PARIKRAMA
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The Indian Economy 1947 - Present Day, 2016 ---------- Part 1
Few words...
This is a multi part series.
The idea is to break each and every individual era under different Prime Ministers of India who along with Finance Minister and Cabinet have shaped whole economy of this country.
This series is inspired from the works of @WAJsal who have presented a magnificent write up about the history of Pakistan. Essentially, i was inspired to document the economic history of our country and the kind of challenges to issues in hand.
I hope i can do justice to this topic. This series has rich dose of political stuff also intermixed with the basic economic stuff.
In case of errors, please feel free to correct me.. and guide me to including correct perspective things ... also if i offend any one, pls forgive me...
Lets Start
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
The Historic Start - "A Tryst with Destiny"
Jawaharlal Nehru gives his "tryst with destiny" speech at Parliament House in New Delhi in 1947 Photograph: STR/AFP/Getty Images
On 14th August, 1947 India's assembly convened on the afternoon and continued the session until Jawaharlal Nehru started delivering a speech shortly before midnight. At midnight and exactly at 00:00 hours to the chiming of an English clock and the blowing of Indian conch shells, Independent India was born
Dressed in a golden silk jacket with a red rose in the buttonhole, Jawaharlal Nehru rose to speak to all the people in the assembly.
" Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially.
At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.
It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.
At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortune alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again.
The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?
Freedom and power bring responsibility. The responsibility rests upon this assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.
That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.
The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.
And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for anyone of them to imagine that it can live apart.
Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this one world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.
To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.
The appointed day has come - the day appointed by destiny - and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.
It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the east, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materialises. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed!
We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrow-stricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.
On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the father of our nation, who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us.
We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.
Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.
We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill fortune alike.
The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.
We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be.
We are citizens of a great country, on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.
To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.
And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service. Jai Hind [Victory to India]."
What Jawaharlal Nehru meant and referred in his speech has been interpreted in many ways. Ian jack from Guardian interpreted few words like this below
As Nehru spoke he was aware that Sir Cyril Radcliffe had delivered the report that would define the new boundaries of India and Pakistan and split the Sikh Punjab into two. Mountbatten insisted it was kept quiet until after August 15.
Mahatma Gandhi was not in the assembly chamber to hear Nehru's speech but instead was in Calcutta. He was focusing his energy to quell Muslim-Hindu riots. He and Nehru had, at least politically shared, a father-son relationship but their mutual feelings had cooled down over time.
Gandhi had opposed partition and instead suggested that a Muslim be made President of an undivided India. He had held numerous discussions and gave views on this topic.
At a prayer meeting at New Delhi he said on 7-4-1947 :
"Are the Muslims fighting for Pakistan? They say that they would have Pakistan at any cost. Would they have it by compelling us to give it? Would they take it by force? By force they cannot have an inch of land. By persuasion they may have the whole of India. I would welcome if Jinnah Saheb became the first President of
India and formed his own cabinet. But, there would be one condition, namely that with God as witness he should regard Hindus, Muslims, Parsees and all others as equal." (87:244)
At the prayer meeting in New Delhi on 7-6-1947 he said:
"I am being told that while I kept on opposing (the idea of Pakistan) till the Viceroy's declaration and saying that we would not agree to anything under coercion, now that I have become silent, I am being rightly told so. I must confess that I am not happy about this decision. But many things happen in the world that are not to our liking, and yet we have to put up with them. We have to put up with this thing in the same manner ... I also think that the A.I.C.C. is fully entitled not to accept the proposal. But we should not suddenly oppose the Congress to which we have been loyal all this time and which has earned reputation in the world and has done so much work." (88:97)
"Now it becomes the duty of the Congress to give up what has been granted as Pakistan and make its best efforts in the portion that remains with it. Let the people in Pakistan go ahead in their efforts to bring progress to their land. If this happens the two can live in amity and happiness." (88:99)
He expressed his views in discussion with visitors on 17-7-1947 at New Delhi.
"The British have not partitioned the country. It has been done with the consent of the Muslim League and the Congress. . . The leaders had no other alternative. They thought it was better to partition the country so that both the parts could live happily and peacefully rather than let the country go to pieces. About this I
did hold a different view. My view was that no one could take an inch of land by resorting to violence and murder. Let the whole country be reduced to ashes. . . But though nonviolence is a creed with me, it is not with the Congress. . . It is true that I had believed that our Satyagraha struggles were based on non-violence, only lately I realized that it was not true. I admit my mistake." (88:356)
Nehru, on the other hand frustrated by Gandhi's incessant moralizing, thought that he was out of touch with pressing reality. Even so, he made his most heartfelt speech when Gandhi was assassinated five months later on January 30, 1948.
Given the horrendous surrounding events, it would be easy to see Nehru's rhetoric as that of a desperate man whistling in the dark. But it wasn't seen that way at all during that time.
The speech he gave in assembly reminded the country about the probable tasks ahead like
These were the basic foundations on which India embarked upon its path of development since gaining
independence in 1947.
The purpose of this introduction mixed with historical perspective is to set the setting for what India has achieved in all these years in fulfilling the aspirations on which it was founded. Multiple prime ministers followed their own ideologies and their own thinking. Going forward i will summarise the first important part of this series, the time under Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of India.
Source for this post:
Few words...
This is a multi part series.
The idea is to break each and every individual era under different Prime Ministers of India who along with Finance Minister and Cabinet have shaped whole economy of this country.
This series is inspired from the works of @WAJsal who have presented a magnificent write up about the history of Pakistan. Essentially, i was inspired to document the economic history of our country and the kind of challenges to issues in hand.
I hope i can do justice to this topic. This series has rich dose of political stuff also intermixed with the basic economic stuff.
In case of errors, please feel free to correct me.. and guide me to including correct perspective things ... also if i offend any one, pls forgive me...
Lets Start
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
The Historic Start - "A Tryst with Destiny"
Jawaharlal Nehru gives his "tryst with destiny" speech at Parliament House in New Delhi in 1947 Photograph: STR/AFP/Getty Images
On 14th August, 1947 India's assembly convened on the afternoon and continued the session until Jawaharlal Nehru started delivering a speech shortly before midnight. At midnight and exactly at 00:00 hours to the chiming of an English clock and the blowing of Indian conch shells, Independent India was born
Dressed in a golden silk jacket with a red rose in the buttonhole, Jawaharlal Nehru rose to speak to all the people in the assembly.
" Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially.
At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance.
It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.
At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortune alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again.
The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?
Freedom and power bring responsibility. The responsibility rests upon this assembly, a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.
That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.
The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.
And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for anyone of them to imagine that it can live apart.
Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this one world that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.
To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.
The appointed day has come - the day appointed by destiny - and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.
It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the east, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materialises. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed!
We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrow-stricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.
On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the father of our nation, who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us.
We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.
Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.
We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good and ill fortune alike.
The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.
We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be.
We are citizens of a great country, on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard. All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.
To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.
And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service. Jai Hind [Victory to India]."
What Jawaharlal Nehru meant and referred in his speech has been interpreted in many ways. Ian jack from Guardian interpreted few words like this below
- When Jawaharlal Nehru says the pledge for freedom will be redeemed "not wholly or in full measure" he is referring to partition.
- When he refers to "the greatest man of our generation", "the architect of this freedom, the father of our nation" he was referring to Mahatma Gandhi.
- When he mentions the "pains continue even now" he has in mind the slaughter between Hindus and Muslims that began the previous year and which was becoming crueller and bloodier.
As Nehru spoke he was aware that Sir Cyril Radcliffe had delivered the report that would define the new boundaries of India and Pakistan and split the Sikh Punjab into two. Mountbatten insisted it was kept quiet until after August 15.
Mahatma Gandhi was not in the assembly chamber to hear Nehru's speech but instead was in Calcutta. He was focusing his energy to quell Muslim-Hindu riots. He and Nehru had, at least politically shared, a father-son relationship but their mutual feelings had cooled down over time.
Gandhi had opposed partition and instead suggested that a Muslim be made President of an undivided India. He had held numerous discussions and gave views on this topic.
At a prayer meeting at New Delhi he said on 7-4-1947 :
"Are the Muslims fighting for Pakistan? They say that they would have Pakistan at any cost. Would they have it by compelling us to give it? Would they take it by force? By force they cannot have an inch of land. By persuasion they may have the whole of India. I would welcome if Jinnah Saheb became the first President of
India and formed his own cabinet. But, there would be one condition, namely that with God as witness he should regard Hindus, Muslims, Parsees and all others as equal." (87:244)
At the prayer meeting in New Delhi on 7-6-1947 he said:
"I am being told that while I kept on opposing (the idea of Pakistan) till the Viceroy's declaration and saying that we would not agree to anything under coercion, now that I have become silent, I am being rightly told so. I must confess that I am not happy about this decision. But many things happen in the world that are not to our liking, and yet we have to put up with them. We have to put up with this thing in the same manner ... I also think that the A.I.C.C. is fully entitled not to accept the proposal. But we should not suddenly oppose the Congress to which we have been loyal all this time and which has earned reputation in the world and has done so much work." (88:97)
"Now it becomes the duty of the Congress to give up what has been granted as Pakistan and make its best efforts in the portion that remains with it. Let the people in Pakistan go ahead in their efforts to bring progress to their land. If this happens the two can live in amity and happiness." (88:99)
He expressed his views in discussion with visitors on 17-7-1947 at New Delhi.
"The British have not partitioned the country. It has been done with the consent of the Muslim League and the Congress. . . The leaders had no other alternative. They thought it was better to partition the country so that both the parts could live happily and peacefully rather than let the country go to pieces. About this I
did hold a different view. My view was that no one could take an inch of land by resorting to violence and murder. Let the whole country be reduced to ashes. . . But though nonviolence is a creed with me, it is not with the Congress. . . It is true that I had believed that our Satyagraha struggles were based on non-violence, only lately I realized that it was not true. I admit my mistake." (88:356)
Nehru, on the other hand frustrated by Gandhi's incessant moralizing, thought that he was out of touch with pressing reality. Even so, he made his most heartfelt speech when Gandhi was assassinated five months later on January 30, 1948.
Given the horrendous surrounding events, it would be easy to see Nehru's rhetoric as that of a desperate man whistling in the dark. But it wasn't seen that way at all during that time.
The speech he gave in assembly reminded the country about the probable tasks ahead like
- ending of poverty and ignorance
- ending of disease
- ending inequality of opportunity.
These were the basic foundations on which India embarked upon its path of development since gaining
independence in 1947.
The purpose of this introduction mixed with historical perspective is to set the setting for what India has achieved in all these years in fulfilling the aspirations on which it was founded. Multiple prime ministers followed their own ideologies and their own thinking. Going forward i will summarise the first important part of this series, the time under Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of India.
Source for this post:
- Jawaharlal Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny | From the Guardian | The Guardian
- Tryst with Destiny - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- Introduction to Jawaharlal Nehru's 'A tryst with dignity' speech | World news | The Guardian
- Gandhiji on PARTITION, Selected and Compiled with an Introduction by Bharati Mazmudar, MANI BHAVAN GANDHI SANGRAHALAYA MUMBAI