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For a moment I thought you got my point, but then, it’s back to square one. NSG can amend its guidelines because of the nature of its constitution i.e. voluntary association that operates through consensus, and not because of absence of prohibition of amendments. Even if there was such a prohibition, nothing stops them from reaching a consensus to remove such prohibition.But is there a provision explicitly against amending those guidelines? If not, then amendment of guidelines through consensus is an inherently valid process.
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Amendment of guidelines, in the absence of any thing specifically prohibiting those amendments, is inherent. But exemption from a central tenet of the NSG (in the absence of any process for exemptions) is inherently a violation, and arbitrary exemption as in the case of India is discriminatory and hypocritical, whatever the nature of the group.
The question is not if the guidelines – they are trade guidelines after all – have any clause for such amendment or exemption; the question is not if any amendment is made in those guidelines for such waiver; the question is if NSG can make such exemptions or if they have followed the correct administrative procedure to grant such exemption. The answer, unfortunately for you and fortunately for us, is an emphatic yes, for reasons that have already been explained.I agree with you that they are not 'laws' or 'binding', but it has to be pointed out that 'guidelines were violated' (in the absence of amendments to those guidelines) in the case of the NSG exemption, and therefore the US nor anyone else no longer has reason to criticize or contest a nation engaging in nuclear trade with Pakistan, even if that trade is in 'violation of NSG guidelines' of 'no nuclear trade with NPT non-signatories'.
Again, all of it is your opinion based on your understanding of international politics. There is nothing in the public domain that indicates that, except for China, any other country, including France and Trukey, refused to deal with Pakistan out of fear of US and not out of their sense of commitment to NSG.The French and Chinese are the obvious examples. Even you know that the French would pretty much sell to anyone (though given adequate IAEA safeguards). The Turks under the current government would likely also not have any issues.
I do not know if there is any way to quantify perceptions, but there seems to be something that does deal with perceptions.Then the NSG should outline metrics to gauge movement on perceptions - its a nonsensical and unverifiable argument otherwise.
You were effectively recommending criteria for discretion and my reply was addressed to that recommendation.On the contrary, inherent to the NSG charter of 'no trade with NSG non-signatories' is a 'criteria' governing trade with other nations.
Pleas provide the stats substantiating all of your claims, in terms of the fact that these are all Pakistanis that immigrated to other nations and not people born there, otherwise your comments are nothing but nonsense denigrating Pakistanis. And stats and evidence substantiating the rest of the blubber you expelled as well.
My argument has complete merit, you just cannot see through your bias. I'll point it out one more time. The 5 individuals arrested in Pakistan were, AFAIK, American born and raised citizens, not Pakistanis. Two of them were not Pakistani origin. In addition, the 911 hijackers, Richard Reid, Major Hassan, Christmas bomber, the Somali arrests, Zazi etc. etc. all neither Pakistanis or American born citizens of non-Pakistani origin. So no, your rant is just that, distortion and obfuscation of the facts in an attempt to denigrate Pakistanis..
They were American born citizens who got radicalized in the US, what would you call them other than an 'American export of terror' to other nations, since Indians love to use that phrase when cases like Faisal Shehzad occur?.
The aid doesn't even come close to the economic losses borne by Pakistan as a result of a hasty and flawed US invasion of Afghanistan and the subsequent insurgency sparked in Pakistan - what is there to be grateful about it that?.
Instead of just ranting and distorting the facts to denigrate Pakistan, take a breath and do some objective analysis of events and read some more.
BTW, if some Pakistanis are indeed having to hide their identity in the US (I know of only one, but I am sure there are others) then that is a reflection of the fact that they expect to be discriminated against in the US, and that is a poor reflection on America, not on Pakistanis.
A deal with China is precisely the start Pakistan would want, since the Chinese are offering long term financing, extensive technological cooperation and transfers, and a lower cost overall. Given Pakistan's financial issues currently, Pakistan would likely not be able to afford the more expensive (though more advanced) NPP's from France for example. Going with the Chinese allows us to expand our civilian nuclear program at a reasonable cost, and obtain technology transfers for indigenous research and development of various aspects of civilian NPP's, which can later be exploited to gain access to the NSG by virtue of the NSG wanting to regulate Pakistan's nuclear trade with other nations.By having the US sit against the deal the chances of a full NSG waiver is negligible. Pakistan will cement its ties with China but it is unlikely to go down well with many other countries. You can make the most effective argument to debunk everything under the sun but it is clear that India got the deal with France, Canada, US and Russia in its team. Not because of anything else.
If Pakistan cannot have a power packed team on its side, all Pakistan can do is ... Having A deal with China is not the start you would wish for under such circumstances.
Actually the Chinese are looking to 'buy' technology, since the larger Chinese NPP's are not 100% indigenous. Their latest designs of 1.08GW are 80% indigenous, with Western and Japanese companies providing the remaining critical technology and components. Similarly, aside from the major Western nations such as US, Canada, France etc. others will require assistance from those with established civilian nuclear programs. Even the US and French firms bidding for Indian NPP contracts depend upon Japanese suppliers for certain critical technologies.True, but neither West not China is looking for buying/borrowing Nuclear technology. Same thing as my credit score / past borrowing record has no relevence if I never need to borrow any money. Also in this area, the NSG members belong to the Have group of nuclear know how. They dont need a certificate of acceptable behaviour to be a part of the NSG.
Yes, but without measurable metrics in NSG guidelines there is no way to establish whether Indian eligibility is greater than Pakistan's.On metrics, its a futile arguement. Every discretion does not need to be backed by metrics that are made public. Its a lose organization of Nuclear suppliers that use a set of guidelines (not rules/laws/commandments) to guide their trade with other countries. By definition, these guidelines are not binding...
This goes back to the point I have already made, that if proliferation is a concern, then entities in Western nations and China were just as complicit in contributing to outward proliferation through the AQ Khan network. Since these nations are NSG members, then obviously the proliferation argument can only be used against Pakistan if there is evidence that Pakistan has not acted against the AQ Khan network and not strengthened its oversight, export controls and overall command and control. Since all available evidence indicates that Pakistan has cooperated extensively with the IAEA and the US on export controls, domestic controls and security, the proliferation argument is technically invalid now, just as it is for the proliferators that are currently NSG members.Also, if you read the purpose of guidelines clearly on the peaceful use, it qualifies it with a condition of avoiding proliferation and that is the biggest stumbling block for Pakistan. The confidence level of the the countries you are going to ask a waiver from is extremely low in the case of Pakistan. Like it or not, they are the ones to decide if Pakistan gets a formal approval to use this technology.
muse
I'm not quite sure what you are pointing to, perhaps it maybe a problem of imprecise language - if I understand you correctly, you may be pointing to refugee communities as talib (Afghan) camps, if this is what you are rfeferring to, then certainly from a particular point of view we can refer to these communities as "Talib camps", however, I would suggest that this is at best misleading and we should try to be more precise so that we are all on the same page when it comes to basics.
I have offered that you may want tostudy Guistozzi with regard to how Pakistani Talib and their Afghan cousins are similar and dissimilar - additionally, may I offer that you also examine how the Talib phenomenon fits into the notion of Pashtun nationalism.