A Framework of Violence: Repression of the Arab Ethnic Minority in the "Islamic Republic of Iran"

[Norwegian]

Oh, so Arabs are persecuted in Iran? Shouldn't have invaded that once great empire of Persia in the first place:
Muslim conquest of Persia - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 

[al-Hasani]

2.5.2. Extraterritorial Harassment

Escape from Iran is not always enough to ensure the safety of peaceful Ahwazi Arab political and cultural activists. Some Ahwazi Arabs report imprisonment of themselves[296] or their relatives[297], or surveillance and intimidation by state security services in Syria.[298] Others report imprisonment by the governments of Iraq[299] and Lebanon under the influence of powerful IRI-affiliated non-state actors—the Badr Corps and Hezbollah, respectively.[300]

Shi’a cleric Shaykh Mohammad Kazem Khaqani reports that Syrian intelligence agents threatened his daughters. According to Khaqani the agents were in a parked car on the street where his family lived when he was teaching Shi’a theology in Damascus, Syria.[301]

In 2006, as Yousef Azizi’s case was pending in Iran, his son who was studying at the University of Damascus was arrested by Syrian authorities.

Like Azizi’s son, Isa Yasin was arrested twice. He claims that he was not involved in any activities at the time. Rather, “I was studying hard … until in 2005, when Iran sent a list to the Security Office [al Amniyat al-Dowleh] … of the Syrian government (to indicate) that that the [Ahwazi] Arabs, who were studying at the University of Damascus, had to return to Iran.”[302] Yasin was arrested in April and was incarcerated for eight months.

I was in my dorm in the university compound when I was arrested. Three of my friends who had come from Iran were also arrested. We were kept in solitary in a terrible room in the basement. It was very cold and damp and we were not allowed to get up from the floor to stand up. There was a little window, where if we stood up, someone would come and threaten to send us back to Iran or throw us out of the country. Later on, [the Syrian authorities] made us pledge not to engage in political activities against Iran.[303]​

Saleh Hamid spent nearly three years in a prison in Basra for illegally crossing the border when he fled Iran after two successive arrests by the MOIS. During those arrests, he too was given indications that he had been under surveillance during his course of university study in Syria.[304]Immediately upon crossing the border, he was arrested and severely tortured by individuals that he reports were affiliated with the Badr Corps.[305] Hamid spent much of his prison term with Mohammad Ali Amourinejad,[306] who was eventually transferred to agents of the MOIS at the Shalamcheh border in February 2011 despite having reportedly filed for refugee status with the UNHCR in Iraq during the course of his detention. Amourinejad is one of the five Ahwazi Arab co-founders of the al-Hiwar cultural organization who were sentenced to death.[307]

Ahmad Khalili, the son of a former political prisoner, was forced to flee Syria for Lebanon with his wife because he feared imminent arrest. When he arrived in Beirut, he was arrested. During his detention, he relates that he had Persian-speaking visitors whom he did not know. His visitors threatened him and indicated that he could be killed in prison. Ultimately, in part because he had already filed paperwork with the Beirut UNHCR office, Khalili was released. While still in Lebanon, however, he reports that he was under surveillance by individuals claiming to be affiliated with the Iranian embassy.[308]

The Karun River (Rud-e Kārun) is the largest river in Iran and spans from the Zagros mountain range in Isfahan and eventually joins the Shatt al-Arab waterway which discharges into the Persian Gulf.[1] Ahvaz, the center of Khuzestan province, lies along the path of the river and 70% of the province relies on the Karun River and its subsidiaries for their water supply.[1] Water quality has declined in the province due to heavy pollutants coming in from provincial cities in Khuzestan and the surrounding areas.[1] Khuzestan is Iran’s most heavily industrialized province given that a quarter of Iran’s heavy industries are situated in the province.[1] Industrial plants that are built around Ahvaz in the areas surrounding the Karun River such as sugar refineries, petrochemical factories, paper mills and steel plants release industrial waste directly into the river, in most cases without any prior treatment of the water.[1] Similarly, large petrochemical plants, refineries and soap factories release pollutants which concentrate downriver, closer to Abadan and Khoramshahr, resulting in the further degradation of the water quality. In sum, approximately 315 million cubic meters of industrial sewage enters the river on an annual basis.[1] Additionally, the ongoing construction of several large dams on the Karun and its tributaries has proved problematic from an ecological perspective, lowering the water level of the river and increasing salinity.[1][1] In his October 2013 report, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ahmed Shaheed, expressed concern regarding the limited access to clean drinking water in the province.[1] He noted that many were at risk of consuming polluted water due to a failure of local water and waste companies to properly filter water.[1]

In addition to the negative environmental effects and health consequences for residents, additional plans to divert water from the Karun River have been controversial for many. Protests broke out in Ahvaz during October 2013 in response to “Behest-Abad,” a diversion project intended to divert water from the Karun basin to alleviate water shortages in provinces in central Iran such as Isfahan and Kerman.[1] The move was criticized as discriminatory against Ahawzi Arabs given that the diversion would lead to water scarcity, thereby weakening the local agricultural economy and cutting off the supply of drinking water[1], and protests against the deteriorating state of the river continue. Some have even alleged that such actions were being used to exert pressure on the Arab population, which is especially concentrated downriver in the southern and western parts of Khuzestan Province, and implement a program of forced migration.[1] (Pictured: Masjed-e Soleyman Dam on the Karun River)

Oh, so Arabs are persecuted in Iran? Shouldn't have invaded that once great empire of Persia in the first place:
Muslim conquest of Persia - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Which was occupying parts of ancient Arab lands and ancient Semitic lands, my South Asian friend. We just did what we were supposed to. Earlier parts of Iran were ruled by us Semites long before anything called Iran existed or Farsis. I suggest you read up on the Assyrian Empire. Those "Persian" empires were heavily influenced by our ancient Semites civilizations on all fronts anyway. Stop polluting this thread.

 

[Serpentine]

Who on earth reads these long utter nonsense?

Another tit for tat troll thread.

Why do you interfere in our 'beautiful ancient un-semitic land of Iran'? You have no business in beautiful Iran.

Seems familiar, ain't it?

 

[al-Hasani]

3. Violations of International and Iranian Laws​

As demonstrated by the case studies outlined in the preceding sections of this report, the IRI’s treatment of members of the Arab ethnic minority violates international and domestic law. International legal instruments relevant to the treatment of the IRI’s Arab citizens include the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a signatory. The ICCPR prohibits torture and guarantees that all individuals have the right to life and freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion, electoral rights, and legal rights including the right to due process and access to legal counsel.

The witness testimony in this report demonstrates the IRI’s violations of international human rights law pursuant to both the ICCPR and the codification of ICCPR’s article 7, embodied in the Convention against Torture with respect to the Arab activist community. It is in the area of “confession” extraction where the violations are especially pervasive. Many of the interviews taken by IHRDC for this report indicate that the authorities made attempts to obtain confessions through a variety of methods, some of which reached the threshold of torture or other cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment.[309] The UN Committee Against Torture has made numerous findings on whether certain types of conduct, including some interrogating techniques, reach this threshold.[310] As demonstrated in this report, many Arab activists have been subjected to such cruel, inhumane or degrading conduct and interrogation techniques.

The testimony gathered suggests that the treatment of imprisoned Arab activists routinely violates the Convention Against Torture (CAT), which prohibits the exertion of “severe pain, whether physical or mental”, and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, a set of non-binding guidelines for the conditions in which prisoners are held, wherein it is stated that "[t]here shall be no discrimination on grounds of race, … language, religion, political or other opinion…[or] national or social origin."[311]

Evidence also suggests that the IRI is in contravention of another international instrument, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which the IRI is a signatory, as well as the United Nations Declaration on Rights of Persons Belonging to National, Ethnic, Religious, and Linguistic Minorities and which affirms that, “States shall protect the existence and the national or ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of minorities within their respective territories and shall encourage conditions for the promotion of that identity.”[312]

In addition, applicable domestic laws take three forms: those invoked in prosecutions of Arab activists, those that purport to set out their individual rights as defendants, and those that ensure the rights of linguistic and ethnic minorities.

Articles 15, and 16, of the Constitution of the IRI guarantee minority language rights in mass media and give special recognition to the instruction of the Arabic language, respectively, and Article 19, ensures equal rights for all citizens regardless of ethnic or linguistic identity. Articles 20, 22-25, 27-32, 34, 35, 37, 38 and 41 ensure further rights of citizens and especially criminal defendants and prisoners. Witness testimony indicates that many of these provisions are regularly violated.

The national security laws of the IRI target the lawful activities of Arab and other ethnic minority activists in two basic ways. First, the means by which the security laws are applied undermine certain fundamental rights relating to freedom of expression, association, press and the umbrella of due process protections, notably lawful arrests and detentions, understandable charges and access to counsel. Second, aside from the security laws’ application, the laws themselves also codify a class of prohibitions in a manner that is so wide and vague that almost any type of activism or expression is potentially criminalized.

Articles 186, 190 and 191 of Iran’s old Islamic Penal Code, according to which most of the witnesses interviewed for this report were adjudged, are illustrative of the first problem: application. In the new Islamic Penal Code[313], Articles 279, 282 and 283 are illustrative of the same. These provisions essentially prohibit an individual from taking up arms against the state or from joining and supporting a group or organization that takes up arms against the Iranian State:

From the old IPC:

Article 186 –“All the members and supporters of a group or an organized association which have waged armed rebellion against the Islamic State, whilst the core of that organization or group exists, shall be regarded as muharebs provided that they know the stance of that group or organization and have effective activities and efforts in support of its aims; even though, they are not engaged in the military subdivision.​

Note – A united front composed of various groups and individuals shall be regarded as one [organization].”
​

From the new IPC:

Article 279- Moharebeh is defined as drawing a weapon on the life, property or chastity of people or to cause terror as it creates the atmosphere of insecurity. When a person draws a weapon on one or several specific persons because of personal enmities and his act is not against the public, and also a person who draws a weapon on people, but, due to inability does not cause insecurity, shall not be considered as a mohareb [i.e. a person who commits moharebeh].

This category of prohibition standing alone is not problematic. Many states would and do prohibit such conduct. The problem lies in its application with respect to the government’s view of Arab organizations. Some organizations or civic groups that engage in non-violent activism are nevertheless classified within the ambit of these provisions. This classification process and the convictions that follow are often not based on proper evidentiary support or subject to due process.

Consequently, an individual who is affiliated with such a group can be found guilty of “moharebeh” or “efsad-e fel-arz,” which can be, respectively, translated as “waging war [against God]” and “corruption on earth” with a possible sentence of death:

From the old IPC:

Article 190 –Hadd punishment for moharebeh and corruption on earth is one of the following four [punishments]:

(a) The death penalty. (b) Hanging on gallows. (c) Amputation of right hand and then left foot. (d) Banishment.

Article 191 –The judge has the discretion at choosing one of the four punishments, whether the muharib has killed or injured someone or has taken someone’s property or has committed none of these.
​

From the new IPC:

Article 282- The hadd punishment for moharebeh is one of the following four punishments:

(a) The death penalty (hanging)

(b) Crucifixion

(c) Amputation of right hand and left foot

(d) Banishment

Article 283- The judge has the discretion of choosing one of the four punishments prescribed in article 282.

Articles 498 and 499 of Iran’s Islamic Penal Code (Book Five)[314] are illustrative primarily of the second problem—a category of prohibited behavior that is so wide and vague that almost any form of activism and expression is criminalized. The provisions state that whoever forms or joins a group or association either inside or outside of the country, which seeks to “disturb the security of the country”, if not considered as mohareb, will be sentenced to between 2-10 years of imprisonment.[315] The provisions provide absolutely no definition to “disturb” or “security of the country.” Both terms, absent any codified limit, obviously lend themselves to discretion of judges and abuse by security forces of the government. This is why, as demonstrated by the evidence underlying this report, such a wide array of Arab political and civic activism is functionally criminalized despite clear legal protections of such activity in both the Constitution of the IRI and international human rights law.

Also, other provisions of the same law prohibit such a wide degree of conduct in a vague manner that renders its application susceptible to abuse by governmental authorities. Article 500 states that “Anyone who engages in any form of propaganda against the IRI, or in support of opposition groups and organizations, shall be sentenced to three months to one year in prison.” Aside from the inherently expansive term of “any form,” there is again no definition or textual limitation to “propaganda.” Article 610 states that two or more people who “collude and conspire” to commit or facilitate a crime against the internal or external security of the nation will be imprisoned for between two to five years.[316] Again, there are no codified definitions or limitations of key terms such as “collude and conspire” and “act against internal or external security.”

3.1. Violations of International and Domestic Law

The ongoing arrests of peaceful Arab political activists since the protests and bombings of 2005-06 have resulted in a raft of abuses under international and Iranian laws.[317]

The human rights violations perpetrated by the IRI against Arab activists are similar to the abuses perpetrated against other civil society actors in Iran, regardless of ethnicity. Arab activists are arrested by same security services active elsewhere in Iran—the MOIS, IRGC Intelligence Division, and NAJA. When arrested they are routinely subjected to physical torture including beatings, electric shock, and whippings on their backs and feet, and they are often held for weeks or months without being charged with a crime.

A small number of Arabs do engage in violent actions against IRI personnel and property, but many of the individuals subjected to the aforementioned treatment are engaging in activities explicitly protected by the Constitution of the IRI. If they are charged, they are usually charged with vaguely defined national security crimes like moharebeh and efsad fel-arz and are rarely given access to legal counsel. Instead, they are tried and sentenced—usually by branches of Revolutionary Courts—on flimsy or nonexistent evidentiary grounds.

As described in the testimony in this report, arrests and detentions of Arab activists are often not immediately followed up with formal charges until, in some cases, the actual day of the court hearing. However, in situations in which formal charges are actually brought beforehand, the charges originate from a section within Iran’s Islamic Penal Code entitled “Offenses against the National and International Security of the State.” In certain ways, the IRI’s “national security” laws, similar to many other states, treat such offences more strictly. For instance, according to articles 32 and 35 of the IRI’s Criminal Procedure Code, issuance of the detention warrant is not only allowed, but also, in some cases, deemed mandatory for security-related crimes. Moreover, there are practices employed by the government to repress non-violent political and civic activism, which go significantly beyond most national legal codes and beyond acceptable international norms.

As in many other cases throughout Iran, former defendants and attorneys have alleged that verdicts and sentences in national security cases are dictated to Revolutionary Courts by the MOIS before even preliminary hearings have been held, and are typically based only on the reports of MOIS agents themselves.[318] The Revolutionary Courts are a subset of courts designed to try, inter alia, offenses against national security. Within their procedural schemes the right to fair trial is significantly weakened. They are chaired by only one judge and closed to the public. These courts ignore basic rights of the convicts; for instance, they refrain from giving a copy of their judgments, and ban the accused and his/her defense lawyers from reading the dossier.

Some prisoners are even sentenced to death in this manner, as recounted in section 2.1 infra.

The wide latitude in the interpretation of these provisions on the right to freedom of association and expression results in an excessively broad ambit for charging, conviction and sentencing. As demonstrated by the evidence described in this report, the application of these provisions has been broadly and disproportionately employed against a wide range of political and civic activism.

Beyond the problems of the “security laws,” the evidence outlined in this report demonstrates that the IRI is in violation of its own Constitution. The areas that these violations primarily relate to are: i) arrests and detention, ii) access to counsel, iii) interrogation methods and the use of torture, and iv) fair trial rights. The witness testimony described in this report demonstrates that the IRI is engaging in violations in each of these areas.

 

[Arabian Legend]

Not only Arabs but also Afghans and Turks and many other ethnicity face Mullah daily oppressions.

 

[al-Hasani]

3.1.1. Arrest

The IRI’s treatment of Arab activists provides several stark examples of violations of provisions of its own constitution. For instance, under Article 32 of the Iranian Constitution, upon arrest detainees must be immediately informed of the charges against them and their file must be sent to judicial authorities within 24 hours of their arrest.[319] Within the Arab context, this provision is routinely and flagrantly violated.

3.1.2. Access to Counsel

The issue of access to counsel is another area where the evidence demonstrates a troubling pattern by the IRI in its treatment of the Arabs. According to Article 35 of the Iranian Constitution, “Both parties to a lawsuit have the right in all courts of law to employ an attorney, and if they are unable to do so, arrangements must be made to provide them with legal counsel.” Article 185 of the Criminal Procedure Code, accordingly, has provided: “In all criminal cases, both parties can choose and instruct their own attorneys...”[320]

In practice, however, the provisions of Article 35 are not always upheld. For example, Kathem Mojaddam who was tried on charges of espionage and endangering national security, reports that he was not given the opportunity to instruct an attorney to represent him in the trial level proceedings against him.[321]

In addition to the shortcomings in the implementation of the right to counsel under Iranian law there is also a codified exemption to this right. Under Article 128 of the Criminal Procedure Code of the IRI, judges have the discretion to bar a defendant’s access to lawyers in cases where there are “confidential matters or when the judge decides that the presence of another person (including the lawyer) might cause ‘corruption’ or in ‘crimes against national security,’ the presence of the lawyer is dependent on permission of the court.”[322] Unfortunately, this exemption has become utilized extensively in cases involving Arab activists. While the exemption’s language itself is inherently problematic, in practice it has been used to create a broad exception in Iran’s own constitutional protections for accused and their right to counsel. With respect to a number of cases involving Arab activists, suspects have been detained for months in pre-trial detention with no access to a lawyer. Often their lawyers are only granted access to their clients after the interrogations are finished and only days before the trial.

3.1.3. Interrogation

The Iranian Constitution has express and clear provisions prohibiting impermissible interrogation of detainees including a prohibition against torture. Articles 38 and 39 state in relevant part:

Article 38–All forms of torture for the purpose of obtaining confessions or acquiring information are forbidden. Compulsion of individuals to testify, confess, or take an oath is not permissible; and any testimony, confession, or oath obtained under duress is devoid of value and credence. Violation of this article is liable to punishment in accordance to the law.

Article 39–All forms of affronts to the dignity and respect of a person who is arrested, detained, imprisoned, or banished in accordance with the law, are forbidden and liable to punishment.
​

The evidence gathered for this report, however, demonstrates that the IRI is routinely in violation of Iran’s own Constitution in its treatment of Arab political and civil activists.[323]

The detention practices employed against many of the activists described in this report clearly amount to a violation of Article 39. And, as demonstrated, in some instances, detentions of some Arab activists also have been in violation of Article 38 and its prohibition on torture for the extraction of a confession.[324] The specific conduct that has been documented that would clearly pass the threshold of torture includes rape, excessive beating, death threats and extended solitary confinement.

It should be noted that the Iranian Criminal Procedure Code also prohibits the use of forced confessions as evidence against an accused. According to article 194 of Criminal Procedure Code, judges are required to certify any confession to determine its validity, and if the accused alleges that the circumstances in which the confession was made were impermissible, the judge should order a further investigation. Yet again though, in the context of many activists, judges routinely ignore this requirement.

Both this report and previous reports by IHRDC have documented many cases where torture or other impermissible interrogation methods were utilized to obtain confessions. Furthermore, the reports have also documented several cases where, despite evidentiary prohibitions against using such confessions, accused persons were nevertheless convicted primarily on coerced and otherwise invalid confessions. Perhaps most troubling is that in many instances, these confessions helped secure convictions for “moharebeh” and handing down of an execution sentence.

3.1.4. Fair Trial Rights

The report has also documented the IRI’s violation of the fair trial rights of many Arab activists. As a general matter, fair trial rights are supposed to be guaranteed by the Iranian Constitution. According to Article 168 of the Constitution, political offenses are required to be tried openly and in the presence of the jury.[325] In addition, under criminal procedure laws, crimes punishable by the death penalty and life imprisonment and amputation shall be tried in the Provincial Criminal Court before five judges.

In addition to violating domestic laws, the IRI’s treatment of imprisoned Arab activists and their relatives is routinely in contravention of international human rights law.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), ratified by Iran in 1975, protects the rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association in articles 19,[326] 21,[327] and 22[328]. Arrests for exercising these human rights have been declared arbitrary even in the case of legitimate security concerns.[329] The witness testimony in this report demonstrates that the IRI routinely violates its obligations under all of these articles of the ICCPR in its treatment of Arab political and cultural activists.

International law similarly protects the due process rights of the accused. Article 9 of the ICCPR outlines the state’s duty to provide due process before it limits, interferes with, or otherwise extinguishes an individual’s liberty.[330] Article 9(2) requires government agents to promptly inform the accused of the reasons for his or her arrest at the time of arrest, and Article 9(3) obligates it to promptly bring the accused before a judge and hold a trial within “a reasonable time.”[331] Article 9(3) also provides that “it shall not be the general rule that persons awaiting trial shall be detained in custody.” Article 14(2) provides that the accused has the right to be presumed innocent.[332]

Article 14 (3)(b) of the ICCPR also requires that defendants be provided “adequate time and facilities for the preparation of ... defene and to communicate with counsel of [one’s] own choosing.” Individuals have the right to counsel both at trial and at stages prior to trial.”

The United Nations Human Rights Committee (HRC), a body responsible for interpreting the ICCPR, has stated unequivocally that “all persons who are arrested must immediately have access to counsel ... without delay.”[333]

The witness testimony in this report demonstrates that the IRI has violated each one of these due process protections in respect to its treatment of Arab prisoners of conscience. The most problematic areas concern the pattern of arrests without charges and access to counsel. It is also notable that one attorney interviewed for this report states that his representation of Arabs in the 2005-06 Ahvaz bombings case caused professional difficulties and a fear for his freedom and security that ultimately caused him to flee Iran.[334] This practice of targeting the “defenders” has been a repeated pattern by the IRI, not only with respect to the Arabs but with many other categories of accused, including women’s rights advocates and other human rights activists.

In addition, the IRI’s detention and interrogation of Arab prisoners also contravenes its international human rights treaty obligations. Torture and inhuman treatment are also prohibited under international law. Article 7 of the ICCPR provides that “no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”[335] The ICCPR’s categorical prohibition against such conduct is codified in detail in the UN’s Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.[336] In particular, the Convention specifically prohibits any act “intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession.”[337]

Conclusion

The IRI is notorious for political repression of all dissenting voices throughout its 34-year existence, and those impulses have only intensified since 2009. Iranians regardless of ethnic background are subject to this increasing repressiveness, but because of the unique historical and social foundations of the ethnic Arab experience in modern Iran, the political marginalization and repression of Arabs occur in an especially sensitive context. When juxtaposed with the effects of decades of suppression of expressions of local culture, the political proscription and denial of basic civil rights to Arabs activists and ordinary citizens makes continued unrest a certainty.

This is not to imply that the IRI has a vested interest in continued tensions with the ethnic Arab population, or that its policies of marginalization are intended to achieve the effects related above. Such an assertion would be impossible to make based on the evidence available.

But it is undeniable that an atmosphere of distrust and enmity is fostered by the selective criminalization of ethnic Arab culture, it is not difficult to see why some Arabs conclude that all government policies in the region that adversely affect them were imposed because of their ethnic identity.

In turn the IRI’s typical heavy-handed response to the inevitable political dissent fostered by such limitations only exacerbates tensions and guarantees a worsening of the human rights situation faced by Arab activists and ordinary citizens. In place of an Iran for all Iranians that celebrates and benefits from its diversity, the IRI has fostered a tense situation in Khuzestan through deliberate policy, neglect, or a combination thereof. Although it is alleged that some segments of the Arab activist community employ violent methods in the pursuit of separatist aims, the IRI’s violations of human rights in Khuzestan are problems of its own making.

​

 

[Norwegian]

Who on earth reads these long utter nonsense?

Another tit for tat troll thread.

Why do you interfere in our 'beautiful ancient un-semitic land of Iran'? You have no business in beautiful Iran.

Seems familiar, ain't it?

Its just Arab troll thread, nothing else.

 

[al-Hasani]

Appendix I: Geography of Khuzestan Province
Khuzestan Province:


Ahvaz

Prisons mentioned in this report:

Appendix II:

Judgments in the Case of Abdulamir Khanafereh, et al.

[Ahvaz Revolutionary Court Judgment in the case of Abdolamir Khonafereh, et al.

Translation:]


Verdict Number: 9109976123100666

Docket Number: 8809986300400626 “Follow not the lusts, lest you be misdirected.” [Emblem]

Branch Archive Number: 901210

Branch One of the Revolutionary Court of Ahvaz

Date: August 15, 2012

Attachment:

Islamic Republic of Iran

Ministry of Justice

Verdict

Docket number 8809986300400626, Ahvaz Ministry of Justice, Branch One of the Revolutionary Court, Court opinion number 9109976123100666

Complaining Party: The Esteemed Representative of the Prosecutor, Ministry of Justice, Ahvaz

Defendants:

1. Abdolreza Amir Khonafareh, represented by Mr. Abdolsalam Saki, at Ahvaz, Kianpars, the corner of west 6th St., Ala Complex [redacted], the office of Mr. Saki, and Mr. Younes Navaseri located at Ahvaz, Naderi St., Bahar Complex, second floor, unit 5.
2. Mr. Abdolamir Mojaddami, represented by Mr. Rasoul Zamani Foroushani, at Ahvaz, Taleqani St., corner of Nezami.
3. Mr. Shahab Abbasi
4. Mr. Ghazi Abbasi, represented by Mr. Younes Navaseri, located at Ahvaz, Naderi St., Bahar Complex, second floor, unit 5.
5. Mr. Jasem Moqaddam Payam, represented by Mr. Ehsan Mo’azedi, located at Ahvaz, Kianpars, corner of east 5th St., Ashrafi law firm.
6. Mr. Sami Jedmavinejad, represented by Mr. Aziz Bavi, located at Ahvaz, Camplo, Enqelab St., between Vali Asr and Arfa’, Abdolkhani shopping center, second floor.
7. Mr. Hadi Albo Khanfarnejad, represented by Seyed Abdolreza Mar’ashi, located at Ahvaz, Taleqani St., Ferdosi St. towards Kaveh, No. 358, second floor.

Charges: Waging war on God and sowing corruption on Earth.

Court Opinion

Regarding the charges against Messrs. 1. Ghazi Abbasi, son of Ahmad, born in 1982, single, without a criminal record, represented by Mr. Younes Navaseri, 2.Abdolreza Amir Khonafareh, son of Younes, born in 1987, single, without a criminal record, represented by Messrs. Younes Navaseri and Abdolsalam Saki, 3. Jasem Moqaddam Payam, son of Saeed, born in 1985, without a criminal record, represented by Mr. Ehsan Mo’azedi, 4. Abdolamir Mojaddami, son of Houshang, born in 1980, married, without a criminal record, represented by Mr. Rasoul Zamani Foroushani, 5. Hadi Albo Khanfarnejad, son of Abdolkhezr, born in 1981, married, without a criminal record, represented by Mr. Seyed Abdolreza Mar’ashi, 6. Sami Jedmavinejad, son of Aziz, born in 1981, single, without a criminal record, represented by Mr. Aziz Bavi, 7. Shahab Abbasi, son of Ahmad, born in 1986, single, without a criminal record, represented by Mr. Younes Navaseri, all [have been charged with] waging war on God and sowing corruption on earth through using arms and shootings, [which have been committed] in order to instill terror and fear and to deny security to the public. According to the contents of their case files, individuals charged above formed a group nominally referred to as Kataeb al-Ahrar [Warriors of Liberation], but, with separatist and ethnic motivations, they have engaged in numerous shootings. Eleven of these shootings were directed at police officers or police equipment and vehicles, which are symbols of security in society. The goal of these shootings, which on occasion have resulted in the murder of police officers, was solely to instill terror and fear and to deny security to the public.

…[Illegible] police officer (Behrouz Taqavi) near Mellat Bank along with Ghazi Abbasi, as described in page 281 of the case file, confessing and explaining the details of the shooting at Hodbeh police station in pages 283 and 286, the shooting at the 11th precinct police station at Shahrdari Rotary as stated in page 287, along with Ghazi Abbasi, and [shooting at] a police kiosk located at the last paved rotary in Shadegan, as stated in page 285, shooting at a police motorcycle next to Velayat Bridge as stated in page 291, explaining the details of the shooting at a police [Nissan] Patrol on Gidari road, along with Ghazi Abbasi and Jasem Moqaddam Payam, as stated in page 293, confessing and explaining the details of shooting at a police [Nissan] Patrol on Aboudi Road, along with Jasem Moqaddam Payam and Ghazi Abbasi, as stated in page 294 of the case file, confessing and explaining the details of the shooting at the police kiosk at the beginning of Khorousi Road as stated in page 296 of the case file, his confession regarding waging war on God at the prosecutor’s office as stated in page 302 of the case file, confession of the defendant no. 6 at the prosecutor’s office as stated in page 321 of the case file, Jasem Moqaddam Payam’s confession to membership in Kataeb al-Ahrar as explained in page 326 of the case file, his statements regarding the shooting as explained in page 328 of the case file, confessing to shooting at the police station’s two-cabin vehicle at Laleh Rotary (Bazar Rouz) in Shadegan as stated on page 325 of the case file, and the rest of his confessions and statements as stated in pages 336 to 339 of the case file, his confession to waging war on God at the prosecutor’s office as explained in page 345 of the case file, his statements indicating that a picture of a person sentenced to death and apparently executed for involvement in a bombing in Ahvaz was hanging in Ghazi Abbasi’s residence as stated in page 339 of the case file, Ghazi Abbasi’s confession to [involvement in a] shooting as explained in pages 372 and 373 of the case file, confessing in the prosecutor’s office as stated in page 279 of the case file, Shahab Abbasi’s confession to [involvement in a] shooting as explained in pages 397 and 398 of the case file, the list of discovered weapons and ammunition in the case file, the indictment no. 9010436300400 issued by the prosecutor’s office, Ghazi Abbasi’s confession to shooting and killing Behrouz Taqavi, and other evidence in the case file, all of which establish that the accused have committed the crimes with which they have been charged, and [given that] it is natural for them to deny the charges in this court; therefore, considering all of the above, [this court] finds all defendants guilty of the crimes with which they have been charged. Accordingly, based on Articles 105, 183, 190, 191 of the Islamic Penal Code, [the court] sentences defendants number one through four to the punishment specified in Article 190, paragraph 1, meaning death (execution) by hanging. [This court also sentences] defendants number five , six, and seven to the punishment specified in Article 190, paragraph 4, also taking into account Article 193 of the said Code, which is three years of imprisonment and exile in the city of Ardabil. Also, regarding the weapons and ammunitions discovered from the defendants, [This court] announces that they should be confiscated as instruments of crime and held for the government’s benefit. This verdict is issued at the presence of the defendants, and it is not final. This verdict may be appealed at the Supreme Court within twenty days after the date at which this verdict is issued.

Ali Farhadvand

Alternate Judge, Branch One of the Ahvaz Islamic Revolutionary Court

Copy is the same as original.

Address: Ahvaz—Kianpars – East Tohid St. – Next to the bridge – Ahvaz Islamic Revolutionary Court

[Supreme Court Judgment in the case of Abdolamir Khonafereh, et al. Translation:]



Verdict Number: [Illegible] [Emblem]



Docket Number: 8809986300400626 “Follow not the lusts, lest you be misdirected.”

Branch Archive Number: 910357 Branch Thirty-two of the Supreme Court

Islamic Republic of Iran

Ministry of Justice

Date: February 13, 2013

In the name of God

Appellant: 1. Mr. Abdolrazzaq Sharifipour, representing Jasem Moqaddam Payam, son of Saeed, and Abdolamir Mojaddami, son of Houshang. [2.] Mr. Younes Navaseri, representing Shahab Abbasi, son of Ahmad, and Abdolreza Mirkhonafereh (Ghazi Abbasi). 3. Abdolsalam Saki, representing Amir Khonafereh, and Rasoul Zamani Foroushani, representing Abdolamir Mojaddami.

Appellee: Verdict Number 100666-August 15, 2012, issued by Branch One of the Ahvaz Islamic Revolutionary Court.

Before Branch Thirty Two of the Supreme Court

Branch Panel [comprised of] Messrs. Reza Farajollahi (Chief Judge), Seyed Ali Asghar Latifi Rostami (Advisor), Seyed Mostafa Qa’em Maqami (Vice Member).

Case Summary: Messrs. 1. Ghazi Abbasi, son of Ahmad, born in 1982, 2. Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh, born in 1987, 3. Abdolamir Mojaddami, son of Houshang have been pursued by Ahvaz Public and Revolutionary Prosecutor’s Office for membership in a group that has a separatist and [Arab] ethno-centric agenda, and for armed attacks on police officers and police vehicles, which have led to murder of police officers.* Following 17 shootings directed at residential homes, police officers and their vehicles, including the February 26, 2009 shooting at the corner of Saderat Bank in Shadegan, during which a person named Behrouz Taqavi was shot and subsequently died as a result of his wounds, the Shadegan Police Department and the [Ministry of] Intelligence office initiated a widespread investigation. On June 21, 2009 security agents pursued the traces of separatist and [Arab] ethno-centric movements in the terrorist acts. On that day Jasem Pourmoqaddam was identified. A folding stock AK-47 assault weapon numbered 19021043, a magazine, and four bullets were discovered during the search of his home. During the investigation, he [Pourmoqaddam] stated that he had purchased the weapon from Foad Mojaddami. Later, he stated that he had borrowed it from Mojaddami. After test firings of the weapon discovered from the defendant, the police identity bureau compared the shells from the test firings to 18 shells discovered at the scene of the shooting and at the homes of Hamdan and Hashem Khashouni Aref and Hasan Khaziravi. Finding similarity between the shells, the police identity bureau decisively concluded that the discovered weapon was used at the shooting. The defendant denied belonging to separatist groups. Other defendants were arrested. On October 12, 2009, Hadi Albo Khanfarnejad admitted to shooting at the home of [illegible] along with Sami Jedmavi. Hadi Albo Khanfarnejad stated that he was carrying Sami’s weapon, and that Sami fired the weapon belonging to Jasem. Amir Khonafereh and Abdolamir Mojaddami denied the charges. However, during the investigation at the Ministry of Intelligence, Mojaddami stated that he had formed the group with Jasem Moqaddam, Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh, Ghazi Abbasi, Shahab Abbasi, Hadi Khonafereh, Sami Mojaddami, Abdollah Mojaddami and Foad Mojaddami. He said that [illegible] Amir Khonafereh, Ghazi Abbasi and Shahab Abbasi were the shooters, and that he had purchased an AK-47 with a stock from Shahab Abbasi for 350,000 tomans. Abdolamir Mojaddami stated that at sunset Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh and Ghazi Abbasi mounted a motorcycle and rode towards the market, meanwhile he [Abdolamir Mojaddami] and Jasem were at Jasem’s residence. An hour later Jasem’s phone received a call (the phone rang). He thought it was Ghazi. He [the person on the phone] told him to get over there, and said that a police officer has been killed. [He told him to] go home soon, and he rode his motorcycle and went home. On the next day he was worried about the building when Jasem, who had smoked crystal meth and was intoxicated, came to him and stated that Ghazi Abbasi, Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh and Hadi Khonafereh had killed an officer yesterday. Abdolamir Mojaddami stated that he, along with Jasem Moqaddam, had engaged in the shooting. He admitted to a number of shootings, but he denied shooting the police officer. He said that according to Jasem Moqaddam Payam, Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh and Ghazi Abbasi had fired at the direction of police officers. Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh has confessed to a number of shootings directed at the police and the public, and he has mentioned 17 such incidents. Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh stated that one day he and Jasem were sitting by a river, and that after New Year [13]87 [March 20, 2008] Ghazi called him and told him that he needed to speak with him. He left the motorcycle and went to see him. He said that he did not want Jasem to notice. He went home and returned with a weapon, and then they went towards the market. When they were on their way, he [Ghazi Abbasi] told him [Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh] that he did not want to shoot the police officer, and that he did not want Jasem to know. After passing the bridge, they entered an alley, went through the market, reached the main section of the market, and entered Khabbazi Alley, which is behind the bank. Ghazi got off the motorcycle and took a number of shots at the direction of the police officer. He then got on the motorcycle, and they rode away. It has been said that he admitted to shooting at the police container, as a result of which one police officer was killed. Ghazi Abbasi, Shahab Abbasi and Jasem Moqaddam participated in that operation. He has admitted to possessing two Ak-47s, which he had purchased from Ghazi Abbasi. Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh, son of Yousef, stated that he and Ghazi were together. Ghazi had called him, and he went by the river with him. Jasem was with him first and Ghazi joined them next. He [Ghazi] parked the motorcycle next to the river, and he went home to get the AK-47. He [Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh] and Ghazi got on the motorcycle and left (towards where?!), Ghazi has disembarked, shot and killed the police officer. Ghazi fired approximately five bullets. Sami Majdmavinejad [sic], son of Aziz, named the following as members of his group: Ghazi Abbasi, son of Ahmad, Shahab Abbasi, son of Ahmad, Jasem Pour, son of Saeed, Hadi Khonafereh, son of Abdolkhezr, and Amir Mojaddami, son of Alil. He stated that the group was named Ketabat al-Ahraz [sic]. Jasem Moqaddam Payam told the procurator at the Branch One of the Shadegan [Islamic Revolutionary Court] that he engaged in shooting along with other members [of the group] including Ghazi Abbasi, Shahab Abbasi, children of Ahmad and Abdolreza Khonafereh, Mir Mojaddam, Sami Jedmavinejad, Hadi Albo Khanfar and Abbaspour(How? How many? Where?). He quoted Abdolreza as saying that they murdered an officer next to the bank. (Ghazi and Abdolreza) have admitted to shooting at homes of individuals and police officers. Ghazi Abbasi initially denied the charge against him. But in the course of the investigation he said that he went to the stands around the rotary to buy cigarettes, and then he called Jasem and said that an officer is walking. Apparently Abbasi and Jasem recognized him. He was alone, and he was walking towards the police precinct. He admitted to shooting and killing the police officer, and he added that Abdolreza was operating the motorcycle. He also said that this police officer had had a relationship with Abbas, and that he had received a bribe from Abbas (the officer was named Behrouz Taqavi). By the request of the Shadegan Public and Islamic Revolutionary Prosecutor, the case was sent to the provincial capital. Following the approval of the head of the Ministry of Justice [provincial office], the case was sent to Branch One of the Province Appeals Court. He agreed with sending the case to the provincial capital (Ahvaz). At this stage Shahab Abbasi admitted to shooting at the police kiosk and killing the soldier serving in the police force. Hadi Albo Khanfar admitted to shooting at passing trucks along with Jasem Moqaddam Payam. He indicated that his motivation was drawing attention to neglect of the youth, their drug addition, corruption at the police precinct and overt acceptance of bribes. He stated that he liked Khuzestan to secede (from Iran), and that he, his friends and other groups had pledged [to commit to this cause]. Abdolamir Mojaddami stated that he has engaged in four shootings along with Jasem. He has admitted to membership in the group and shooting at the police officers and other individuals, but he stated that he was unaware of the murder of the police officer. Once when he was high, Jasem stated that Abdolreza and Ghazi have taken shots at the police and have killed two ranked officers. Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh, while admitting to possessing a weapon, denied involvement in the shooting and stated that his previous confessions were given under torture and physical abuse. Jasem Moqaddam Payam admitted to shooting at the public and the officers along with Abdolreza, Hadi and Ghazi. He has also admitted to the fatal shooting of the soldier with an AK-47. He has stated that he purchased the weapon from Abdolamir Khonafereh, and that he got involved in the shooting at the urging of Ghazi. Ghazi admitted to shooting at the public, but he denied shooting at police officers. He also denied membership in the Ketabat al-Ahraz [sic] group. But he admitted to carrying a weapon. Relatives of the victims, Behrouz Taqavi and Habib Jedhani, appeared at the investigative branch and requested qisas. The case has been sent to the Ahvaz Islamic Revolutionary Court, and the indictment includes charges of waging war on God and carrying an illegal weapon. A copy of the case file was sent to the Provincial Criminal Court for the murder charge. That court, however, requested to have the original case file. Therefore, the original case file was sent to the Provincial Criminal Court and the copy was sent to the Islamic Revolutionary Court. The court ordered the defendants to select and introduce their attorneys. Mr. Younes Navaseri stated that he was representing Ghazi Abbasi, Abdolreza Khonafereh, and Shahab Abbasi. Other defendants indicated that they were unable to select and introduce counsel. Four months after ordering temporary detention of the defendants, the court renewed the defendants’ temporary detention. The defendants appealed this decision. Branch 17 of the Khuzestan Appeals Court upheld the defendants’ temporary detention, despite the fact that according to Unification Decision No. 710 dated April 7, 2009 the Supreme Court General Board is to hear appeals from a public criminal court. The trial was convened with the presence of the defendants, their attorneys and the prosecutor’s representative. First, the prosecutor’s representative requested the punishment of the defendants. Then, Abdolamir Mojaddami, son of Houshang, defended against the charges brought against him. He stated that his confessions were made under special circumstances and psychological pressure. He stated that he has not engaged in any shooting and that he is not aware of the murder of police officers. His attorney stated that the defendant has denied his confession, no firearm has been discovered from him, and that he does not have a record. The defendant said that the statements on pages 230 and [illegible] are in his handwriting, but while at the intelligence office [the agents] held his hand when he was writing [to force him to write]. [According to him] this was the circumstances under which he wrote [his confessions]. At the end of the trial, considering the report from the police, the comprehensive and detailed report of the [Ministry of] Intelligence office at pages 381 to 385 and 471 to 524 of the case file, the medical examiner’s opinion regarding Officer Behrouz Taqavi’s cause of death at pages 23 to 35, Private Habib Jedhani’s cause of death in pages 448 and 449, the opinion of the weapons and ammunition expert , comparing the shells found at the scenes Mr. Taqavi’s murder and Corporal Asgari’s injury with the ammunition from the test firing of the AK-47, serial number 190210443, found at Jasem Moqaddam’s residence, his confession that this weapon belonged to him, the opinion of the identity bureau expert at pages 176 and 177, Ghazi Abbasi’s confession on page 402 stating that some of the weapons and ammunition discovered belonged to him, matching of at least one shooting with the said weapon, and the defendants’ explicit confessions, regarding shooting at officers and police equipment, including the details of each incident in relevant pages, the court found them guilty . In accordance with articles 105, 183, 190 and 191 of the Islamic Penal Code, the court sentenced defendants one through four (Ghazi Abbasi, Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh, Jasem Moqaddam Payam, and Abdolamir Mojaddami) to death by hanging. Shahab Abbasi was sentenced to three years of imprisonment in exile in Ardabil Prison. Messrs. Abdolrazaq Sharifipour, representing Abdolamir Mojaddami and Jasem Moqaddam Payam, Abdolsalam Saki, representing Amir Khonafereh, Rasoul Zamani Foroushani, the court-appointed attorney for Abdolamir Mojaddami, Younes Navaseri, representing Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh and Ghazi Abbasi, son of Ahmad, and Shahab Abbasi, appealed the decision in a brief dated September 16, 2012 on behalf of Ghazi Abbasi and Abdolreza Amir Khonafereh. In another brief dated September 19, 2012, they added Shahab Abbasi, who has been sentenced to three years of imprisonment in exile in Ardabil. Most of the attorneys’ defense arguments state that the defendants’ initial confessions and the evidence the court relied upon are not persuasive, and that the subject matter [of the case] does not conform to the referenced article [of the Islamic Penal Code]. The case was sent to the office of the Supreme Court and referred to this branch.

The branch panel convened on the day mentioned at the top [of the page]. After reading the report of Mr. Farajollahi, the member reporting, and reviewing the case file and the written opinion of Dr. Mohammadreza Elahimanesh, the assistant prosecutor of the Supreme Court, which, in summary, states that the case should be vacated and remanded to the trial court due to problems in the investigation, the panel consulted on the appellants’ appeal. The majority rules as follows:

Verdict of the Branch

No acceptable argument or reason that could invalidate the court’s findings was presented by the defendants’ defense attorneys. The evidence on which the verdict is based is still valid and adequate for forming judicial knowledge. The opinion of the court [below] is devoid of any deficiency regarding the application of the law and respecting due process principles. [This court hereby] announces the appeal as invalid, and upholds the verdict of the appellant. [The court] notes that considering Problem 8 in Detailed Rules Concerning Apostasy in Volume Two of Imam Khomeini’s Tahrir al-Vasilah, page 444, published by the Teachers’ Society [of the Qom Seminary], carrying out the qisas (the private right of the relatives) takes priority over the right of God, and it must be respected.



Chief Judge, Branch 32 of the Supreme Court: Reza Farajollahi

Advisor: Seyed Ali Asghar Latifi Rostami

*Punctuation added where appropriate for clarity. The original Persian version of the opinion is divided into only three sentences.

Its just Arab troll thread, nothing else.

Yes, a well sourced report from the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center is "Arab propaganda". That's right moron. Did you also receive a personal dildo from Khomeini since you are crying despite this having nothing to do with you?

Oppresion of minorities, including the Arabs of Iran that live in the most rich and historical area of Iran, is well-known and well-documented by pretty much every human rights watch and source out there. They are neither Arab those sources or even written by Arabs. But nice try.

 

[al-Hasani]

The sourced material (337 references in total)​

All the 337 references in that very detailed report can be seen at the bottom of this link.

Iran Human Rights Documentation Center - A Framework of Violence: Repression of the Arab Ethnic Minority in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Let me once again state that you can read similar reports about the crimes committed against other ethnic groups of Iran. Arabs are just one of them. Baluch people have it way worse for instance.

So brothers whenever you hear supporters of those fake wannabe Arab Mullah's that rule Iran or even Iranians that do not support those Mullah's tell you that Arabs are "perfectly fine" (like some of those creatures here have tried) then see this thread or just make a simple Google search.

We might not care as we are talking about only 2 million Arabs and there are nowadays between 450-500 million of us in total all over the world (including the Arab diaspora) but it's still an worrying issue that should make us all angry. Also because this happens just at the border of the Arab world (Iraq, Kuwait, KSA). That most of them are Shia should not matter. A brother is a brother.

@Arabian Legend @JUBA @Mosamania @BLACKEAGLE @Yzd Khalifa @Full Moon @Frosty @Bubblegum Crisis @Altamimi @Awadd @burning_phoneix @Rakan.SA @fahd tamimi @Naifov @Malik Alashter @Tihamah @tyrant @Frogman @Mahmoud_EGY @agentny17 @Halimi @ebray @Belew_Kelew @Tunisian Marine Corps @Mootaz-khelifi @Algeria @FARSOLDIER @Ahmed Jo@1000 @Malik Alashter @SALMAN AL-FARSI @Andalusi Knight @Arabi @farag @Dino @Dino R. @Chai @thefreesyrian @Hechmi Seif @Amir_Pharaoh etc.

Take a look at this report. It's very detailed and informative. I hope that this issues gets more publicity in the Arab world. I hear that the Iranian Arabs have raised this issue in the UN and other world organizations which is good. I will do my part in private and I am trying to get into contact with the leading Iranian Arab activists abroad.

Use social media such as Facebook, Twitter etc. to spread this too.

In case this thread for some strange reasons gets deleted I have all the posts stored.

You can see similar reports about Turkmen, Azeri, Baluch, Kurd etc. people. on that webpage and many other pages. Right now for instance the Iranian terror regime has jailed a famous Iranian Turkmen scientist based in the US for "spying" apparently.

 

[Tunisian Marine Corps]

so AL Ahwaz must be liberated

 

[rmi5]

The sourced material (337 references in total)​

All the 337 references in that very detailed report can be seen at the bottom of this link.

Iran Human Rights Documentation Center - A Framework of Violence: Repression of the Arab Ethnic Minority in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Let me once again state that you can read similar reports about the crimes committed against other ethnic groups of Iran. Arabs are just one of them. Baluch people have it way worse for instance.

So brothers whenever you hear supporters of those fake wannabe Arab Mullah's that rule Iran or even Iranians that do not support those Mullah's tell you that Arabs are "perfectly fine" (like some of those creatures here have tried) then see this thread or just make a simple Google search.

We might not care as we are talking about only 2 million Arabs and there are nowadays between 450-500 million of us in total all over the world (including the Arab diaspora) but it's still an worrying issue that should make us all angry. Also because this happens just at the border of the Arab world (Iraq, Kuwait, KSA). That most of them are Shia should not matter. A brother is a brother.

@Arabian Legend @JUBA @Mosamania @BLACKEAGLE @Yzd Khalifa @Full Moon @Frosty @Bubblegum Crisis @Altamimi @Awadd @burning_phoneix @Rakan.SA @fahd tamimi @Naifov @Malik Alashter @Tihamah @tyrant @Frogman @Mahmoud_EGY @agentny17 @Halimi @ebray @Belew_Kelew @Tunisian Marine Corps @Mootaz-khelifi @Algeria @FARSOLDIER @Ahmed Jo@1000 @Malik Alashter @SALMAN AL-FARSI @Andalusi Knight @Arabi @farag @Dino @Dino R. @Chai @thefreesyrian @Hechmi Seif @Amir_Pharaoh etc.

Take a look at this report. It's very detailed and informative. I hope that this issues gets more publicity in the Arab world. I hear that the Iranian Arabs have raised this issue in the UN and other world organizations which is good. I will do my part in private and I am trying to get into contact with the leading Iranian Arab activists abroad.

Use social media such as Facebook, Twitter etc. to spread this too.

In case this thread for some strange reasons gets deleted I have all the posts stored.

It's a really shocking report.

 

[al-Hasani]

It's a really shocking report.

Indeed it is. Let me remind you brother, which you already know much better than I having lived in Iran, that this oppression is not solely aimed at the Arabs. In fact I would say that the Baluch have it worse. It is aimed at all non-Farsi ethnic groups despite them making up at least 40% of the population.

The "Iran Human Rights Documentation Center" has dealt with their struggle too as you can see.

Iran Human Rights Documentation Center - Ethnic Rights

What is even more shocking is that the Farsi migrants in the GCC (not even citizens) do not face any discrimination at all, maybe a tiny one, but certainly the Arabs of Iran have it 100's worse.

Let's for once see a Farsi (also visited and used by Iranian Arabs and Lurs - the 3 main ethnicities that compromises the Iranain diaspora in the GCC and Arab world as a whole) club in Dubai for instance.

Those Farsis and their regime supporters are welcome to make a similar thread about the "oppression of Farsis in the Arab world currently".

They will really, really struggle to find anything that even resembles this.

Right now for instance the Iranian terror regime has jailed a famous Iranian Turkmen scientist based in the US for "spying" apparently. We should show solidarity to all the oppressed ethnic groups of Iran.

Arabs have a too kind heart. We should be hanging those Farsis too on false premises or beheading them in public. Imagine the crying if we did….. From not only Farsis. Yet this issue, even on PDF, seems to be ignored by our human rights "champions" who are otherwise crying for Yazidis, Kurds and others. Very strange.

Anyway we must raise awareness about this unfortunate issue everywhere. Social media, Arab officials in nearby countries and the Arab world and this issue must also be raised in the Arab League and the UN more. If not I am willing to propangandize retaliations on the Farsis in the GCC and Iraq. Each time they execute an innocent Arab and mistreat him we should do the exact same with them if there will be no sign of their terror regime changing.

 

[Arabian Legend]

Now can the iranian members here give these articles a knock down.

 

[Parthianshot]

The reality is that khuzestan is a Majority Persian state. Around 70 to 75% of the population there is ethnic Persian, including luri and bakhtiari Persians. Ahvaz would be mostly Persian too if it were not for the arab refugees from iraq.

Now, if you arabs want your little ahvaz, then I suggest you people give us the ethnic Persian populated lands in kuwait, bahrain, uae, qatar and Iraq and wherever else there are ethnic Persians, ajams or hawulas as you racists call them.

Saddam hussien expelled around half a million ethnic Persians from iraq back In the 70s, I would glady do the same to the arabs in Iran and kick out any person who refers to himself as an arab with a smile on my face. You whether convert into a Persian or you get kicked out. You can cry all you want once youre in your beloved arabia.

 

[Parthianshot]

This tazi rat posts a video of a supposed Iranian party in dubai that consists of mainly westerners, non Iranians and some of the kids of rich Iranians, yet forgets that ethnic Persians in bahrain and kuwait are oppressed and arent even allowed to learn their mother tounge even though both in these states ethnic Persians make up anywhere around 30-40% of the population. The bahraini protests for example were set off due to a shia Persian activist getting shot and killed by the arab regime. Theres a city in bahrain that doednt let any non arab sunni reside their, not even if the Persians are sunni themselves, yet this khar has the balls to talk about us oppressing his "kin" who are most likely arabized Persians.

While youre at it you arab invaders need to leave traditional majority amazigh berber land in libya, morroca, tunisia, Algeria and the rest of north africa, cause we all know youre all a small minority over there. Your berber/arab demographics arent fooling anyone.