Vietnam Defence Forum
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I like it if our shipyards produce vessels like french bread. small speed boats produced by Z189 shipyard.
Very similar to the SwedishStridsbåt 90 H(alv
Viet
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the firepower of 3,200 active tanks can impress every enemy 
Vietnam Military Strength
A Scud balistic missile unit on an exercise. I can´t wait the day to see this toy to reach a range of 1,000km and more.
![10865768_674039346052362_4108725694233589588_o[1].jpg](https://defence.pk./attachments/10865768_674039346052362_4108725694233589588_o-1-jpg.185652/ "10865768_674039346052362_4108725694233589588_o[1].jpg")
Vietnam Military Strength
A Scud balistic missile unit on an exercise. I can´t wait the day to see this toy to reach a range of 1,000km and more.
Carlosa
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Lockheed Martin International Vice Executive President Patrick M. Dewar to visit Vietnam and bring some offers to the Vietnam People's Armed Forces. The exact detail is unknown at this time.
F-16's ?
F-16's ?
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Thao Nguyen
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The rumor about P3c started about 1 year ago, still waiting for them first, after that may be some second hand Oliver Harzard Perry, but F-16 ( very need) still a long way
Viet
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most likely P-3 and C-130 for immediate need. F-16 and more probably later.
Viet
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An article from a student of the University of Oxford. The author valuates Chinese military spending and posturing in the Asia Pacific as a danger for the region, Chinese "peaceful rise" is nothing more than a farce. America current policy fails. I read in a newspaper today, even, John McCain calls Barrack Obama is a weakling.
So actually nothing is new that he says, but the most important point I notice is when he calls on America to support Vietnam as a means to stop Chinese aggression. Well, we will see.
Samuel Ramani MPhil student, University of Oxford
How the US Should Respond to Chinese Military Assertiveness in 2015
Posted: 01/06/2015 12:15 pm EST Updated: 01/06/2015 12:59 pm EST
In his speech at the November 10, 2014 Asia-Pacific leaders summit, President Obama stated his intention to take relations with China to a "new level" and highlighted the importance of forging a durable strategic partnership with China to ensure its rising power does not destabilize the international system. Obama's speech was swiftly followed by what he described as a "milestone" carbon emissions deal between the U.S. and China. Despite this success, North Korea's alleged cyber-hacking and China's energy deal with Russia exacerbated tensions between the U.S. and China heading into 2015.
While economic interdependence has typically dominated the discourse around the future of relations between both great powers, recent developments indicate that the security dimension could define the U.S.-China bilateral relationship in 2015. The burgeoning security dilemma in the South Pacific triggered by rapid escalations in Chinese military spending, poses a significant challenge to American hegemony. The tendency of U.S. policymakers to vacillate between triumphalism and paranoia, in their handling of a newly assertive China, has inadvertently increased the risk of open conflict in the Asia-Pacific region.
Evaluating the Threat Posed by Chinese Military Spending
China's meteoric increases in defense spending continued in 2014, prompting a Pentagon report in June that claimed that the actual Chinese military budget exceeded $145 billion, a total far higher than official government statistics. The breakneck pace of China's development of unmanned drones caused particular alarm in the Pentagon's assessment. These concerns were given more credence by China's unveiling of an extremely precise laser weapon system that can shoot down light drones in low-altitude urban areas within five seconds of detection.
China's military buildup has alarmed the United States and caused China's main competitors in the Pacific (Japan, Vietnam and South Korea) to reciprocally bolster their military budgets. Much attention has also been drawn to the continued unwillingness of the Chinese government to acquiesce to U.S. demands for increased military budget transparency and the fact that Chinese defense spending has outstripped GDP growth. China's claims that inconsistencies in estimates of the size of its military budget can be explained by different categorization criteria for civilian and military spending have done little to assuage fears that China's "peaceful rise" could give way to belligerence in the South Pacific.
The U.S. has responded to increases in Chinese military spending by bolstering its own outlay of resources in the Pacific and the Pivot to Asia policy targets the transfer of 60 percent of U.S. naval assets to the Asia-Pacific by 2020. On the surface, diluting Chinese leverage in the Pacific through arms buildups appears effective. However, the Obama administration's military deterrence approach and contradictory rhetoric regarding whether China is a strategic partner or imminent threat, could jeopardize prospects for military cooperation with China. Obama's critical view of Chinese nationalist assertions in the Pacific, also contrasts markedly with his August 2014 depiction of China as an international security free rider that is dependent on benefits accrued from US hegemony.
The perception that Chinese military spending poses an imminent danger to security in the Pacific region also must be called into question in light of serious doubts surrounding the true extent of China's military power and preparedness for aggression. Levels of inflation in the Chinese defense sector are higher than in the overall economy and as the Chinese military enhances its technological sophistication, it has to divert its military budget increasingly to higher wage professional officers. The effectiveness of the Chinese military has also been undermined by pervasive corruption. While Xi Jinping's recent decision to centralize anti-corruption efforts under the umbrella of the Central Military Commission (CMC) is a positive step , abuse of power allegations levied against the former Deputy Head of Logistics and CMC Vice-Chairman indicate that the CCP's anti-corruption campaign is still in the embryonic stages.
How to Prevent Conflict in the Pacific
Ambiguities surrounding China's actual military strength and intentions should cause the US to devise a long-term grand strategy for the Pacific rather than continuing the current military deterrence strategy which is more effective in combatting an imminent threat.
In order to reduce the risk of open conflict in the Pacific, I propose a two-pronged strategy for U.S. policymakers to employ alongside the current approach of reciprocal military buildups.
The first prong is co-optive deterrence, the use of diplomatic overtures and the enhancement of recent military cooperation efforts, to discourage Chinese aggression in the Pacific region. The recent climate change deal demonstrates the potential for China and the U.S. to unite around solving a common problem, and this spirit of cooperation must extend to the security sphere. Revitalizing the cyber-security working group, which agreed in July 2013 to the cessation of the use of malicious proxies, would represent an initial step towards durable cooperation. The success of the Gulf of Aden counter-piracy joint naval drill also provides a foundation for intelligence sharing between the US and China that could extend to counter-terrorism and peacekeeping missions.
The alleged North Korean Sony hacking incident has been generally described as a setback for policymakers attempting to improve U.S.-China relations, but Jane Perlez of the New York Times, recently argued that the idiosyncratic nature of the North Korea's hacking and nuclear tests, which most likely occurred without China's consent, could cause China to cut economic support to the North Korean regime. While the complete implosion of North Korea would be against China's strategic interests, due to the potential for a massive influx of refugees, North Korea's belligerent behavior could trigger a tacit consensus between the U.S. and China that North Korea is a threat to regional stability. Such an agreement would reduce potential for polarization between Cold War-style U.S. and Chinese alliance blocs within the Pacific and advance the interests of peace.
The second prong of my proposed strategy to ameliorate tensions in the Pacific is sharpening the "Pivot to Asia" to Southeast Asian countries directly threatened by an aggressive China like Vietnam and the Philippines. The suspension of US military assistance to Thailand following the 2014 coup has caused Thailand to pivot strongly towards China with the announcement of a $12 billion rail project and a major agricultural purchase deal, which is a blow to US leverage in the region. The United States should counter China's overtures towards Thailand by consolidating a strategic partnership with Vietnam. Vietnam's recent support for the Philippines' challenge to Chinese territorial claims in the South China Sea represents a positive step towards achieving that goal. The US should also build on and coordinate with Japan's recent initiatives to build up the maritime military capacity of ASEAN states embroiled in territorial disputes with China.
Recent events and lingering ambiguities surrounding the extent of China's military power, intentions and preparedness for conflict should implore the United States to devise a long-term strategy in the Pacific that synthesizes arms buildups with expanded economic investment and alliance consolidation. However, the continued division in U.S. policymaking circles between China hawks and China cooperators renders the development of a coherent long-term grand strategy in the Pacific unlikely in the near future.
So actually nothing is new that he says, but the most important point I notice is when he calls on America to support Vietnam as a means to stop Chinese aggression. Well, we will see.
Samuel Ramani MPhil student, University of Oxford
How the US Should Respond to Chinese Military Assertiveness in 2015
Posted: 01/06/2015 12:15 pm EST Updated: 01/06/2015 12:59 pm EST
In his speech at the November 10, 2014 Asia-Pacific leaders summit, President Obama stated his intention to take relations with China to a "new level" and highlighted the importance of forging a durable strategic partnership with China to ensure its rising power does not destabilize the international system. Obama's speech was swiftly followed by what he described as a "milestone" carbon emissions deal between the U.S. and China. Despite this success, North Korea's alleged cyber-hacking and China's energy deal with Russia exacerbated tensions between the U.S. and China heading into 2015.
While economic interdependence has typically dominated the discourse around the future of relations between both great powers, recent developments indicate that the security dimension could define the U.S.-China bilateral relationship in 2015. The burgeoning security dilemma in the South Pacific triggered by rapid escalations in Chinese military spending, poses a significant challenge to American hegemony. The tendency of U.S. policymakers to vacillate between triumphalism and paranoia, in their handling of a newly assertive China, has inadvertently increased the risk of open conflict in the Asia-Pacific region.
Evaluating the Threat Posed by Chinese Military Spending
China's meteoric increases in defense spending continued in 2014, prompting a Pentagon report in June that claimed that the actual Chinese military budget exceeded $145 billion, a total far higher than official government statistics. The breakneck pace of China's development of unmanned drones caused particular alarm in the Pentagon's assessment. These concerns were given more credence by China's unveiling of an extremely precise laser weapon system that can shoot down light drones in low-altitude urban areas within five seconds of detection.
China's military buildup has alarmed the United States and caused China's main competitors in the Pacific (Japan, Vietnam and South Korea) to reciprocally bolster their military budgets. Much attention has also been drawn to the continued unwillingness of the Chinese government to acquiesce to U.S. demands for increased military budget transparency and the fact that Chinese defense spending has outstripped GDP growth. China's claims that inconsistencies in estimates of the size of its military budget can be explained by different categorization criteria for civilian and military spending have done little to assuage fears that China's "peaceful rise" could give way to belligerence in the South Pacific.
The U.S. has responded to increases in Chinese military spending by bolstering its own outlay of resources in the Pacific and the Pivot to Asia policy targets the transfer of 60 percent of U.S. naval assets to the Asia-Pacific by 2020. On the surface, diluting Chinese leverage in the Pacific through arms buildups appears effective. However, the Obama administration's military deterrence approach and contradictory rhetoric regarding whether China is a strategic partner or imminent threat, could jeopardize prospects for military cooperation with China. Obama's critical view of Chinese nationalist assertions in the Pacific, also contrasts markedly with his August 2014 depiction of China as an international security free rider that is dependent on benefits accrued from US hegemony.
The perception that Chinese military spending poses an imminent danger to security in the Pacific region also must be called into question in light of serious doubts surrounding the true extent of China's military power and preparedness for aggression. Levels of inflation in the Chinese defense sector are higher than in the overall economy and as the Chinese military enhances its technological sophistication, it has to divert its military budget increasingly to higher wage professional officers. The effectiveness of the Chinese military has also been undermined by pervasive corruption. While Xi Jinping's recent decision to centralize anti-corruption efforts under the umbrella of the Central Military Commission (CMC) is a positive step , abuse of power allegations levied against the former Deputy Head of Logistics and CMC Vice-Chairman indicate that the CCP's anti-corruption campaign is still in the embryonic stages.
How to Prevent Conflict in the Pacific
Ambiguities surrounding China's actual military strength and intentions should cause the US to devise a long-term grand strategy for the Pacific rather than continuing the current military deterrence strategy which is more effective in combatting an imminent threat.
In order to reduce the risk of open conflict in the Pacific, I propose a two-pronged strategy for U.S. policymakers to employ alongside the current approach of reciprocal military buildups.
The first prong is co-optive deterrence, the use of diplomatic overtures and the enhancement of recent military cooperation efforts, to discourage Chinese aggression in the Pacific region. The recent climate change deal demonstrates the potential for China and the U.S. to unite around solving a common problem, and this spirit of cooperation must extend to the security sphere. Revitalizing the cyber-security working group, which agreed in July 2013 to the cessation of the use of malicious proxies, would represent an initial step towards durable cooperation. The success of the Gulf of Aden counter-piracy joint naval drill also provides a foundation for intelligence sharing between the US and China that could extend to counter-terrorism and peacekeeping missions.
The alleged North Korean Sony hacking incident has been generally described as a setback for policymakers attempting to improve U.S.-China relations, but Jane Perlez of the New York Times, recently argued that the idiosyncratic nature of the North Korea's hacking and nuclear tests, which most likely occurred without China's consent, could cause China to cut economic support to the North Korean regime. While the complete implosion of North Korea would be against China's strategic interests, due to the potential for a massive influx of refugees, North Korea's belligerent behavior could trigger a tacit consensus between the U.S. and China that North Korea is a threat to regional stability. Such an agreement would reduce potential for polarization between Cold War-style U.S. and Chinese alliance blocs within the Pacific and advance the interests of peace.
The second prong of my proposed strategy to ameliorate tensions in the Pacific is sharpening the "Pivot to Asia" to Southeast Asian countries directly threatened by an aggressive China like Vietnam and the Philippines. The suspension of US military assistance to Thailand following the 2014 coup has caused Thailand to pivot strongly towards China with the announcement of a $12 billion rail project and a major agricultural purchase deal, which is a blow to US leverage in the region. The United States should counter China's overtures towards Thailand by consolidating a strategic partnership with Vietnam. Vietnam's recent support for the Philippines' challenge to Chinese territorial claims in the South China Sea represents a positive step towards achieving that goal. The US should also build on and coordinate with Japan's recent initiatives to build up the maritime military capacity of ASEAN states embroiled in territorial disputes with China.
Recent events and lingering ambiguities surrounding the extent of China's military power, intentions and preparedness for conflict should implore the United States to devise a long-term strategy in the Pacific that synthesizes arms buildups with expanded economic investment and alliance consolidation. However, the continued division in U.S. policymaking circles between China hawks and China cooperators renders the development of a coherent long-term grand strategy in the Pacific unlikely in the near future.
Viet
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Did I mention John McCain in my yesterday post?
what a coincidence: Vietnam ambassador to the US, Phạm Quang Vinh met with the hardcore neocon US Senator John McCain in his office. Does anyone want to guess what they were talking about? No, not about vietnamese foods, I assume.
Hot news: KZKT-7428 tractors with T-72B3/90MS MBTs seen somewhere in Vietnam.
info thanks to MP viet members.
If one adds the mass of T-72 and 90, we ordered and planned, to the existing tank army, we will probably have 4,000 tanks, more than the rest of SE Asian armies, combined. Nice
inside a TT400 coast guard vessel, equipped with a nice highspeed fire AK-630 cannon. a contract for building of 4 boats with Hong Ha Shipbuilding Company.
![tt400tpphantich_kto_470[1].jpg](https://defence.pk./attachments/tt400tpphantich_kto_470-1-jpg.186061/ "tt400tpphantich_kto_470[1].jpg")
what a coincidence: Vietnam ambassador to the US, Phạm Quang Vinh met with the hardcore neocon US Senator John McCain in his office. Does anyone want to guess what they were talking about? No, not about vietnamese foods, I assume.
Hot news: KZKT-7428 tractors with T-72B3/90MS MBTs seen somewhere in Vietnam.
info thanks to MP viet members.
If one adds the mass of T-72 and 90, we ordered and planned, to the existing tank army, we will probably have 4,000 tanks, more than the rest of SE Asian armies, combined. Nice
inside a TT400 coast guard vessel, equipped with a nice highspeed fire AK-630 cannon. a contract for building of 4 boats with Hong Ha Shipbuilding Company.
ChineseTiger1986
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As a student, I bet that he couldn't see the depth of the world's geopolitics.
Until now, the US has barely recovered from the 2008 financial crash, so she has no real power to contain a rising China.
Everything is easier to be said than to be done, and McCain is not the person in charge, and of course he couldn't feel the same pressure as Obama is facing.
Obama also hopes that he can pump up the military expenditure up to 1 trillion in order to overshadow both China and Russia. However, if he is doing that, then the US economy will go back to red again.
Frankly, I hope those neocons could take in charge again after 2016, since this will only consolidate the China-Russia alliance.
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biendong
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Viet
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Vera-E?Vietnam's new passive sensor for acquiring stealth aircraft
re-edited. I just noticed that is a VN made passiv radar RTh, based on the principle of TDOA (Time difference of Arrival): detecting hidden objects (such as aircraft) by sensing differences of radar waves arrivals. a RTh installation consists of 4 radar wave receivers.
Việt Nam chế tạo thành công radar định vị mục tiêu thụ động | soha.vn
the control unit:
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Viet
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the deployment of the oil rig into our waters was one of your greatest blunders ever. you will regret soon. Obama is a lame duck, as he can´t do anything without the Congress. yeah, should the iron lady Hillary Clinton seize the power at the White House at next election, thing will become more interesting. I believe she likes Vietnam.
ChineseTiger1986
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He could be a adviser for US president in future.
The green bug like him will only drive the US over the cliff.
Well, the US has been greatly weakened since 2008, and do you expect Obama to act tougher?
The US now depends on Obamacare for their growth rate, and their employment purely depends on the service sector.
Hillary cannot do much either if this trend doesn't change.
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