16th December 1971: From East Pakistan to Bangladesh
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Centaur
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Lol, good shot buddy. I am waiting when ' 71 chetona gang' will gang attack on you if they are really in fighting mood here like Bangladeshi sites.
Lol, good shot buddy. I am waiting when ' 71 chetona gang' will gang attack on you if they are really in fighting mood here like Bangladeshi sites.
It was about intellectual martyrs day.
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Oh i thought your post was a satire but, I was wrong.৯৯১ জন শিক্ষক, কিছু সাংবাদিক, আর অন্যান্য রা মারা গেলেও একটা দেশ পিছিয়ে যায় না এত বেশি। আর এই ফিগারের নির্ভরযোগ্যতা নেই তবু কোন বিতর্ক শুরু করব না। ভাল থাকবেন।ধন্যবাদ।
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No problem. আপনার মতামত। তবে কিছুটা হলেও ক্ষতি হয়েছে দেশের।
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Whatever may be the losses, we may have overcome that very rapidly on intellectual arenas, but the mentality, the desire form which that killing were done, Bangladeshi people will not forget that for generations to come.Pakistani army or their local collaborators achieved nothing by killing 1100 intellectual on the verge of defeat, but the hatefull mentality they shown against future Bangladesh and the bitterness they left will not disappear anytime soon.Sometimes some deaths are more than just death.It is the defining moment of a nation.British PM still offer apology for Jalianwalabagh massacre whenever they set foot in India, even 100 years after that event.Jalianwalabagh was not that a large scale massacre compared to others, but it is a defining moment for Indian history.Intellectual killing is such a defining moment for Bangladesh.
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Arre Bhai by reinitiating these issues and showing the increasing numbers every year, are you sure you are playing in the hands of anti BD people. Knowing the emotional behavior of BD people, this only fuels hateful mentality and irrational activities. First the people were talking about 200 intellectuals now it has turned 1100 in your words. Im sure some primary teachers are also turned intellectuals. Have to show respect nonetheless. But calling a spade a spade is wise word. What Kader Siddiqui said in 2011 is, 31 intellectuals gave statement in 1971 in favor of Pakistan, including Munir Chowdhhuri. And they were traitor intellectuals in his words. They stayed in East Pakistan whole time during the war and got salary from Pak Gov. So is this wise of Pak Army to kill them or they could possess problem future BD Gov? Pakistan's main ideological enemies were out of reach, so killing them didnt serve any purpose. Also Indian Gov was in process of eliminating Naxalites in 1971. Some of these intellectuals were also leftists. With future independent BD leftists, Indian leftists could forge alliance. So their demise could help India. Notably Indian Eastern command Chief of Staff JFR Jakob a Jew was in charge of both the operations in India and Bangladesh. Operation Steeplechase and Bangladesh liberation war. These are some alternative histories people should also exploit for neutral view.
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Tales of survivors: 1971 war, the ordeal of the non-Bengalis
By Farrukh Kamrani
Published: December 16, 2017
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DESIGN: IBRAHIM YAHYA
KARACHI: Commenting on the Bangladesh government’s claim that three million Bengalis were killed during the military operation that Pakistan Army started in March 1971, Sarmila Bose in her ‘Death Reckoning’ writes that history of Bangladesh is the history written by the victors of war.
While falsifying the highly exaggerated Bangladeshi and Indian claims about the deaths of Bengalis, Bose in her monumental work on the 1971 war notes that the only group whose killing could qualify the definition of genocide were non-Bengali residents of East Pakistan.
According to the whitepaper published in March 1971, around one hundred thousand non-Bengalis were killed in various parts of East Pakistan till that time. However, the later estimates based on the post-April counting suggest that the total number of non-Bengalis killed by Mukti Bahini was around two hundred and fifty thousand.
While sporadic killing of non-Bengalis took place all across the former East Pakistan, their mass massacres took place particularly in Jessore, Isherdee, Chandragona Paper Mills of Chittagong, Admajee Jute Mills of Narayanganj and Santahar of Rashahi. In remembrance of the martyrs of these massacres, The Express Tribune presents accounts of a few survivors.
How Mukti Bahini ‘cleansed’ Santahar of non-Bengalis
Haji Ehsanullah was 19 years old when his neighbourhood in Loco West was attacked by a Bengali mob on March 26. He says he along with his father, mother and wife jumped into a relative’s house and hid in a bathroom.
“When the attackers were gone, we first went to a graveyard and spend the night there. The coming days were spent in Ghorahaat, Santahar Railway Station and Station Colony,” he adds.
Ehsanullah remembers how on the morning of April 17, the Mukti Bahini launched its final assault against the unarmed residents of the colony.
“When the attack started, my parents asked me to run away. I covered my face with a kerchief and went out holding a metal rod in my hand,” he says, adding that the massacre was in full swing and he saw Bengali men throwing little children into the adjoining pond. “I was also stopped by a group of Bengalis who wanted to kill me, but a man, Aakaash, intervened and said that he knew me and that I was a Bengali.”
He says Aakaash’s colleagues were not much convinced and one of the group members gave me a shovel to dig out a grave. “I started digging a ditch while my people were being killed. I frantically kept digging.”
Ehsanullah says the same Bengali, Aakaash, again came to him in the afternoon, offered him some food and gave him address of his sister, who lived in the town of Ontahar.
Ehsanullah says he somehow managed to get to that place, where he was given refuge until arrival of Pakistan Army on April 22. “When I returned to Santahar, in search of my family, I could not find my parents, but my wife was alive. The killers had slit her neck but she had survived as the wound was not deep enough,” he adds.
Dr Jameel Akhtar, who now lives in Shah Faisal Colony of Karachi, says his entire family – comprising his parents and 10 siblings – was killed in the April 16 massacre at Railway Colony.
“I was among the youngest kids of my parents. When the attack started at around 4am, we hugged each other. But my parent asked me to escape and clad me in a lungi and vest. My mother also gave me her gold jewellery which I hid in a fold in my lungi.”
Dr Jameel says when the attackers reached their house, his elder brother opened the door. “I was standing behind him. I saw them killing my brother right in front of my eyes.”
He says he ran out from the backside of his house. “I rushed to the railway station but saw a Bengali railway officer, Jalal Guard, prowling there with a spear in his hand. I ran from there but I soon found myself in front of another group of killers.”
Dr Jameel says he tried to convince the Mukti Bahini men that he was also a Bengali but they did not believe him. “They were about to hit me when I had an idea. I brought out the jewellery from my lungi and threw it in front of them. The killers instantly started vying for the gold, giving me an opportunity to escape.”
Forgotten pages: The martyrs of Naogaon Cantonment
Dr Jameel says he then started moving towards Naogaon. “But on that way, I encountered with another group of killers who had put on display half a dozen human heads. They asked me who I was. I told them that I am a Bengali. The asked me as to what was the slogan for that day. On my way, I had seen a slogan written on the walls. I told them it’s ‘Amar Desh, Tumar Desh, Bangladesh, Bangladesh’. I was fortunate, they let me go,” he says.
Bilquis, who now lives in Karachi’s Orangi Town, was a married woman with three children in 1971. She says when the Bengalis started attacking different neighbourhoods, her husband decided to move along with the family to the factory of Gramophone beri-wala.
“Here the hooligans of Mukti Bahini came and picked up men who were often slaughtered outside the factory. My husband was also among those who was killed outside that premises,” she reminisces.
Bilquis says despite all the killings in and outside the factory, she and her family remained in that building until April 17 when Bengalis asked them to move to the Railway Colony.
“I along with other women was being driven to the station when a Bengali man, who knew my husband and called me her sister, came to me and told me in whispers that I should not go to the station as all people were being killed there,” she says.
“The other Bengalis were not ready at first to allow me to go with him but he somehow managed to convince them. He later took me to his family, who gave refuge to me.”
Bilquis says the other women who had left the factory with her were brought to a pond where they were slaughtered. “I was, however, fortunate that I remained safe and also found my children alive,” she adds.
Irfan Ulllah Siddiqui was a little kid when his family was massacred in the Station Colony on April 17.
“My family comprised my parents, six daughters and three brothers. All of them were killed. I was 6-year-old at that time and managed to survive as I hid beneath the bodies of my family members,” he recalls, adding that it was many days after the massacre that he was discovered by her aunt who lived in Saidpur and had come in search of survivors of her family.
Muhammad Qurban, who now lives in Karachi’s Malir area, was 19 years old in March 1971. He was among the people who buried the victims of the March 27 killing at Chaibagan Mosque.
“My family had moved to the railway station after this attack. However, on April 2, I left the station and somehow reached Naogaon,” he recalls, adding that he stayed at Naogaon until the arrival of the Pakistan Army.
“When I returned to the station in search of my family I could not find them anywhere. Survivors told me that my entire family, including my parents and five siblings, had been hacked,” he says.
Ashraf now works as a tailor at Karachi’s Orangi Town. He was very young when the turmoil started in Kalsagram. “My father, who was in the police, never returned after March 26. I can’t tell the exact place but my mother was also killed during the massacre,” he narrates his ordeal.
Ashraf says he was later shifted to some other location along with 50 to 60 children who were taken care of by some Bengalis. “These children were later rescued by the Pakistan Army. My elder sister lived in Dhaka. She found me in the army’s protection and took me along to Dhaka,” he adds.
PHOTOS PROVIDED BY SYED PERVEZ AFSAR
By Farrukh Kamrani
Published: December 16, 2017
116SHARES
SHARE TWEET EMAIL
DESIGN: IBRAHIM YAHYA
KARACHI: Commenting on the Bangladesh government’s claim that three million Bengalis were killed during the military operation that Pakistan Army started in March 1971, Sarmila Bose in her ‘Death Reckoning’ writes that history of Bangladesh is the history written by the victors of war.
While falsifying the highly exaggerated Bangladeshi and Indian claims about the deaths of Bengalis, Bose in her monumental work on the 1971 war notes that the only group whose killing could qualify the definition of genocide were non-Bengali residents of East Pakistan.
According to the whitepaper published in March 1971, around one hundred thousand non-Bengalis were killed in various parts of East Pakistan till that time. However, the later estimates based on the post-April counting suggest that the total number of non-Bengalis killed by Mukti Bahini was around two hundred and fifty thousand.
While sporadic killing of non-Bengalis took place all across the former East Pakistan, their mass massacres took place particularly in Jessore, Isherdee, Chandragona Paper Mills of Chittagong, Admajee Jute Mills of Narayanganj and Santahar of Rashahi. In remembrance of the martyrs of these massacres, The Express Tribune presents accounts of a few survivors.
How Mukti Bahini ‘cleansed’ Santahar of non-Bengalis
Haji Ehsanullah was 19 years old when his neighbourhood in Loco West was attacked by a Bengali mob on March 26. He says he along with his father, mother and wife jumped into a relative’s house and hid in a bathroom.
“When the attackers were gone, we first went to a graveyard and spend the night there. The coming days were spent in Ghorahaat, Santahar Railway Station and Station Colony,” he adds.
Ehsanullah remembers how on the morning of April 17, the Mukti Bahini launched its final assault against the unarmed residents of the colony.
“When the attack started, my parents asked me to run away. I covered my face with a kerchief and went out holding a metal rod in my hand,” he says, adding that the massacre was in full swing and he saw Bengali men throwing little children into the adjoining pond. “I was also stopped by a group of Bengalis who wanted to kill me, but a man, Aakaash, intervened and said that he knew me and that I was a Bengali.”
He says Aakaash’s colleagues were not much convinced and one of the group members gave me a shovel to dig out a grave. “I started digging a ditch while my people were being killed. I frantically kept digging.”
Ehsanullah says the same Bengali, Aakaash, again came to him in the afternoon, offered him some food and gave him address of his sister, who lived in the town of Ontahar.
Ehsanullah says he somehow managed to get to that place, where he was given refuge until arrival of Pakistan Army on April 22. “When I returned to Santahar, in search of my family, I could not find my parents, but my wife was alive. The killers had slit her neck but she had survived as the wound was not deep enough,” he adds.
Dr Jameel Akhtar, who now lives in Shah Faisal Colony of Karachi, says his entire family – comprising his parents and 10 siblings – was killed in the April 16 massacre at Railway Colony.
“I was among the youngest kids of my parents. When the attack started at around 4am, we hugged each other. But my parent asked me to escape and clad me in a lungi and vest. My mother also gave me her gold jewellery which I hid in a fold in my lungi.”
Dr Jameel says when the attackers reached their house, his elder brother opened the door. “I was standing behind him. I saw them killing my brother right in front of my eyes.”
He says he ran out from the backside of his house. “I rushed to the railway station but saw a Bengali railway officer, Jalal Guard, prowling there with a spear in his hand. I ran from there but I soon found myself in front of another group of killers.”
Dr Jameel says he tried to convince the Mukti Bahini men that he was also a Bengali but they did not believe him. “They were about to hit me when I had an idea. I brought out the jewellery from my lungi and threw it in front of them. The killers instantly started vying for the gold, giving me an opportunity to escape.”
Forgotten pages: The martyrs of Naogaon Cantonment
Dr Jameel says he then started moving towards Naogaon. “But on that way, I encountered with another group of killers who had put on display half a dozen human heads. They asked me who I was. I told them that I am a Bengali. The asked me as to what was the slogan for that day. On my way, I had seen a slogan written on the walls. I told them it’s ‘Amar Desh, Tumar Desh, Bangladesh, Bangladesh’. I was fortunate, they let me go,” he says.
Bilquis, who now lives in Karachi’s Orangi Town, was a married woman with three children in 1971. She says when the Bengalis started attacking different neighbourhoods, her husband decided to move along with the family to the factory of Gramophone beri-wala.
“Here the hooligans of Mukti Bahini came and picked up men who were often slaughtered outside the factory. My husband was also among those who was killed outside that premises,” she reminisces.
Bilquis says despite all the killings in and outside the factory, she and her family remained in that building until April 17 when Bengalis asked them to move to the Railway Colony.
“I along with other women was being driven to the station when a Bengali man, who knew my husband and called me her sister, came to me and told me in whispers that I should not go to the station as all people were being killed there,” she says.
“The other Bengalis were not ready at first to allow me to go with him but he somehow managed to convince them. He later took me to his family, who gave refuge to me.”
Bilquis says the other women who had left the factory with her were brought to a pond where they were slaughtered. “I was, however, fortunate that I remained safe and also found my children alive,” she adds.
Irfan Ulllah Siddiqui was a little kid when his family was massacred in the Station Colony on April 17.
“My family comprised my parents, six daughters and three brothers. All of them were killed. I was 6-year-old at that time and managed to survive as I hid beneath the bodies of my family members,” he recalls, adding that it was many days after the massacre that he was discovered by her aunt who lived in Saidpur and had come in search of survivors of her family.
Muhammad Qurban, who now lives in Karachi’s Malir area, was 19 years old in March 1971. He was among the people who buried the victims of the March 27 killing at Chaibagan Mosque.
“My family had moved to the railway station after this attack. However, on April 2, I left the station and somehow reached Naogaon,” he recalls, adding that he stayed at Naogaon until the arrival of the Pakistan Army.
“When I returned to the station in search of my family I could not find them anywhere. Survivors told me that my entire family, including my parents and five siblings, had been hacked,” he says.
Ashraf now works as a tailor at Karachi’s Orangi Town. He was very young when the turmoil started in Kalsagram. “My father, who was in the police, never returned after March 26. I can’t tell the exact place but my mother was also killed during the massacre,” he narrates his ordeal.
Ashraf says he was later shifted to some other location along with 50 to 60 children who were taken care of by some Bengalis. “These children were later rescued by the Pakistan Army. My elder sister lived in Dhaka. She found me in the army’s protection and took me along to Dhaka,” he adds.
PHOTOS PROVIDED BY SYED PERVEZ AFSAR
Shahzaz ud din
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Bloody December: New Facts About India’s Invasion of Pakistan in 1971 Raise Legal Questions
by Ahmed Quraishi | Published on December 19, 2017
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On the morning of December 16, 2017, commanders of Indian Navy’s eastern command laid a floral wreath at a war memorial to members of the Indian armed forces who perished in the war against Pakistan in 1971.
They were marking a war anniversary, known as Vijay Diwas in Hindi, the language of the minority northern ruling elite. At 11:16 AM, Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted a special message. He saluted the Indian soldiers who fought in 1971 and said they “protected our nation diligently.”
There is one problem: India was not under attack in 1971. Pakistan did not launch any war, and the Indian nation faced no threat from any country that year.
The real story is starkly different. Today, multiple books and investigative articles, and, surprisingly, even Prime Minister Modi himself, confirm that India invaded Pakistan in a war of opportunity to cripple a country that was busy in the domestic chaotic aftermath of a messy election.
India in 1971 violated international law by launching an unprovoked invasion of East Pakistan using an ISIS-style terror militia it trained with help from Soviet Union. This was a war of opportunity, not a necessity, with the objective of breaking away Pakistani territory, a war that has permanently destabilized the region with far-reaching impact.
Moreover, the 1971 war partially helps explain why today’s war in Afghanistan will not end easily.
Thousands of Pakistani civilians died in the 1971 war, massacred by the Indian-trained militia. The Indian casualties were far lower in comparison. Therefore, India’s Vijay Diwas, building a war memorial, and pretending the Indian army was ‘protecting the nation’, is an elaborate charade. Mr. Modi’s tweet, suggesting the Indian army was in a defensive posture protecting the nation, is tantamount to the deliberate distortion of history.
Calling out this lie is important. Aggressive policies have led India to wars with Pakistan and China, borderline war crimes in Kashmir, and a lingering possibility of a nuclear war in South Asia. New Delhi continues to play the same dangerous games in 2017 as it did in 1971, hurting the region and extending its proxy warfare to Afghanistan, where the lives of American, Afghan, Pakistani and NATO soldiers and civilians are at stake.
WHAT HAPPENED IN 1971
While the Indian nation enjoyed peace, Pakistan was under attack for much of the year in 1971. India launched a unilateral war of aggression. Its planning started at least three years earlier, Indian and Bangladeshi sources confirm. A ISIS-style terror militia was created and trained by Indian government and army to seize East Pakistan villages, commit atrocities, and start a flash ethnic conflict to break away Pakistani territory.
Members of this Indian ISIS-style terror militia were flown to the Soviet Union to receive training in guerrilla warfare at multiple locations, including Tashkent. Former KGB agent Yuri Zemenov, who defected to the West, gave a detailed account of how India and the USSR planned the 1971 invasion of East Pakistan.
This was an incredible opportunity that India could not miss: Pakistan had just come out of a chaotic violent election, and the Pakistan Army maintained a very small peacetime footprint in East Pakistan, easily outnumbered by the Indian military, backed by no resupply lines. Pakistanis were caught unprepared because they did not think they faced an existential threat from India. To most Pakistanis, there was no conflict with India except in Kashmir, which was at the UN Security Council. Pakistanis believed there was no question of India launching a war outside of the conflict zone of Kashmir, since that would mean expanding Pak-India hostilities.
But expanding the conflict is exactly what India did in 1971.
HINDI-SPEAKING RULERS
Here, it’s also important to recognize who exactly is Pakistan’s enemy in India. Most of the good people of India are not interested in a permanent war with Pakistan. The anti-Pakistan hate is generated by and comes from the influential Hindi-speaking, the upper-caste northern ruling elite in New Delhi. This obsession is rooted in the long history of Muslim dynastic rule in northern India, which created the Taj Mahal and, ironically, gave India the city of Delhi. Having said this, this ruling elite has forced the Indian media to largely conform to an anti-Pakistan narrative that encourages violence against Pakistanis visiting their country. It will not be long before a substantial segment of non-Hindi speaking Indians is brainwashed into hating Pakistan as a nation and people.
The events of 1971 were an extension of the proxy wars that India launched against Pakistan immediately after Pakistan’s independence from Britain in 1947. The first of those wars began in 1950, when India launched a proxy war for the secession of Pashtun- and Baloch-dominated areas of the new state. New Delhi’s ruling elite approached young Pakistani Marxists for this and sought the help of Soviet Union to break Pakistan up from within.
MODI’S CONFESSION
AND LEGAL CONSEQUENCES
The tweet on Vijay Diwas by the Indian prime minister, and the series of statements he made on this war over the last two years, create the basis for a possible Pakistani legal case against the Government of India that could help set the record straight on this war. Pakistan can demand an apology from the Indian government for the devastation its actions caused. Pakistan can also request New Delhi to stop using the events of 1971 to perpetuate a lie. India has misled its people and the world for a long time on what happened in 1971.
Obviously, the Indian government will resist any challenge to its narrative but that should not deter the effort to correct history. Prime Minister Modi should blame himself for reviving this debate. He has single-handedly weakened India’s case on this war. Modi inadvertently revived the debate on India’s role in the war during a visit to Dhaka in June 2015, where the Indian prime minister admitted that rebels who fought Pakistan and committed massacres were undercover Indian soldiers.
This was a remarkable confession because, for four decades, India insisted indigenous rebels led the war in 1971 and India intervened to help them on humanitarian grounds.
Indian author Sarmila Bose, in her 2011 book Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War, provides a lot of context on how India distorted the history surrounding its role in the war.
Stories of survivors of the Indian-instigated massacres can be read in Tales of Survivors: 1971 War. Another detailed account on the Indian-trained terror militia can be found in Fall of Dhaka: How Mukti Bahini ‘cleansed’ Santahar town of non-Bengalis.
HOW 1971 IMPACTS AFGHANISTAN
When India invaded East Pakistan, and dismembered a country five times smaller than itself, the message sent to Pakistan was clear: New Delhi will seize every opportunity to hurt Pakistan. The idea that Kashmir is the only conflict between Islamabad and New Delhi was dead. Many in Pakistan thought India might be ready for peace four decades after the 1971 events, but this theory was conclusively debunked in March 2016, when Pakistan arrested a high-level Indian terror agent, a serving officer in the Indian navy, who ran an elaborate terror network in Pakistan from his base in the Iranian city of Chabahar. He was caught during a covert mission inside Balochistan.
India is applying the same tactics it used in 1971 now in 2017, using proxies and the soil of Afghanistan and Iran to destabilize Pakistan. This Indian policy is wreaking havoc in Afghanistan. New Delhi benefits from permanent chaos in Afghanistan where Kabul, Washington and Islamabad trade blame as the three countries suffer casualties from terrorism and instability.
- To understand why the war in Afghanistan is faltering, you need to understand what India did in 1971
by Ahmed Quraishi | Published on December 19, 2017
On the morning of December 16, 2017, commanders of Indian Navy’s eastern command laid a floral wreath at a war memorial to members of the Indian armed forces who perished in the war against Pakistan in 1971.
They were marking a war anniversary, known as Vijay Diwas in Hindi, the language of the minority northern ruling elite. At 11:16 AM, Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted a special message. He saluted the Indian soldiers who fought in 1971 and said they “protected our nation diligently.”
There is one problem: India was not under attack in 1971. Pakistan did not launch any war, and the Indian nation faced no threat from any country that year.
The real story is starkly different. Today, multiple books and investigative articles, and, surprisingly, even Prime Minister Modi himself, confirm that India invaded Pakistan in a war of opportunity to cripple a country that was busy in the domestic chaotic aftermath of a messy election.
India in 1971 violated international law by launching an unprovoked invasion of East Pakistan using an ISIS-style terror militia it trained with help from Soviet Union. This was a war of opportunity, not a necessity, with the objective of breaking away Pakistani territory, a war that has permanently destabilized the region with far-reaching impact.
Moreover, the 1971 war partially helps explain why today’s war in Afghanistan will not end easily.
Thousands of Pakistani civilians died in the 1971 war, massacred by the Indian-trained militia. The Indian casualties were far lower in comparison. Therefore, India’s Vijay Diwas, building a war memorial, and pretending the Indian army was ‘protecting the nation’, is an elaborate charade. Mr. Modi’s tweet, suggesting the Indian army was in a defensive posture protecting the nation, is tantamount to the deliberate distortion of history.
Calling out this lie is important. Aggressive policies have led India to wars with Pakistan and China, borderline war crimes in Kashmir, and a lingering possibility of a nuclear war in South Asia. New Delhi continues to play the same dangerous games in 2017 as it did in 1971, hurting the region and extending its proxy warfare to Afghanistan, where the lives of American, Afghan, Pakistani and NATO soldiers and civilians are at stake.
WHAT HAPPENED IN 1971
While the Indian nation enjoyed peace, Pakistan was under attack for much of the year in 1971. India launched a unilateral war of aggression. Its planning started at least three years earlier, Indian and Bangladeshi sources confirm. A ISIS-style terror militia was created and trained by Indian government and army to seize East Pakistan villages, commit atrocities, and start a flash ethnic conflict to break away Pakistani territory.
Members of this Indian ISIS-style terror militia were flown to the Soviet Union to receive training in guerrilla warfare at multiple locations, including Tashkent. Former KGB agent Yuri Zemenov, who defected to the West, gave a detailed account of how India and the USSR planned the 1971 invasion of East Pakistan.
This was an incredible opportunity that India could not miss: Pakistan had just come out of a chaotic violent election, and the Pakistan Army maintained a very small peacetime footprint in East Pakistan, easily outnumbered by the Indian military, backed by no resupply lines. Pakistanis were caught unprepared because they did not think they faced an existential threat from India. To most Pakistanis, there was no conflict with India except in Kashmir, which was at the UN Security Council. Pakistanis believed there was no question of India launching a war outside of the conflict zone of Kashmir, since that would mean expanding Pak-India hostilities.
But expanding the conflict is exactly what India did in 1971.
HINDI-SPEAKING RULERS
Here, it’s also important to recognize who exactly is Pakistan’s enemy in India. Most of the good people of India are not interested in a permanent war with Pakistan. The anti-Pakistan hate is generated by and comes from the influential Hindi-speaking, the upper-caste northern ruling elite in New Delhi. This obsession is rooted in the long history of Muslim dynastic rule in northern India, which created the Taj Mahal and, ironically, gave India the city of Delhi. Having said this, this ruling elite has forced the Indian media to largely conform to an anti-Pakistan narrative that encourages violence against Pakistanis visiting their country. It will not be long before a substantial segment of non-Hindi speaking Indians is brainwashed into hating Pakistan as a nation and people.
The events of 1971 were an extension of the proxy wars that India launched against Pakistan immediately after Pakistan’s independence from Britain in 1947. The first of those wars began in 1950, when India launched a proxy war for the secession of Pashtun- and Baloch-dominated areas of the new state. New Delhi’s ruling elite approached young Pakistani Marxists for this and sought the help of Soviet Union to break Pakistan up from within.
MODI’S CONFESSION
AND LEGAL CONSEQUENCES
The tweet on Vijay Diwas by the Indian prime minister, and the series of statements he made on this war over the last two years, create the basis for a possible Pakistani legal case against the Government of India that could help set the record straight on this war. Pakistan can demand an apology from the Indian government for the devastation its actions caused. Pakistan can also request New Delhi to stop using the events of 1971 to perpetuate a lie. India has misled its people and the world for a long time on what happened in 1971.
Obviously, the Indian government will resist any challenge to its narrative but that should not deter the effort to correct history. Prime Minister Modi should blame himself for reviving this debate. He has single-handedly weakened India’s case on this war. Modi inadvertently revived the debate on India’s role in the war during a visit to Dhaka in June 2015, where the Indian prime minister admitted that rebels who fought Pakistan and committed massacres were undercover Indian soldiers.
This was a remarkable confession because, for four decades, India insisted indigenous rebels led the war in 1971 and India intervened to help them on humanitarian grounds.
Indian author Sarmila Bose, in her 2011 book Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War, provides a lot of context on how India distorted the history surrounding its role in the war.
Stories of survivors of the Indian-instigated massacres can be read in Tales of Survivors: 1971 War. Another detailed account on the Indian-trained terror militia can be found in Fall of Dhaka: How Mukti Bahini ‘cleansed’ Santahar town of non-Bengalis.
HOW 1971 IMPACTS AFGHANISTAN
When India invaded East Pakistan, and dismembered a country five times smaller than itself, the message sent to Pakistan was clear: New Delhi will seize every opportunity to hurt Pakistan. The idea that Kashmir is the only conflict between Islamabad and New Delhi was dead. Many in Pakistan thought India might be ready for peace four decades after the 1971 events, but this theory was conclusively debunked in March 2016, when Pakistan arrested a high-level Indian terror agent, a serving officer in the Indian navy, who ran an elaborate terror network in Pakistan from his base in the Iranian city of Chabahar. He was caught during a covert mission inside Balochistan.
India is applying the same tactics it used in 1971 now in 2017, using proxies and the soil of Afghanistan and Iran to destabilize Pakistan. This Indian policy is wreaking havoc in Afghanistan. New Delhi benefits from permanent chaos in Afghanistan where Kabul, Washington and Islamabad trade blame as the three countries suffer casualties from terrorism and instability.
My father was a servant of Pakistan Eastern Railways. So, I know all the main stations/junctions where Biharis used to live. I was not in Santahar and Naogaon during 1971 war. But, it is true that many thousands of non-Bangali people were slaughtered. This is what I have heard from my childhood friends in those areas.
However, killings were done by both the groups. Bad thing is that the Bangalis do not recognize that their folks killed the Biharis. Instead, they keep themselves busy with a fictitious and absurd figure of 3 million Bangali killing by the PA troops, while they cannot give a list with names and the localities where the killings took place. How about their burying places?
Vietnam killing was about 1 million after a few decades of war, and its govt has all the data with the result of DNA tests. BD govt is only after propaganda figure without scientific proofs. Once Begum Zia doubted the figure. She was castigated by the Awami Leagures. However, there were many lakhs of killing.
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Great statement about 1971 incident .My position is almost same except slightly different point of view.
However still if i can remember correctly ,in one post a BD fellow tagged you as "one of awami indian stooge" ,but don't know what's the reason!
However according to the book 'dead reckoning'
Total numbers of dead are 50 thousand to 1 lakh including both side during the civil war !
This figure perhaps closer to the reality as we don't know the real number!
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When the war was ending some people were telling of a 300,000 killed, which we found too exaggerated. But, suddenly, it jumped up to 3 million when Sk. Mujib was flown to London from Pakistan. 50,000 or less may be a reasonable figure. Even then two stadiums are required to fill with this figure. That is also in only less than nine months.
However, I must have to say that there were around 10,000 killings in Dhaka and then Keraniganj on and after 26th. AL probably does a simple multiplication of this figure by 260 days of fighting and comes to a rough 3 million figure by simple interpolation.
Hitler would have been delighted to learn the technology of killing so many people without first building the gas chambers and in only 9 months instead of his taking 5 years to kill 2/3 million Jews. He could have saved the money to build tens of concentration camps and to buy gas. How inefficient Hitler was comparing to PA troops!!
Any way, AL is a nasty political party that intermingled history with fiction. However, @idune of Jamaat thinks that I myself am an Awami leagure. @idune, note one thing. I have no weakness to AL, BNP or Jamaat. I am against anyone crafty and greedy.
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Fantastic analysis! Actually I also think that hamudur Rahman report might be true but let's assume that the figure is nearly 100000 including both Bengali and non bengali .in dead reckoning sharmila Bose also stated that .
It does make sense as in a civil war total 1 lakh can be dead. But it even a kid ( who can think )with common sense will not accept the figure of 3 damn millions .
And what awami hypocrites ( neo chetona cultist) are doing ? Not only propogating the figure that even unaccepted by indian soldier who fought there ,but also if anyone raise a question instantly declared as traitor.
I know some brain washed a.s.s. holes who are educated , doing either govt or multi national jobs and some do business ,acdemic qualified person who really are not propagandist, but the victims of propaganda, believe this damn ficticious figure so easily and even don't want to discuss some one who want to question the figure .
Some can argue that govt service holders don't dare question the stance of govt. But what about others? No restriction for them, yet they all are acting like zombies.
Did you read the book by Arif Rahman , 3 million myth or reality ? These so called educated persons just blindly follow such books.I read those articles long ago.
I am surprised by those so called well educated persons who are believing this sh!t without question! Who are they ? What type of propaganda can spread so fast like Ebola virus ? Are some Bengalis really trying to believe such bs? I feel sick when I deal with them in real life.
However if you missed it read again here the cold blooded bastard wanted to prove that rape victims can me more than one million .
https://blog.mukto-mona.com/2014/10/07/43068/
Does that make sense ? Still Bengalis neo awami hypocrites are devouring them .
Who knows one day the so called rape victims will cross 3 million or more!
And I know Hasina is surviving but it looks she is compromsing too much instead of making a better platform.
Because our next generation will learn such false propaganda, it's truly disastrous. govt should stop such terrible blunder .
Even if they want to survive with the B.S Mythology,still they have other ways .
P.s : i will explain 2 personal incident few years ago , it's a bit long ,I must tell in short .
I have asked a question to someone (indeed close person ,my same aged ,born a decade after 1971 )that why there is no list of so called martyrs?
He instantly replied that it will take more than 500 years to make the list ,so he just follow without question as they don't lie when they say 3 million.
I asked if it take more than 500 years to make list from 68000 BD village then how is it possible that pakistan army and rajakars (common opinion that rajakars were few in number ) can do this?
The answer was it was, communication.
I said how is it possible so fast as there was no internet that time ,only analogue land phones and only in every district towns not even other places ?
His reply was ,'you are rajakar and Pakistani'.
Another a.s.s hole( who is close too) advised me that he don't need to even know the figure ,since he want to exaggerate more even the number is lesser because it will bring more glory to Bangladesh , so why should we decrease the figure that will benefit pakistan??
Now this is the real as.sholes chetona badi. Since that day I stopped wasting my time on such faggots.
There is no point of argument with such academic qualified ignorant scams.
However first one was a pro Pakistani' cricket team supporter till 2002 and used to dance with Pakistani teams victory . Just disgusting hypocrites.
@bluesky
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I think there must be more research on the war. The think that amazes me is that how could the Pakistan forces commit such an act on 14th December when the joint forces had already reached Dhaka and almost took the control of the entire country? I mean wasn't it possible to avert this incident by the joint forces?
Note that these intellectuals were mainly communists and leftists. At that time, there was a leftist uprising in West Bengal and there are certain reports that many in West Bengal were calling for a merger of the state with Bangladesh right after the war. That means these intellectuals were a threat to India as well. And obviously, India also had its own reasons to make an intellect deficit in Bangladesh.
We should always remember that we are located in one of the most abominable regions in the world.
It was not the PA troops that committed the 14th December killing. It was the anti-Bangladesh Bihari people in Mirpur, who did it. They resisted against the Muktis probably until 20th December. This is the place where the famous Zahir Raihan went to record the battle accounts for his documentary film. He was killed in a cross fight, and was probably killed by a bullet shot by the Bihari group. However, gossip mongers in BD has been telling that he was killed by the Mujib Bahini, because he was recording all the misdeeds by the Awami Leaguers during 1971.
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