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UK Local and European Elections-2014

BBC News - Farage: UKIP has 'momentum' and is targeting more victories

The UK Independence Party is a truly national force and has "momentum" behind it, Nigel Farage has said after its victory in the European elections.



Beginning of the end of UK's participation in this experiment. Their support will only grow far bigger and with the general election in 2015, they will break into parliament with significant seats.
 
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BBC News - Farage: UKIP has 'momentum' and is targeting more victories

The UK Independence Party is a truly national force and has "momentum" behind it, Nigel Farage has said after its victory in the European elections.



Beginning of the end of UK's participation in this experiment. Their support will only grow far bigger and with the general election in 2015, they will break into parliament with significant seats.
UKIP are starting to become a nuisance.
 
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UKIP are starting to become a nuisance.

I'd probably say major force rather than a nuisance. Newark will be the focus next. The by-election should be interesting.
 
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I'd probably say major force rather than a nuisance. Newark will be the focus next. The by-election should be interesting.
I only just turned eligible to vote so forgive me but why would Newark be the focus?

They won't do half as well in the general election.
Hopefully but they will definitely be stealing votes from the Conservatives, I can see another hung parliament.
 
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I only just turned eligible to vote so forgive me but why would Newark be the focus?.

Oh right. That it is where they won the majority vote for the recent European election. This seat has now become vacant after the MP (a conservative) quit in disgrace. This seat is now up for a new by-election. So the battle will be between the conservatives and UKIP.

They won't do half as well in the general election.

I can bet they will....You will be shocked and the level of support they have and that is growing, not just by the hundreds but by the thousands on a monthly basis. I feel the British people are well and truly fed up, especially with the Con/Lab/Lib hack job. Same old broken promises, out right lies and self serving politicians.
 
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Oh right. That it is where they won the majority vote for the recent European election. This seat has now become vacant after the MP (a conservative) quit in disgrace. This seat is now up for a new by-election. So the battle will be between the conservatives and UKIP.
Ah, thanks for the explanation. That surprisingly makes sense.
 
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UKIP are starting to become a nuisance.

Exactly, they have always been a nuisance as far as im concerned. They dont have a clearly/defined policy of what the U.K to look like, apart from their hostility to the E.U and immigration. They dont have much to offer, which is unfortunate. :disagree:
 
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Since the local elections has been and done with. This thread is dead.
I would like mods to instead make a sticky thread about the Scottish referendum, where we can discuss news, latest developments and updates.
I think the referendum will have have a more long lasting and strategic effect on the UK and the world at large, especially if Scotland decided to vote Yes.
@Jungibaaz @Aeronaut @Chak Bamu @WebMaster

@Fulcrum15
 
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Scottish independence: How would 'Yes' vote affect Northern Ireland?
By Vanessa Barford BBC News
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Scotland can be seen from Northern Ireland on a clear day - but not when clouds appear

Scotland and Northern Ireland have a long history of cultural ties and economic links. But if Scotland votes "Yes" to independence in September, how would people in Northern Ireland feel and how might it affect politics?

On a sunny day in the small coastal town of Donaghadee in County Down, south-west Scotland shimmers on the horizon.

There's barely 20 miles (30km) of narrow sea between the Celtic coasts.

But it's not just geographical proximity that connects Scotland and Northern Ireland.

Millennia of migration - most famously in the 17th Century, when the plantation of Ulster saw English and Scottish Protestants move over in droves to what is now Northern Ireland - has intertwined their history, culture and language.

There has also been plenty of migration the other way, most notably in the 19th Century around the time of the Irish famine, but also for employment, first in agriculture and then in heavy industry.

Plenty of family ties and friendships still stretch across the water.

There are also strong sports links. Glasgow football club Celtic was formed by Irish Catholics who began emigrating to the west of Scotland in the 1840s, while Rangers, which was set up at a similar time, has always been perceived as the Protestant club. Both have a huge fanbase in Northern Ireland and supporters regularly make trips to Scotland.

And there's a long history of students in Northern Ireland heading to Scottish universities to pursue their studies.

So how do residents of Northern Ireland, some of whom may have stronger connections with Scotland rather than England or Wales, feel about the Scottish referendum?

In a place where politics is dominated by beliefs in unionism and nationalism, and those beliefs are broadly subscribed to along Protestant and Catholic lines respectively, it would be easy to think that Catholics would support a "Yes" vote and Protestants would push for a "No".

But there are strong links with Scotland in both Protestant and Catholic communities.

Unionists could, however, go through a whole process of self-examination - an identity crisis even - if Scotland votes for independence, because the nation is such an important part of the union to which they belong, according to Graham Walker, professor of political history at Belfast's Queen's University.

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Sentiments run high at Belfast's Sandy Row Rangers Supporters Club
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Rangers supporter Jim Wilson says a Scottish "Yes" vote would be a massive shock

"If Scotland goes there will be at least a period where unionists will be in some kind of disarray - defensively circling the wagons - wondering how to adapt or see if they can find a way forward politically that maintains their own identity but also their relationship with Scotland," he says.

Sentiment is certainly strong at Belfast's Sandy Row Rangers Supporters Club, where Saltire and Ulster flags and Glasgow Rangers shirts adorn every wall and the kerbstones outside are painted red, white and blue.

East Belfast community worker Gary Lenaghan, 51, says Northern Ireland's Scottish links are "unbreakable" and he would be "gobsmacked" if Scotland voted for independence.

"If that happened I think an influx of people might move from Scotland to the remaining part of the UK to stay in the union, and their first choice of residence would probably be Northern Ireland," he says.

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Dr David Hume is attending a pro-union Scottish Orange Order march in Edinburgh
Fellow Rangers supporter Jim Wilson, 62, agrees it would be a "massive shock" if Scotland voted for independence. If it does, he believes the fall-out might move Scottish politics closer to Northern Ireland's.

"Not in a physical violence way, but I can see it turning into saxonised politics - voting for pro-union candidates in the future," he says.

Other unionists are taking steps to try to ensure a "Yes" vote doesn't happen.

Dr David Hume, director of services at Grand Orange Lodge in Northern Ireland, says he and thousands of the organisation's members will participate in a Scottish Orange Order march in Edinburgh five days before the Scottish independence referendum.

"One hundred years ago the Grand Lodge of Scotland showed very strong support for unionists here when they were opposing home rule, so 100 years on we feel it's most appropriate we show our support.

"We see ourselves as Ulster Scots and feel very strongly attached to our friends and relatives in Scotland. It would create a whole range of complexities if Scotland left the union," he says.

Hume has previously called for people in Northern Ireland with Ulster Scots backgrounds to be given a vote in the referendum but it didn't come to anything.

But while unionists might face a period of mourning if Scotland goes independent, a "Yes" vote could be an enormous boost for nationalism.

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Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams has largely stayed out of the debate on Scottish independence
Earlier this year Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams said the "so-called United Kingdom" was held together by a thread that could be unravelled by the referendum in Scotland.

The party, which campaigns for Irish unity, has so far stayed out of the debate, saying it's a matter for the people of Scotland.

Currently support for a united Ireland in Northern Ireland remains relatively low. Last year a BBC Spotlight poll suggested there was a 65% to 17% majority for Northern Ireland remaining in the UK.

However, Scottish independence would reinforce nationalist demands for a referendum on a united Ireland - a move that is allowed no more than once every seven years under the 1998 Good Friday peace deal.

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The Orange Order is holding a pro-Union rally in Edinburgh five days before the Scottish referendum
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Nationalist marches are much fewer in number in Northern Ireland
Walker believes there is a divided opinion among nationalists. "There is certainly a body that thinks the more the UK breaks up the better - that it might increase the chances of a referendum on Irish unity," he said.

"But another body of opinion in the Catholic community would be cannier - they'd see the bigger picture, particularly in terms of looking down south and thinking the Dublin government has no wish to see Scotland leave the UK - and it wouldn't really help them in terms of their long-term aspirations in both parts of Ireland."

Northern Irish nationalists are also "quite hesitant" to get involved in the Scottish referendum debate because the Catholic community in Scotland of Irish descent is "a bit split on the issue," he says.

"There would be many in the Catholic community in Scotland who have a strong tribal loyalty to Labour, which I think in most cases translates to a 'No' vote, but there is evidence quite a sizeable number of Labour voters in that community are moving towards independence and the SNP, so it might be they feel they can't actually say you should go for it."

While the knock-on effects of a Scottish "Yes" vote on the politics of Northern Ireland can only be speculated about, there is certainly a sense it could rock the relatively recent stability of Northern Ireland's power-sharing government.

There is also some concern the Barnett formula - the method for working out how much money is given for public spending in each of the UK's nations, which currently sees Northern Ireland get more cash per head than Scotland, Wales or England - might be reconfigured.

However for Walker the biggest concern is how unionists might react.

"It could stoke loyalism and send it into a tailspin - perhaps around issues like parading and flags, which are so problematic. Some people would fear for the peace process, at least in the short-term," he says.

  • A referendum on whether Scotland should become independent is to take place
  • People resident in Scotland will be able to take part in the vote, answering the "Yes/No" question: "Should Scotland be an independent country?"
  • The referendum will take place on Thursday, 18 September, 2014
 
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Is Scotland headed to become an independent country. Tonight's debate points in that direction.
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Poll: 71% find Alex Salmond victorious in second Scottish independence debate
Alistair Darling defeated by a 71% to 29% margin, according to Guardian/ICM poll of Scots who watched the debate
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The poll followed an ill-tempered referendum debate in which Salmond forced Darling onto the back foot. Photograph: Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images
Alex Salmond emerged as the clear winner of the second Scottish independence debate, besting Alistair Darling by a 71% to 29% margin, according to an instant Guardian/ICM poll of Scots who had watched the debate.

Salmond will be delighted to decisively overturn the verdict in the first round, in which a similar ICM poll found Alistair Darling had won by 56% to 44%.

The poll followed an ill-tempered referendum debate in which Salmond forced Darling onto the back foot on the currency, the NHS and Labour's decision to partner with the Conservatives in the Better Together campaign against independence.

The headline figures exclude viewers who say they don't know who won the debate – with these included the figures are 65% for Salmond, 26% for Darling, and 9% who were not sure.

As in the first debate, Alex Salmond was deemed to have the "more appealing personality", this time enjoying an 54% to 32% advantage on this count. But the difference this time came on the question of who had the best arguments. While Darling had the advantage last time around, this time Salmond leapt ahead to take a commanding 56% to 36% lead.

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Morale in the yes camp will be boosted by the extraordinarily emphatic win that Salmond notched up among those who had gone into the evening planning to vote for independence – 98% of those expressing a view gave it to the first minister, and only 2% to Darling. In contrast, things were much more balanced among no voters – 59% gave Darling the edge, but a substantial 41% felt Salmond had the better night.

ICM weighted the sample to representative of the Scotland population by age, gender, region and previous voting behaviour (reported 2011 vote for the Holyrood election). But it is important to bear in mind that this is a survey of voters who actually watched the debate, as opposed to the electorate as a whole. Going in to the debate, this sample was more pro-independence than most polls of voters as a whole have suggested – splitting 44% yes to 46% no with 10% not sure. Over the course of the debate, there was little change in this balance. The don't knows dropped back two percentage points to eight, while both yes and no edged up one each to 45% and 47% respectively as a fraction of viewers made up their mind.

ICM pre-recruited a sample of 1,155 people who said they would be watching the debate live and who agreed to complete the survey immediately afterwards, which they were duly sent. All participants were recruited from ICM's own online panel plus those of two of the biggest suppliers of Scottish panel in the market research industry. The post-debate survey data is based on 505 completed interviews. ICM is a member of the British Polling Council and abides by its rules.
 
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The Quest for Scotland Independence
Britain’s Waning Imperialism
by JOHN GOSS
In 1707 a shaky union was set up that made Scotland a part of the United Kingdom. Scottish parliamentarians were bribed with vast sums of money and lucrative pension schemes to move their seats to Westminster, London. It was a sell out of the Scottish electorate that would later prompt its country’s best-loved poet, Robert Burns, to claim about Scottish politicians:

We’re bought and sold for English gold
Such a parcel of rogues in a nation.


It was colonial expansionism by other means than the barrel of a gun. Empires come and go, and now there is a real chance Scotland will regain its independence. Dennis Canavan, chairman of “Yes Scotland,” is calling for a referendum on who should rule the country. On September 18, 2014, the voting electorate will decide whether they want to remain part of the union or manage their own economy. There is division now, as there was in 1707, but this time Scottish voters have a unique opportunity to express their wishes through the ballot box.

This does not mean that England has been lax regarding check book diplomacy. A lot of big money has been thrown behind a “Vote No Borders” and “Better Together” campaign. Scottish people must have sensed a strange irony when they learned that the company behind this campaign is London-based, especially since those in favor of independence know it to be Westminster that has kept Scotland a poor partner in the union. Until recently BBC reports were almost completely partial to the “No” campaign. This was coupled with a faux grass-roots promotion of its corporate line, which amply demonstrated the bigotry of the government’s main media mouthpiece and was exposed by Craig Murray. Only when it became evident that this campaign had backfired did the BBC start to present more balanced reporting.

David Cameron added his voice to the “No” campaign, which gave clear and substantial kudos to the “Yes” movement. He promised to Scotland some pie in the sky for keeping the union intact, including greater ability to raise its own taxes and more devolution should voters say No, failing to note that, with a Yes vote, they would get whatever they want. A last-minute bribe, however, was hardly likely to win over a skeptical and aware public, which knows that British rule and government have had more than 300 years to make Scotland an equal partner in the union. Support for Conservatives north of the border has long been in decline, David Mundell being the only Tory Member of Parliament (MP) who currently represents a Scottish constituency in the UK.

While the Liberal Democrats are a spent force, as might be expected, Labor has acted no better than the Tories, with the Scottish-born former UK prime minister Gordon Brown speaking out enthusiastically on behalf of the No campaign. Brown, the man who presided over the banking crisis bailout at taxpayers’ expense, has also written a book called My Scotland, Our Britain, promoted in an article for The Guardian. He argues with a politician’s devotion to rhetoric rather than substance while calling to his aid 18th century Scottish economical philosophers, Adam Smith and David Hume. His thesis is that these two famous men laid the groundwork for what is now called “social capital”: a wishy-washy term that means so many different things to so many different people, it is worthless as a yardstick for anything.

Brown singularly fails to mention the former Scottish coal miner, Keir Hardie, the most famous pioneer of the Labor movement and first Labor MP. Hardie was a pacifist who had opposed both the Boer War and the First World War. He worked on behalf of the suffragettes, and his contribution to the labor and working-class movement was enormous. The mine owners, or as Brown might like to think of them, “social capitalists,” had blacklisted young Keir Hardie and his brothers as agitators. Even more shamefully, Brown helped Tony Blair to dismantle the last vestige of socialism in the party Keir Hardie had founded, and Brown voted enthusiastically for the War in Iraq. Between them, these two prime ministers turned Labor into another neo-conservative party.

Keir Hardie was a believer in Scottish independence and abolition of the monarchy. He famously caused uproar in the House with a speech that criticized the privileges and sycophancy which were about to be bestowed on the newly-born Edward (later Edward VIII) because parliament would not approve, at the same time as congratulating the prince, a message of condolence to the families of 251 coal miners killed at Pontypridd.

Should the Yes campaign succeed, Alex Salmond, the Leader of the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Member of the Scottish Parliament, will almost certainly head the new government. Mr. Salmond appears to be quite an establishment figure. Like David Cameron and all prime ministers since the Lockerbie bombing, Salmond has opposed a public inquiry into a tragedy for which Abdelbaset al Megrahi was blamed and imprisoned when it is widely believed today that Megrahi was in no way involved. Though Salmond will get his assured place in history with a Yes vote, he will not be head of parliament indefinitely, and one day the Scottish people might choose to elect another Kier Hardie to bring real justice to the impoverished.

If Scotland votes Yes and goes independent, the issue of Royal Palaces will almost certainly come under scrutiny. The Royal Family has holiday homes at Balmoral Castle, Aberdeenshire and Holyrood Palace, Edinburgh. Prince Charles and the Duke of Edinburgh are quite often seen in kilts, though lederhosen might be more appropriate apparel considering the ancestry of the Royals.

Another issue that will come to the fore with a Yes vote is Britain’s nuclear arsenal Trident, which is located at Faslane/Coulport, near to Glasgow but quite far from Westminster. It is of no real benefit to Scotland having the naval base there; in fact, this puts communities at risk in the event of enemy attack. The Thames estuary seems a much more favorable location for such dangerous weapons if our English parliament does not come to its senses with a unilateral dismantling of these gross threats to humanity.

Voting Yes to independence could also be good for England. Here in England, David Cameron is doing all he can to dismantle the National Health Service (NHS) and hive off the more lucrative parts to private enterprise, while students are leaving university with loan debts of some £30,000 and no realistic means of paying them off. By contrast, Scotland has a free (Yes, free!) university educational system. Pledges have been made to extend Scotland’s support, not only for education, but also for the NHS. If Scotland continues to set such a fine example, people in England will seriously consider moving north and those voters who remain will start asking their elected parliamentary representatives why we cannot manage our economy like the Scots.

John Goss is an editor at News Junkie Post where this article was first published.
 
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Latvia’s ruling coalition keeps Russia-leaning party at bay in election
A party mainly backed by ethnic Russians won the largest number of votes in Latvia’s parliamentary elections this weekend, but is likely to be shut out of government after fears over a resurgent Kremlin dominated the campaign.

The Harmony party, led by the mayor of Riga, Nil Ushakov, won 23% of the votes in the elections, while the coalition of three current ruling parties had 56% between them.

After the Kremlin’s actions in Ukraine and increased rhetoric about protecting Russians abroad, there have been concerns among the Latvian elite that the country’s large Russian-speaking minority could be used to give Moscow a foothold in the small Baltic state.

Harmony favours closer ties with Moscow, while maintaining Latvia’s Nato and EU membership, and Ushakov raised eyebrows in Riga with a visit to Moscow recently during which he proclaimed that the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, was “the best option that Latvia can hope for” in the current political climate.

The election result shows that Ushakov’s attempts to reach beyond his traditional ethnic Russian base and appeal to a broader electorate have failed.

The results will give Harmony 25 seats in Latvia’s 100-seat parliament, six fewer than they had before the elections, when they were also the largest single party in parliament. Other parties, however, were reluctant to enter a coalition with what is seen as the “Russian party”.

“Putting the current votes for the coalition in the preliminary results together, it has convincingly acquired a majority,” Latvia’s president, Andris Berzins, said on Sunday in a televised address.

The parties will now have a week in which to enter negotiations, with a similar configuration to the current parliament the most likely outcome.

“It was a victory for the coalition,” said Ojars Kalnins, an MP with the Unity party, represented by the current prime minister, Laimdota Straujuma, who may well continue in the job. “It’s a good indication that we should be able to put together a similar government.”

Kalnins said that Ushakov, who has been a popular mayor of Riga and whose party has more leftwing political views than the ruling parties, failed to win support among ethnic Latvian voters.

“Before the Ukraine crisis and the Russian change in behaviour, he was making inroads at least with more leftwing Latvians,” Kalnins said. “But by taking a passive position on the Russian aggression in Ukraine, he strengthened support among his core voting group but lost a lot of people who expected something stronger from him.”

A third of Latvia’s population is Russian-speaking, but about 280,000 are “non-citizens” of the country, holding special passports that bar them from voting. In order to become citizens, they have to take an exam on Latvian culture and history, a process which Russian rights groups say amounts to discrimination, but Latvian authorities say is necessary given the history of Soviet occupation and forced Russification policies of the past.

Many ethnic Russians in Latvia see themselves as different and more European-oriented than their counterparts in Russia itself, but nevertheless say they are frustrated at what they see as the lack of a political voice.
Latvia’s ruling coalition keeps Russia-leaning party at bay in election | World news | The Guardian
 
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