.

It is not only the State that is culpable. There is also the rise of Buddhist nationalism and a militant monk-led movement in Myanmar. (According to the CIA’s Factbook, 89 per cent of Myanmar’s population is Buddhist.) A prominent monk with extreme views is Ashin Wirathu, whose severe visage was identified as ‘The Face of Buddhist Terror’ on the cover of Time magazine last June. “You can be full of kindness and love, but you cannot sleep next to a mad dog,” Wirathu is quoted as saying in a New York Times story dated 20 June 2013.

“A frightening number of people I met agree with Wirathu... it’s crazy,” says M Kim, a founding member of the Burma Centre in Delhi and a Chin Christian refugee from Myanmar since 1998. He goes back to his country once a year; in the past two trips, he has seen and heard support for Wirathu among taxi drivers, people on the street, even some of his childhood friends. “Buddhists are a peace-loving people. I had and still have so many Buddhist friends in Burma. It is the government that followed a policy of Burmanisation and restricted minority access to government positions, but there was no culture of religious leaders promoting prejudice.”

Kim himself is not a supporter of the Rohingya, and declines comment on their situation (“It’s a sensitive issue”), but he doesn’t agree with the spiteful anti- Muslim sentiment propagated by Wirathu. “In 2007, the monks were marching peacefully, and so bravely, against the junta. It was a political agitation; there was no religious subtext. Their protest turned the spotlight back on Myanmar, which forced the junta to move towards democracy again. The new militant monks have the government’s support. In fact, considering elections are in 2015, perhaps this is a very strategic move by the government.”

“I was in Sittwe [in 2012] when local monks wrote their first pamphlet urging the Buddhist population to completely isolate the Muslim community,” says Smith over a Skype call. “The author explained to me his existential fears of a Muslim takeover—fears that have been fuelled by state security forces and state- run media. Since then, [Fortify Rights] has documented numerous other pamphlets circulating throughout Arakan state, calling for the isolation and expulsion of Muslims. Local communities explain plainly why they want all Muslims removed from what they regard as their homeland. They feel as though they are fighting a battle to save their culture and religion, and human rights are no part of the equation.”

In Sri Lanka too, the hardening of attitudes among monks is visible. The BBC, among others, has reported the rise of the Bodu Bala Sena, a hardline order of Buddhist monks who are unashamed of their bald dislike for the country’s Muslims. The report notes that the Sena has asked citizens not to rent out property to Muslims.

“This is the classic majority-with-a-minority complex; [BBS monks] speak only of how to protect Buddhism in Sri Lanka,” says Samanth Subramanian, a journalist and writer who is working on a book on Sri Lanka. “They genuinely seem to fear that other religions will swamp Buddhism, and that Sri Lanka is Buddhism’s ultimate haven. So any measures at all are permissible in the safeguarding of the faith, even violence.” There are others apart from the BBS—the Jathika Hela Urumaya, which is the parent party of the BBS formed in the 2000s, and the Sinhala Rawaya, adds Subramanian.

Compare this with the image most Indians have of Buddhism: the Dalai Lama and the brave people of Tibet, Herman Hesse’s always bestselling Siddhartha, the story of the brutal king Asoka and the peace he found in the Buddha’s teachings, the calming hum of Buddhist chants, the religion that gave Ambedkar’s Dalits dignity. People also recall the Buddha statues of Bamiyan in Afghanistan that were blasted to bits by Islamist extremists in 2001.
THE SILENCE OF DAW SUU KYI
In 1991, when Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, she received the honour in absentia. The presentation speech read out on the occasion commended her vision: “She unites deep commitment and tenacity with a vision in which the end and the means form a single unit. Its most important elements are: democracy, respect for human rights, reconciliation between groups, non-violence, and personal and collective discipline.” In all, the speech had ten mentions of human rights.

So far, Suu Kyi has said nothing about the Rohingya, nothing about the violations of their human rights. In a much- criticised interview to the BBC in October 2013, she denied the Rohingya are being subjected to ethnic cleansing. “I think the problem is due to the fear felt by both sides,” she said. In 2012, on a visit to India days after a particularly brutal October in Rakhine, she was asked about the violence by NDTV in an interview. She condemned it, but made no mention of the Rohingya. “Don’t forget that violence has been committed by both sides,” she said, “This is why I prefer not to take sides.”
AN OLD ANGER
The Rohingya have been subjected to systematic persecution for several years in Myanmar. It began at the beginning in 1948 when Burma assumed its modern statehood; the Rohingya were not recognised as one of the country’s national groups. In 1978, the ruling junta drove out 250,000 Rohingya through a campaign of arson and rape and murder (similar violence in 1991 had similar results). In 1982, a new citizenship law denied them citizenship. This means they do not have passports or other regular documents. They are issued special ID cards that restrict their right to free movement within Myanmar; they must furnish these to seek permission to travel from one village to another. “We can’t travel outside our villages for more than three days,” says Mohammad Haroun.

Many of them speak of the airy, cool homes they left behind, the large, open fields. Here, they live in humiliating conditions; the camp does not have even a makeshift toilet. But they can marry without asking, play long, raucous games without censure, travel at will, have all the children they want. This, too, is becoming something like home, it holds the heart in different ways.

The UNHCR office in India has registered 4,000 Rohingya refugees and asylum seekers; 2,900 applications are under assessment. Cards apart, the sum of the UNHCR’s assistance to these refugees amounts to a few bars of soap, 50 blankets that were handed out in Delhi’s vengeful winter, and women’s kits comprising underwear, sanitary napkins and toiletries. “You know the way UN people talk? Whenever I speak to them, I get the feeling that they will build me a five-storey house right away. But they don’t even give us the monthly allowance of Rs 3,000 that Afghan and Somali refugees are getting,” says Haroun bhai. “The cards are useful, the police don’t trouble us.”

How do you like the word ‘refugee’, I ask one evening, addressing a group of four or five watching a game of ball. There is a few seconds’ silence. “I like it,” says Abdullah. “We don’t have passports. We don’t have a country. It gives me an identity, a place in the world.”

Note: This article was modified after it was published
http://www.openthemagazine.com/article/world/buddha-s-orphans

 

[A.A. Khan]

Appreciate mods. finally taking action against this hindu extremist @StraightShooter just doing standard psy ops. Manipulating, changing history & current information on Rohingya according to his islamophobic points. Hope Forum rules are also updated and no one is allowed to misrepresent, construe and quote facts (information that is established) to push their CERTAIN Hindu agenda.