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Pakistan's middle class is increasingly finding expression in politics. But will it empower them?

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The role of the middle class and youth in the political economy is being redefined in many ways including the cherished long-term objective of policymakers to establish a middle-class economy

In the midst of the current multiple crises in Pakistan, the bulging youth population is being empowered at the quickest pace ever by the latest technologies, technical skills and education. Eminent IT experts stress that business enterprises need to create a workforce that can solve new problems across a varied landscape of changing business services and solutions and issues in ever-evolving customer demands

Global Gig Economy Index of Payoneer has ranked Pakistan among the top ten fast-growing countries in freelance earnings including the USA, the UK, Brazil, Ukraine, India, Bangladesh, Russia and Serbia. About 70 per cent of the freelancers are under 30, most of them having acquired technical training and education. Instead of looking for scarce decent jobs, they are opting for an independent, self-employed career

Freelancers are stated to be among the local application developers and a major driving force behind IT companies and the growth of the computer software sector in Pakistan. There are approximately 3,000 registered local companies involved in a variety of application developments for domestic and corporate use. Just four-month freelancing courses, launched at a university for computer science students, enables them to earn enough to meet their expenses and pay fees

Amids the political frenzy that can potentially empower the middle-income group, the daily rural wage earners and low-income salaried groups are also making renewed and concentrated efforts to rise upwards

Pakistan has also seen massive improvements on the commerce and business front for short-term operational excellence but business enterprises are yet not engaged in transformational change for long-term fruitful results, says Systems Ltd CEO Asif Peer

Central bank data for Oct-Dec 2021 shows that the value of e-banking transactions stood at Rs33.4 trillion compared to Rs46.7tr paper-based transactions. Volume-wise e-banking transactions were recorded at 400m, exceeding paper transactions at 101.4m

To be competitive, experts believe that companies need a robust future work transformation strategy focused on empowering employees to develop their skills and stay relevant in a fast-moving digital agile environment

The role of the middle class in the economy in Pakistan is also finding expression in politics. Analyst Mosharraf Zaidi says “Pakistan was a global pioneer in digitally fueled amplification of protests with the power to take down power brokers and even governments.” Imran Khan is drawing huge crowds with the active participation of the middle classes and the youth

The key political question facing the middle class however is: will these street protests lead to their political empowerment as in the case of technology-driven careers? They have put blind faith in PTI Chairman Imran Khan to deliver transformational change with a complete absence of focus on the vision, strategy, programme, policy or plan of action needed to pull the economy out of the deep-seated crises and to put it on an independent path to broad-based development

If the PTI wins the elections, it will once again be put to a critical test, confronted by the dominant status quo. In his speech at Jhelum city on May 10, Imran Khan claimed that it is the PTI and the army that could keep Pakistan united. The immediate future of middle-class politics is a bit hazy at this point. It may be however conceded that the MQM-P, a middle-class party seeking local government autonomy, has seized the opportunity in these troubled times to advance its agenda

The daily rural wage earners and low-income salaried groups are also making renewed and concentrated efforts to join the ranks of the middle class. Random examples show that uneducated driver Razzak’s daughter has secured a PhD degree and matriculate driver Abu Bakar’s brother is a practising lawyer in Karachi. Both drivers are from poor families from the neighbouring villages in Tharparkar and belong to the salaried class. They work in Karachi

Rural wage workers are generally paid less than counterparts in urban areas, according to the working-class people hailing from the countryside, now working in Defence Housing Society, Karachi. From the point of view of workers, at least two positive emerging trends are noticeable in the country’s rural labour market

While the daily or contract agricultural workers may not be formally organised, they are fully aware of the prevailing wage rates (where they work and from where they come from) and try to improve their compensation by tactful bargaining, hard-pressed to make a living owing to the persistent double-digit inflation. They ask questions about specifics of the piece of work offered and settle the compensation they would get before accepting any assignment. In a particular area, workers informally keep each other informed about the wage rates and the hike in prices of food and other essential items.

In rural areas where families are supported by bread earners working in the country’s urban centres like Karachi or the Middle East, the bargaining position of rural workers is enhanced. For example, the minimum daily wage is stated to be the same for Peshawar and neighbouring villages — Rs1,000 per day

In Tharparkar, Sindh, labour is also hired on a contract basis — as elsewhere in the country — for harvesting crops, whenever required, on a per-acre basis and may be paid in cash or kind, say, specified bags of wheat or any other crop depending on the market price of the commodity. This group of landless workers seeks the best possible bargain

The daily wage of a mason in Karachi is Rs1,500 and that of the unskilled co-worker is Rs1,000. In a Tharparkar village, the mason gets Rs1,000 and his co-worker Rs600 per day plus food, tea and even cigarettes. Given the changing environment of work, wage earners are gaining confidence that they can improve their livelihood by themselves


@ghazi52 @araz @The Eagle @The Accountant @That Guy @Irfan Baloch @PanzerKiel @AgNoStiC MuSliM @Imran Khan @PAKISTANFOREVER @waz @Windjammer @WinterFangs @KaiserX @niaz @farok84 @AZADPAKISTAN2009 @MastanKhan @krash @FOOLS_NIGHTMARE @Bilal Khan (Quwa) @Cookie Monster @Bratva @Foxtrot Alpha @Rafael @Rafi @Trango Towers @TNT @Indus Pakistan @Falcon26 @Norwegian @LeGenD @Iltutmish @notorious_eagle @Akh1112 @mingle @AZADPAKISTAN2009 @Tipu7 @Horus @Ark_Angel @SQ8 @Goenitz @messiach @TaimiKhan @SecularNationalist @farok84 @Blacklight @Meengla @Ahmet Pasha @White and Green with M/S @Dalit @ARMalik @Zibago @Jango @untitled @Reichsmarschall @Bleek @Dual Wielder @Smoke @RescueRanger @Trango Towers @Asimzranger @FuturePAF @Imad.Khan @forcetrip @baqai @blain2 @khail007 @Wergeland @PakAlp

Apologies for the mass tag but I really think people will enjoy reading this and will hopefully find it productive...
 
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The Pakistanis have now realized that 99% of all political parties were created through political engineering. The democracy is a lie.

Thanks to Imran Khan for waking up the sleeping Pakistanis. His name will be recorded in the good side of history for decades to come.

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Did you guys notice how dawn managed to squeeze "MQM" under this so-called intellectual article. As a Karachiite, I must tell you whole Karachi is pro-PTI.

Baray'e karam MQM chaipnay ke koshish na ki jaye, shukriya.
 
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This is not against PTI versus the rest.

This is Pakistan middle class asserting itself against the fossils of status quo. Just look at how the whole lot of vested interests have gathered at one place.

The establishment, corrupt politicians and all organs of the state benefit from this decaying and corrupt system. They want this status quo to perpetuate as this serves their interest in keeping their suffocating hold on the country. Not just the corrupt politicians, the biggest loser of this face-off is military establishment. Their loss of reputation & disillusionment of the public is something military establishment will not be able to recover from.

People may not agree with me but East Pakistan liberated itself from clutches of our military leadership. They started from a very poor position and now Bangladesh is taking off economically. While we, a country of 220 million, have to beg for $1 billion and meet extremely tough conditions to get that money. This is because we have always made Pakistan a security state where rules the roost. Our economic interests are always subservient to security interest. We need to change this.

I m not against Army. I have always been against military's political role.
 
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Koi faida nai….sab muft k mazay lenay atay hain….
 
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I m not against Army. I have always been against military's political role.
How did the military manage to gain such a strong role and top influence into politics and government? Has that been recognized? I haven't seen any discussion on that
 
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How did the military manage to gain such a strong role and top influence into politics and government? Has that been recognized? I haven't seen any discussion on that

Difficult to get a hang of it if you don't live in Pak. There are some books written on this phenomenon but you truly can't grasp this reality unless you live here.
 
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View attachment 848804


The role of the middle class and youth in the political economy is being redefined in many ways including the cherished long-term objective of policymakers to establish a middle-class economy

In the midst of the current multiple crises in Pakistan, the bulging youth population is being empowered at the quickest pace ever by the latest technologies, technical skills and education. Eminent IT experts stress that business enterprises need to create a workforce that can solve new problems across a varied landscape of changing business services and solutions and issues in ever-evolving customer demands

Global Gig Economy Index of Payoneer has ranked Pakistan among the top ten fast-growing countries in freelance earnings including the USA, the UK, Brazil, Ukraine, India, Bangladesh, Russia and Serbia. About 70 per cent of the freelancers are under 30, most of them having acquired technical training and education. Instead of looking for scarce decent jobs, they are opting for an independent, self-employed career

Freelancers are stated to be among the local application developers and a major driving force behind IT companies and the growth of the computer software sector in Pakistan. There are approximately 3,000 registered local companies involved in a variety of application developments for domestic and corporate use. Just four-month freelancing courses, launched at a university for computer science students, enables them to earn enough to meet their expenses and pay fees

Amids the political frenzy that can potentially empower the middle-income group, the daily rural wage earners and low-income salaried groups are also making renewed and concentrated efforts to rise upwards

Pakistan has also seen massive improvements on the commerce and business front for short-term operational excellence but business enterprises are yet not engaged in transformational change for long-term fruitful results, says Systems Ltd CEO Asif Peer

Central bank data for Oct-Dec 2021 shows that the value of e-banking transactions stood at Rs33.4 trillion compared to Rs46.7tr paper-based transactions. Volume-wise e-banking transactions were recorded at 400m, exceeding paper transactions at 101.4m

To be competitive, experts believe that companies need a robust future work transformation strategy focused on empowering employees to develop their skills and stay relevant in a fast-moving digital agile environment

The role of the middle class in the economy in Pakistan is also finding expression in politics. Analyst Mosharraf Zaidi says “Pakistan was a global pioneer in digitally fueled amplification of protests with the power to take down power brokers and even governments.” Imran Khan is drawing huge crowds with the active participation of the middle classes and the youth

The key political question facing the middle class however is: will these street protests lead to their political empowerment as in the case of technology-driven careers? They have put blind faith in PTI Chairman Imran Khan to deliver transformational change with a complete absence of focus on the vision, strategy, programme, policy or plan of action needed to pull the economy out of the deep-seated crises and to put it on an independent path to broad-based development

If the PTI wins the elections, it will once again be put to a critical test, confronted by the dominant status quo. In his speech at Jhelum city on May 10, Imran Khan claimed that it is the PTI and the army that could keep Pakistan united. The immediate future of middle-class politics is a bit hazy at this point. It may be however conceded that the MQM-P, a middle-class party seeking local government autonomy, has seized the opportunity in these troubled times to advance its agenda

The daily rural wage earners and low-income salaried groups are also making renewed and concentrated efforts to join the ranks of the middle class. Random examples show that uneducated driver Razzak’s daughter has secured a PhD degree and matriculate driver Abu Bakar’s brother is a practising lawyer in Karachi. Both drivers are from poor families from the neighbouring villages in Tharparkar and belong to the salaried class. They work in Karachi

Rural wage workers are generally paid less than counterparts in urban areas, according to the working-class people hailing from the countryside, now working in Defence Housing Society, Karachi. From the point of view of workers, at least two positive emerging trends are noticeable in the country’s rural labour market

While the daily or contract agricultural workers may not be formally organised, they are fully aware of the prevailing wage rates (where they work and from where they come from) and try to improve their compensation by tactful bargaining, hard-pressed to make a living owing to the persistent double-digit inflation. They ask questions about specifics of the piece of work offered and settle the compensation they would get before accepting any assignment. In a particular area, workers informally keep each other informed about the wage rates and the hike in prices of food and other essential items.

In rural areas where families are supported by bread earners working in the country’s urban centres like Karachi or the Middle East, the bargaining position of rural workers is enhanced. For example, the minimum daily wage is stated to be the same for Peshawar and neighbouring villages — Rs1,000 per day

In Tharparkar, Sindh, labour is also hired on a contract basis — as elsewhere in the country — for harvesting crops, whenever required, on a per-acre basis and may be paid in cash or kind, say, specified bags of wheat or any other crop depending on the market price of the commodity. This group of landless workers seeks the best possible bargain

The daily wage of a mason in Karachi is Rs1,500 and that of the unskilled co-worker is Rs1,000. In a Tharparkar village, the mason gets Rs1,000 and his co-worker Rs600 per day plus food, tea and even cigarettes. Given the changing environment of work, wage earners are gaining confidence that they can improve their livelihood by themselves


@ghazi52 @araz @The Eagle @The Accountant @That Guy @Irfan Baloch @PanzerKiel @AgNoStiC MuSliM @Imran Khan @PAKISTANFOREVER @waz @Windjammer @WinterFangs @KaiserX @niaz @farok84 @AZADPAKISTAN2009 @MastanKhan @krash @FOOLS_NIGHTMARE @Bilal Khan (Quwa) @Cookie Monster @Bratva @Foxtrot Alpha @Rafael @Rafi @Trango Towers @TNT @Indus Pakistan @Falcon26 @Norwegian @LeGenD @Iltutmish @notorious_eagle @Akh1112 @mingle @AZADPAKISTAN2009 @Tipu7 @Horus @Ark_Angel @SQ8 @Goenitz @messiach @TaimiKhan @SecularNationalist @farok84 @Blacklight @Meengla @Ahmet Pasha @White and Green with M/S @Dalit @ARMalik @Zibago @Jango @untitled @Reichsmarschall @Bleek @Dual Wielder @Smoke @RescueRanger @Trango Towers @Asimzranger @FuturePAF @Imad.Khan @forcetrip @baqai @blain2 @khail007 @Wergeland @PakAlp

Apologies for the mass tag but I really think people will enjoy reading this and will hopefully find it productive...
Agree we need "JPP" a new party

This is not against PTI versus the rest.

This is Pakistan middle class asserting itself against the fossils of status quo. Just look at how the whole lot of vested interests have gathered at one place.

The establishment, corrupt politicians and all organs of the state benefit from this decaying and corrupt system. They want this status quo to perpetuate as this serves their interest in keeping their suffocating hold on the country. Not just the corrupt politicians, the biggest loser of this face-off is military establishment. Their loss of reputation & disillusionment of the public is something military establishment will not be able to recover from.

People may not agree with me but East Pakistan liberated itself from clutches of our military leadership. They started from a very poor position and now Bangladesh is taking off economically. While we, a country of 220 million, have to beg for $1 billion and meet extremely tough conditions to get that money. This is because we have always made Pakistan a security state where rules the roost. Our economic interests are always subservient to security interest. We need to change this.

I m not against Army. I have always been against military's political role.
Surpringly..bengaldesh has nothing
Pakistan had surplus gas, surplus massive hydro power(9k today) yet due to stupid policies we never developed

Mushi took full advantage of surplus gas to help pakistan take off but we ended up with another lost decade
 
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View attachment 848804


The role of the middle class and youth in the political economy is being redefined in many ways including the cherished long-term objective of policymakers to establish a middle-class economy

In the midst of the current multiple crises in Pakistan, the bulging youth population is being empowered at the quickest pace ever by the latest technologies, technical skills and education. Eminent IT experts stress that business enterprises need to create a workforce that can solve new problems across a varied landscape of changing business services and solutions and issues in ever-evolving customer demands

Global Gig Economy Index of Payoneer has ranked Pakistan among the top ten fast-growing countries in freelance earnings including the USA, the UK, Brazil, Ukraine, India, Bangladesh, Russia and Serbia. About 70 per cent of the freelancers are under 30, most of them having acquired technical training and education. Instead of looking for scarce decent jobs, they are opting for an independent, self-employed career

Freelancers are stated to be among the local application developers and a major driving force behind IT companies and the growth of the computer software sector in Pakistan. There are approximately 3,000 registered local companies involved in a variety of application developments for domestic and corporate use. Just four-month freelancing courses, launched at a university for computer science students, enables them to earn enough to meet their expenses and pay fees

Amids the political frenzy that can potentially empower the middle-income group, the daily rural wage earners and low-income salaried groups are also making renewed and concentrated efforts to rise upwards

Pakistan has also seen massive improvements on the commerce and business front for short-term operational excellence but business enterprises are yet not engaged in transformational change for long-term fruitful results, says Systems Ltd CEO Asif Peer

Central bank data for Oct-Dec 2021 shows that the value of e-banking transactions stood at Rs33.4 trillion compared to Rs46.7tr paper-based transactions. Volume-wise e-banking transactions were recorded at 400m, exceeding paper transactions at 101.4m

To be competitive, experts believe that companies need a robust future work transformation strategy focused on empowering employees to develop their skills and stay relevant in a fast-moving digital agile environment

The role of the middle class in the economy in Pakistan is also finding expression in politics. Analyst Mosharraf Zaidi says “Pakistan was a global pioneer in digitally fueled amplification of protests with the power to take down power brokers and even governments.” Imran Khan is drawing huge crowds with the active participation of the middle classes and the youth

The key political question facing the middle class however is: will these street protests lead to their political empowerment as in the case of technology-driven careers? They have put blind faith in PTI Chairman Imran Khan to deliver transformational change with a complete absence of focus on the vision, strategy, programme, policy or plan of action needed to pull the economy out of the deep-seated crises and to put it on an independent path to broad-based development

If the PTI wins the elections, it will once again be put to a critical test, confronted by the dominant status quo. In his speech at Jhelum city on May 10, Imran Khan claimed that it is the PTI and the army that could keep Pakistan united. The immediate future of middle-class politics is a bit hazy at this point. It may be however conceded that the MQM-P, a middle-class party seeking local government autonomy, has seized the opportunity in these troubled times to advance its agenda

The daily rural wage earners and low-income salaried groups are also making renewed and concentrated efforts to join the ranks of the middle class. Random examples show that uneducated driver Razzak’s daughter has secured a PhD degree and matriculate driver Abu Bakar’s brother is a practising lawyer in Karachi. Both drivers are from poor families from the neighbouring villages in Tharparkar and belong to the salaried class. They work in Karachi

Rural wage workers are generally paid less than counterparts in urban areas, according to the working-class people hailing from the countryside, now working in Defence Housing Society, Karachi. From the point of view of workers, at least two positive emerging trends are noticeable in the country’s rural labour market

While the daily or contract agricultural workers may not be formally organised, they are fully aware of the prevailing wage rates (where they work and from where they come from) and try to improve their compensation by tactful bargaining, hard-pressed to make a living owing to the persistent double-digit inflation. They ask questions about specifics of the piece of work offered and settle the compensation they would get before accepting any assignment. In a particular area, workers informally keep each other informed about the wage rates and the hike in prices of food and other essential items.

In rural areas where families are supported by bread earners working in the country’s urban centres like Karachi or the Middle East, the bargaining position of rural workers is enhanced. For example, the minimum daily wage is stated to be the same for Peshawar and neighbouring villages — Rs1,000 per day

In Tharparkar, Sindh, labour is also hired on a contract basis — as elsewhere in the country — for harvesting crops, whenever required, on a per-acre basis and may be paid in cash or kind, say, specified bags of wheat or any other crop depending on the market price of the commodity. This group of landless workers seeks the best possible bargain

The daily wage of a mason in Karachi is Rs1,500 and that of the unskilled co-worker is Rs1,000. In a Tharparkar village, the mason gets Rs1,000 and his co-worker Rs600 per day plus food, tea and even cigarettes. Given the changing environment of work, wage earners are gaining confidence that they can improve their livelihood by themselves


@ghazi52 @araz @The Eagle @The Accountant @That Guy @Irfan Baloch @PanzerKiel @AgNoStiC MuSliM @Imran Khan @PAKISTANFOREVER @waz @Windjammer @WinterFangs @KaiserX @niaz @farok84 @AZADPAKISTAN2009 @MastanKhan @krash @FOOLS_NIGHTMARE @Bilal Khan (Quwa) @Cookie Monster @Bratva @Foxtrot Alpha @Rafael @Rafi @Trango Towers @TNT @Indus Pakistan @Falcon26 @Norwegian @LeGenD @Iltutmish @notorious_eagle @Akh1112 @mingle @AZADPAKISTAN2009 @Tipu7 @Horus @Ark_Angel @SQ8 @Goenitz @messiach @TaimiKhan @SecularNationalist @farok84 @Blacklight @Meengla @Ahmet Pasha @White and Green with M/S @Dalit @ARMalik @Zibago @Jango @untitled @Reichsmarschall @Bleek @Dual Wielder @Smoke @RescueRanger @Trango Towers @Asimzranger @FuturePAF @Imad.Khan @forcetrip @baqai @blain2 @khail007 @Wergeland @PakAlp

Apologies for the mass tag but I really think people will enjoy reading this and will hopefully find it productive...
the reason why middle class is taking interest in politics is because its about our country, empowerment isnt in the top 10 list of priorities right now.
 
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Imran's govt itself gave many important posts to retired Army personnel. He increased their influence so much that they easily got rid of him when they wanted to. Imran Khan could go against Tareen and Aleem but he couldn't go against his own employees. They fired him.

People may not find your comment joyful but IK did do this. Javid Hashmi told IK to not get the establishment involved, don't seek their help to remove Nawaz Sharif. He knew these same people will then pull your strings. Exactly that's what happened.
 
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SMOKERS’ CORNER: THE CLASH OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES


A news item in a 1973 issue of the now defunct English daily New Times (published from Rawalpindi), reported that the government offices in Karachi had been ‘swarmed’ by Sindhi-speakers arriving from Sindh’s towns and smaller cities. In 1970, Karachi had become Sindh’s capital again.

The report also alluded that Karachi’s locals (probably its Urdu-speaking majority) were feeling a sense of being invaded. A Sindhi-speaker, Z.A. Bhutto had come to power and his party, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) enjoyed a majority in the National Assembly. Bhutto encouraged Sindhis to enter the bureaucracy and join the manufacturing and service sectors in Karachi.

Sindhis who came, settled in the city. Their upward-mobility was directly linked to the politics and influence of Bhutto’s PPP. Many also became part of the city’s middle classes that were otherwise dominated by Karachi’s Urdu-speakers (Mohajirs). Meanwhile, a new middle class had risen in Punjab. It included people who had migrated from small towns to the province’s main cities, especially from the late 1970s onwards. Their growth and prosperity was largely dependent on the Gen Zia dictatorship (1977-88), and then on Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N).

Historically, the middle classes have been agents of democracy. When this class began to expand in various Asian countries, Western political scientists believed that regions that had experienced multiple dictatorships would begin to witness democratisation. Nothing of the sort happened. At best, what did appear were either ‘illiberal democracies’, or ‘hybrid regimes’ headed by civilians groomed by state institutions such as the military. These regimes were largely navigated by the military and the judiciary.

The Asian middle classes actually facilitated this. The growth and prosperity of this class were mostly linked to the policies of authoritarian regimes. They were therefore suspicious of democracy because political parties in developing countries often concentrate on formulating programmes aimed to attract votes from the working classes, small farmers and peasants. In these countries, ‘pro-poor’ electoral tactics by parties threaten the middle classes. They fear they will be swarmed by the classes below. So they desire the kind of stability which, they believe, only authoritarian set-ups can provide.

Political scientists have now become acutely aware of this. Their continuing exploration of this phenomenon is also producing various other oddities. India, for instance, the world’s largest democracy has never witnessed a military coup or regime. Yet, its once liberal democracy has taken an illiberal turn. There is now enough evidence to claim that the rise of right-wing Hindu nationalist outfits in India was facilitated by the country’s rapidly growing middle class voters.

India’s once largest party, the Congress, had focused on eradicating poverty. It was a successful electoral ploy in a country where the majority of people were poor. The party’s programmes did bear fruit when India began to witness a manifold increase in people who managed to climb the class ladder and became middle class. But often, once this happens, demands and expectations for better utility services, education, job security, etc., too increase.

The pro-poor policies begin being seen as triggers of instability, despite the fact that it is because of these policies that many poor people manage to climb to become the middle class. But once there, they fear they will be dislodged by the same policies, and swarmed by those dreaming to climb the class ladder as well. Consequently, the middle classes begin to develop authoritarian tendencies. In India, the manifestation of these tendencies emerged in the shape of an authoritarian Hindu nationalist government.

Political scientists are now reassessing their previous theories that were largely based on evidence of the post-18th century rise of the European middle classes that had ushered the democratisation of society. Clearly, this is not what happened in many Asian countries. But whereas political scientists are now advising political parties in developing countries to shape their policies to address middle class apprehensions, they are missing another factor that has emerged in the study of the authoritarian make-up of the Asian middle classes: there are deep fissures within this class.

In 2001, Thaksin Shinawatra was elected PM of Thailand. Shinawatra’s policies focused on providing economic opportunities to the poor, especially in the rural areas. By the end of his term in 2005, a new middle class had begun to emerge outside Bangkok. Unlike the middle class concentrated in Bangkok that had gained prestige and wealth from its association with military regimes, the new middle class was more invested in Shinawatra’s policies. He swept the 2006 elections, but his government soon faced a violent protest movement. The movement was organised by middle class groups centered in Bangkok who accused Shinawatra of ‘corruption’ and invited the judiciary and military to intervene. Shinawatra was ousted.

So a political crisis in this case was the result of conflicting interests of two middle class segments. In Pakistan’s Punjab province, a middle class was shaped by the Zia dictatorship and then cultivated as a vote-bank by Sharif’s PML-N. It had roots in rural and peri-urban towns. During the Gen Musharraf dictatorship (1999-2008), the more urbane middle classes who had felt ‘invaded,’ applauded Musharraf’s coup against the Sharif regime. They saw PML-N as a party of regional middle class upstarts and themselves as being more cosmopolitan and ‘enlightened.’ But whereas PML-N exhibited its commitment to safeguard democracy, the more enlightened lot detested it. The so-called ‘regional’ middle classes in Punjab struck back by returning Sharif to power in 2013. Their association with the military had weakened and their interests were now squarely based on the political fortunes of PML-N.

The ‘cosmopolitan’ middle classes cultivated by Musharraf were offered a charismatic populist, groomed by the military as their man. He was Imran Khan. He led multiple protests against Sharif’s ‘corruption,’ until Sharif was debarred from politics by the judiciary. In Karachi, the Mohajir middle classes that had benefitted from Musharraf’s policies gradually dumped the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), a party they had been voting for since 1988. They too decided to adopt Khan as a bulwark against the ‘Sindhi invasion.’

In Sindh outside Karachi, a Sindhi middle class had developed. It had been facilitated by the province’s largest party the PPP. The interests of this middle class are thus tied to the electoral fortunes of the party. But their interests clash with those of Karachi’s Mohajir middle classes and this is why Khan’s party could only manage to win a tiny number of seats in Sindh outside Karachi. Like in Thailand and even Turkey, Pakistan’s political crisis is the result of a growing middle class with multiple factions competing against each other for political and economic influence.
 
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i told on this forum solution cut out the elites dont serve them, if the elite need water food close your shop to them, they want to use your road to get somewhere block it.
boycott them economically, politically, dont provide services and goods.
 
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How did the military manage to gain such a strong role and top influence into politics and government? Has that been recognized? I haven't seen any discussion on that
One aspect, the Army leadership has used its public image and enormous surveillance and financial resources (and if all else fails, abductions, torture, violence) to infiltrate, manipulate, blackmail and coerce politicians, judges, bureaucrats, law enforcement, journalists, anchors and businessmen etc to toe the line.

It has sponsored and supported violent religious and ethnic groups and used them against governments and others as necessary - case in point, the Tehrik-e-Labaik Pakistan (TLP). TLP's rather specific targets of late (Imran Khan and the PTI Government) are so blatant, that everyone knows they're controlled by the Army Leadership to bring out when necessary.

As far as recognizing this unconstitutional interference and manipulation by the Army leadership, that clearly falls under treason, unfortunately we have been divided. It took the Army overthrowing Imran Khan's PTI government for a vast number of Pakistanis (myself included) to finally understand how the Army Leadership was in fact the root of the rot in Pakistan. We were dismissive of the PMLN leadership and activists and journalists that tried to point this out in the past. Now, when a large majority see the Army's machinations and unconstitutional actions clearly after the overthrown of the PTI government, those who used to criticize the Army on behalf of the PMLN, including large chunks of Pakistan's so called 'liberal intelligentsia' and 'human rights activists' etc. have chosen to take the side of the Army leadership.

Heck, you can see even hardcore Indian nationalists suddenly changing direction and supporting the Army leadership and the PDM (though their rationale is simpler - support the entity that weakens Pakistan).
 
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