Song Hong
SENIOR MEMBER
- Joined
- Jan 4, 2020
- Messages
- 5,058
- Reaction score
- -25
- Country
- Location
SCMP is really a subversive and firebrand newspaper. I have always argued SCMP should be purged.
****************
The appointment of ethnic minority officials and those charged with minority policies since the Communist Party’s five-yearly national congress in October suggest Beijing is doubling down on efforts to assimilate the diverse groups into one common Chinese identity, experts say. Those appointments saw the representation of ethnic minority officials on the party’s Central Committee hit a 10-year low, which experts said suggested ethnic diversity was not a priority for President Xi Jinping. They also saw a new member of its 24-strong Politburo, 66-year-old Shi Taifeng, become head of the party’s United Front Work Department (UFWD), which plays a central role in its ethnic minority policies. His appointment gives the department its highest rank in the party system for decades.
“Under Xi’s leadership, the party isn’t trying to eliminate ethnic minorities and reward Han people,” said Aaron Glasserman, a researcher with Princeton University’s Centre on Contemporary China.
“It’s trying to eliminate distinctions between them and foster what it believes will be a politically useful and unified national identity.
“It is essentially encouraging [ethnic minorities] to speak Mandarin, embrace a shared Chinese national identity, and above all, support Xi and his regime.”
Glasserman said China’s ethnic policies had previously been known for respecting ethnic customs, languages and identities, but the “rapid rewriting of the rules may alienate people who have long supported the regime”.
China has 55 non-Han ethnic minorities whose 125 million members make up nearly 9 per cent of the country’s population – and 7 million of them are party members. The number of ethnic minority cadres among the 205 full members of the new Central Committee, whose line-up was revealed at the congress, fell to nine – or 4.39 per cent – compared to 17 out of 204 – or 8.33 per cent – on the previous committee.
Susan McCarthy, a professor of political science at Providence College in the United States, said this demonstrated Xi’s preference for breaking intraparty norms.
“Maintaining a certain proportion of minorities is one more unwritten norm that Xi does not feel compelled to observe,” she said.
Bater, 67, a Mongolian cadre and vice-chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Beijing’s top political advisory body, was appointed to the party’s Central Committee for a third term. Many members of the Mongolian ethnic minority use only one name. Shen Yiqin, 63, the former party chief of Guizhou province and member of the Bai ethnic minority, and Kazakh cadre Nurlan Abilmazhinuly, 59, chairman of the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region’s political consultative conference, were appointed for second terms.
Two newcomers were 58-year-old Ren Zhenhe, a Tujia ethnic minority cadre who is governor of Gansu province, and Zhang Yupu, 60, a Hui cadre who governs the Ningxia Hui autonomous region. They were promoted without previously being alternate members of the Central Committee. The other four – promoted from alternate membership – were Wang Lixia, 58, a member of the Mongolian ethnic minority and chairwoman of the Inner Mongolia autonomous region; Lan Tianli, 60, a Zhuang official who oversees the Guangxi Zhuang autonomous region; Tibetan official Yan Jinhai, also 60, who governs the Tibet autonomous region; and 61-year-old Uygur Erkin Tuniyaz, the regional chief of Xinjiang.
In the past two years, two Han cadres have been appointed to head the National Ethnic Affairs Commission, a role traditionally held by minority cadres. Chen Xiaojiang replaced Mongolian cadre Bagtaur in 2020 as the commission’s party secretary. Chen was himself replaced by another Han cadre, Pan Yue, in June this year. Shan Wei, a senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute, said the political significance of the UFWD had been elevated to an “unprecedentedly high” position since the party congress. Before being appointed head of the department, Shi was president of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and widely seen as an official on the way out due to his age.
“Shi’s appointment, from a half-retired position, shows the political significance of the UFWD reaching an unprecedented high,” Shan said. “This is the first time in decades [for the country] to see a Politburo member and a secretary of the central secretariat head the UFWD.
“This indicates Xi will introduce tougher adjustments to eliminate ethnic distinctions in the coming years as well as a reduction of preferential policies.”
Shi, a close ally of Xi, is best known for doubling down on the Chinese language policy in Inner Mongolia when he was the region’s party secretary, a stance that sparked discontent and angry protests in 2020.
He did not back down but criticised local officials’ handling of the policy while reiterating the importance of Mandarin in forging a “strong sense of community for the Chinese nation” in Inner Mongolia. Beijing is funding new research centres and school curricula to “forge a common sense of Chinese national identity”, according to the National Ethnic Affairs Commission.
“We may see continued erosion of preferential policies, especially those that encourage ethnocultural identities and differences,” McCarthy said. “[Certain] preferential policies may persist if they are believed to foster cultural assimilation.”
Xi wants to strengthen national unity and foster a sense of the Chinese nation, according to Hongyi Lai, an associate professor at Nottingham University’s School of Politics and International Relations.
“The current policy will encourage minorities to regard themselves less of an ethnic group but more of a member of the new Chinese nation and a Chinese citizen,” he said.
“This seems to reflect Xi and his advisers’ reading of the creation of ‘an American citizen’ in the United States, where a sense of American identity is instilled among various ethnic and racial backgrounds.”
www.scmp.com
****************
- Fewer cadres with ethnic minority backgrounds made it on to the Communist Party’s new Central Committee, marking a 10-year low
- New head of influential party department stressed importance of learning Mandarin when in charge of Inner Mongolia
The appointment of ethnic minority officials and those charged with minority policies since the Communist Party’s five-yearly national congress in October suggest Beijing is doubling down on efforts to assimilate the diverse groups into one common Chinese identity, experts say. Those appointments saw the representation of ethnic minority officials on the party’s Central Committee hit a 10-year low, which experts said suggested ethnic diversity was not a priority for President Xi Jinping. They also saw a new member of its 24-strong Politburo, 66-year-old Shi Taifeng, become head of the party’s United Front Work Department (UFWD), which plays a central role in its ethnic minority policies. His appointment gives the department its highest rank in the party system for decades.
“Under Xi’s leadership, the party isn’t trying to eliminate ethnic minorities and reward Han people,” said Aaron Glasserman, a researcher with Princeton University’s Centre on Contemporary China.
“It’s trying to eliminate distinctions between them and foster what it believes will be a politically useful and unified national identity.
“It is essentially encouraging [ethnic minorities] to speak Mandarin, embrace a shared Chinese national identity, and above all, support Xi and his regime.”
Glasserman said China’s ethnic policies had previously been known for respecting ethnic customs, languages and identities, but the “rapid rewriting of the rules may alienate people who have long supported the regime”.
China has 55 non-Han ethnic minorities whose 125 million members make up nearly 9 per cent of the country’s population – and 7 million of them are party members. The number of ethnic minority cadres among the 205 full members of the new Central Committee, whose line-up was revealed at the congress, fell to nine – or 4.39 per cent – compared to 17 out of 204 – or 8.33 per cent – on the previous committee.
Susan McCarthy, a professor of political science at Providence College in the United States, said this demonstrated Xi’s preference for breaking intraparty norms.
“Maintaining a certain proportion of minorities is one more unwritten norm that Xi does not feel compelled to observe,” she said.
Bater, 67, a Mongolian cadre and vice-chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Beijing’s top political advisory body, was appointed to the party’s Central Committee for a third term. Many members of the Mongolian ethnic minority use only one name. Shen Yiqin, 63, the former party chief of Guizhou province and member of the Bai ethnic minority, and Kazakh cadre Nurlan Abilmazhinuly, 59, chairman of the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region’s political consultative conference, were appointed for second terms.
Two newcomers were 58-year-old Ren Zhenhe, a Tujia ethnic minority cadre who is governor of Gansu province, and Zhang Yupu, 60, a Hui cadre who governs the Ningxia Hui autonomous region. They were promoted without previously being alternate members of the Central Committee. The other four – promoted from alternate membership – were Wang Lixia, 58, a member of the Mongolian ethnic minority and chairwoman of the Inner Mongolia autonomous region; Lan Tianli, 60, a Zhuang official who oversees the Guangxi Zhuang autonomous region; Tibetan official Yan Jinhai, also 60, who governs the Tibet autonomous region; and 61-year-old Uygur Erkin Tuniyaz, the regional chief of Xinjiang.
In the past two years, two Han cadres have been appointed to head the National Ethnic Affairs Commission, a role traditionally held by minority cadres. Chen Xiaojiang replaced Mongolian cadre Bagtaur in 2020 as the commission’s party secretary. Chen was himself replaced by another Han cadre, Pan Yue, in June this year. Shan Wei, a senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s East Asian Institute, said the political significance of the UFWD had been elevated to an “unprecedentedly high” position since the party congress. Before being appointed head of the department, Shi was president of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and widely seen as an official on the way out due to his age.
“Shi’s appointment, from a half-retired position, shows the political significance of the UFWD reaching an unprecedented high,” Shan said. “This is the first time in decades [for the country] to see a Politburo member and a secretary of the central secretariat head the UFWD.
“This indicates Xi will introduce tougher adjustments to eliminate ethnic distinctions in the coming years as well as a reduction of preferential policies.”
Shi, a close ally of Xi, is best known for doubling down on the Chinese language policy in Inner Mongolia when he was the region’s party secretary, a stance that sparked discontent and angry protests in 2020.
He did not back down but criticised local officials’ handling of the policy while reiterating the importance of Mandarin in forging a “strong sense of community for the Chinese nation” in Inner Mongolia. Beijing is funding new research centres and school curricula to “forge a common sense of Chinese national identity”, according to the National Ethnic Affairs Commission.
“We may see continued erosion of preferential policies, especially those that encourage ethnocultural identities and differences,” McCarthy said. “[Certain] preferential policies may persist if they are believed to foster cultural assimilation.”
Xi wants to strengthen national unity and foster a sense of the Chinese nation, according to Hongyi Lai, an associate professor at Nottingham University’s School of Politics and International Relations.
“The current policy will encourage minorities to regard themselves less of an ethnic group but more of a member of the new Chinese nation and a Chinese citizen,” he said.
“This seems to reflect Xi and his advisers’ reading of the creation of ‘an American citizen’ in the United States, where a sense of American identity is instilled among various ethnic and racial backgrounds.”
Is China doubling down on assimilation of ethnic groups?
Recent developments suggest the Communist Party is stepping up efforts to forge a common national identity, experts say.
www.scmp.com
