RegularUnimportantGuy
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Log hamain cherhtay hain or ham cherh jatay hain. Panama ho, wiki ho ya guardian. Ignore bhai, kam karo mulk k liay , logon k liay, apny liay.FUUUCCCKKKKKKK........Now this is too much of these assholes....IK needs to talk about/against it....They are building a narrative, shaping and fertilizing people's opinion around the world...They will kill Khan and then will blame that on Pak army/ISI....
Imran needs to come on TV, in English language, should blast western media otherwise this will create exceptional problems for Imran, army and Pakistan....the way they are tarnishing Pakistan/ISI....
Can Imran Khan fulfil Pakistan’s voters’ hopes and keep the generals at bay?
It’s not hard to see why Imran Khan’s stunning victory in the Pakistan elections attracted global media coverage. The story of a cricketing hero and former playboy turned political superstar and scourge of the establishment that spawned him was too good to miss.
Given Pakistan’s history of army coups, Khan’s rise to power seemed like a modern parable foretelling the triumph of people’s democracy over the dark-suited, sunglassed forces of “deep state” military control, manipulation and repression.
Beguiling though this storyline is, it did not really happen that way. Indeed, Khan owed his success, in part at least, to the covert meddling of those same shadowy spooks and generals, according to EU poll monitors. Yet who governs Pakistan, and how, is still a matter of high international importance. Take female suffrage. Equal voting rights are absent in some Muslim countries. But Pakistan, where women comprise 44% of eligible voters, has made exceptional progress. Veiled female residents of conservative tribal areas such as South Waziristan made history last Wednesday when they cast votes for the first time.
Pakistan matters because, with its youthful population of more than 200 million (66% are under 30), it is a country of vast potential handicapped by endemic poverty, illiteracy and inequality. It is also, not coincidentally, a battleground pitting anti-western Islamists, schooled in international jihad in Saudi-funded madrassas, against the secular, anglophone elite. It is central to the “war on terror”. Its stability and security, or lack of it, has a potentially global impact.
For the British, Pakistan exercises an abiding fascination, rooted in the Raj’s disastrous part in its bloody 1947 birth and in continuing, close ethnic and cultural ties. For the Americans, self-anointed heirs to empire, Pakistan plays the dual role of indispensable ally and duplicitous villain in their endless Afghan drama. For many in India, Islamabad is the nuclear-armed bogeyman next door. For expansionist China, Pakistan is a key link in its grandiose Belt and Road trading franchise, reliant on Beijing’s loans, investment and goodwill.
How the untested Khan, wholly lacking in governmental experience, will approach these complex issues and historical burdens is open to question. What is clear is that he has changed radically since his hell-raising West End days. Launching his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party, meaning “movement for justice”, in 1996, a newly earnest Khan, now 65, made doing God’s will and fighting corruption his main aims in life.
“Far from being the Islamic welfare state that was envisaged, Pakistan is a country where politics is a game of loot and plunder,” Khan wrote in his memoir, Pakistan: A Personal History. His new party, he said, would strive to “end exploitation and ensure a society based on honesty, merit and integrity”.
Khan espoused a conservative religious outlook, favouring sharia law and controversially backing radical anti-blasphemy laws. His criticism of US drone strikes earned him the nickname “Taliban Khan”. And he rediscovered his family’s Afghan roots and Pashtun tribal identity. Coincidentally or not, this won him support among conservatives.
Likewise, courting populist opinion, Khan turned against Pakistan’s western-educated ruling class, despite graduating from Oxford university. Colonialism had wrought lasting damage across the subcontinent, he wrote, by destroying self-esteem. “The inferiority complex that is ingrained in a conquered nation results in its imitation of some of the worst aspects of the conquerors, while at the same time neglecting its own great traditions.”
Twenty years spent clambering up Disraeli’s greasy pole may have mellowed Khan a little, but not entirely. Observers say he remains a passionate, volatile man with authoritarian instincts.
But the conciliatory tone of Thursday’s victory speech, in which he called for national unity, surprised and relieved critics. Khan said he would seek improved relations with India and Afghanistan, where a nascent peace process is inching forward.
He even offered an inquiry into opposition allegations of vote-rigging. Although the row over the “stolen” election will rumble on – minor parties say they plan street protests – Khan’s offer seems to have drawn its sting. The main opposition, the PMLN, has dropped its threat to boycott parliament and accepted defeat. An editorial in Dawn newspaper, headlined “Time to move on”, declared Khan and the PTI had demonstrated “genuine national political appeal”. For that reason, it said, “he ought to be given the political space to try and turn his ideas into reality”.
Whether Khan can do so, while maintaining a calm, unifying approach, is now the biggest question in Pakistani politics. Two immediate problems stand out. One is how to prevent the economy imploding under rising debt and devaluation pressures. The other is how the new government can escape the embrace of the overbearing military, which will expect payback for its campaign “assistance”.
Pakistan’s generals are accustomed to exercising sole control of foreign and security policy. Challenging them can be a career or even life-ending experience. So if Khan, for example, wants to break with the US, befriend India, or talk to terrorists, he had better watch his back. Whatever the popular storyline says about democracy redux, the hidden hand on the new prime minister’s shoulder is real. It will be hard to shake off.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jul/29/imran-khan-pakistan-election-victory-analysis
I m stunned, literally....Security of IK needs to be hell alert and of quality...Take help of Russians/Chinese.....I m sensing great threats from west
@LoveIcon @Oscar @MastanKhan @Salza @Indus Pakistan others
Google US military/industrial complex which as you state ties in with the wider global capital much of it in Jewish control. I am not talking about cmmon US soldier here. Whose bothered what he thinks.. He will die a early death as homeless vagrant sans medical cover with liver scilorris brought on by heavy drinking.u.s run under influence of israel and not under army establishment.most of u.s soldiers want to exit afghan war but they are forced because of jewish lobby which controls both army and govt and want war for their weapon industry and other fulfilment of religious prophecy
Rubbish. Unadulterated rubbish. People like you give secularists/liberals bad name in Pakistan.If he has plans to control ISI and army then i am almost certain he is a dead man walking .
lolSSG should deploy 2 of their Battalions for IK Security also entire Zarrar Company should also be allotted to him
infact also move entire mangla corp to bani gala for his Highness personal security we cant take any risk
u.s is very big and complex to understand and they have power , money and technology.their most weapon industry and other business is privatized and their army never overthrow govt in history so the business is uneffected here in Pakistan history of army rule cause fear in public and investorsGoogle US military/industrial complex which as you state ties in with the wider global capital much of it in Jewish control. I am not talking about cmmon US soldier here. Whose bothered what he thinks.. He will die a early death as homeless vagrant sans medical cover with liver scilorris brought on by heavy drinking.
Rubbish. Unadulterated rubbish. People like you give secularists/liberals bad name in Pakistan.
And look preposterous the title of this thread is. For months if not years they have riduculed him as 'Taliban Khan' amd armies stooge. Now 180 degree about turn. The same establishment that supporeted him is going to kill him. This a joke or what. I laugh at "9/11 was a inside job, illuminati rule the world, Hitler was a Jewish conspiracy" etc well this is no differant.
mangla corp has 6th armored Div and also Arty brigades in addition to Infantry DivAlso an armoured div with alkhalid 1 tanks and dedicated air cover and mobile artillery with field rockets and tactical nuclear support shud also move to banigala
It seems that International Establishment wants to assassinate IK and pin the blame on PA. Just like they did with Benazir.
But it won't happen.
And if PA really wanted him out, they would have agreed when US demanded that they not let him come in power.
You can see the enemies of Pakistan circling. They're terrified of a Pakistan where the civilian government and the military are aligned.
In the past PPP through Hussain Haqqani tried to get USA to attack Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif literally had Indian spies in his factories, he tried to send a COAS to India and he worked to undermine the military.
If these guys are not dead, Imran Khan is under no threat. Both PMLN and PPP were foreign owned, their leadership actively works against our national interest. Our military were forced to take action to curtail this.
PTI is a party of patriots. It will work towards national interest, there will be no need for interfernce and there certainly won't be any tolerance of it. You can only blackmail dirty people with something to hide.
FUUUCCCKKKKKKK........Now this is too much of these assholes....IK needs to talk about/against it....They are building a narrative, shaping and fertilizing people's opinion around the world...They will kill Khan and then will blame that on Pak army/ISI....
Imran needs to come on TV, in English language, should blast western media otherwise this will create exceptional problems for Imran, army and Pakistan....the way they are tarnishing Pakistan/ISI....
Can Imran Khan fulfil Pakistan’s voters’ hopes and keep the generals at bay?
It’s not hard to see why Imran Khan’s stunning victory in the Pakistan elections attracted global media coverage. The story of a cricketing hero and former playboy turned political superstar and scourge of the establishment that spawned him was too good to miss.
Given Pakistan’s history of army coups, Khan’s rise to power seemed like a modern parable foretelling the triumph of people’s democracy over the dark-suited, sunglassed forces of “deep state” military control, manipulation and repression.
Beguiling though this storyline is, it did not really happen that way. Indeed, Khan owed his success, in part at least, to the covert meddling of those same shadowy spooks and generals, according to EU poll monitors. Yet who governs Pakistan, and how, is still a matter of high international importance. Take female suffrage. Equal voting rights are absent in some Muslim countries. But Pakistan, where women comprise 44% of eligible voters, has made exceptional progress. Veiled female residents of conservative tribal areas such as South Waziristan made history last Wednesday when they cast votes for the first time.
Pakistan matters because, with its youthful population of more than 200 million (66% are under 30), it is a country of vast potential handicapped by endemic poverty, illiteracy and inequality. It is also, not coincidentally, a battleground pitting anti-western Islamists, schooled in international jihad in Saudi-funded madrassas, against the secular, anglophone elite. It is central to the “war on terror”. Its stability and security, or lack of it, has a potentially global impact.
For the British, Pakistan exercises an abiding fascination, rooted in the Raj’s disastrous part in its bloody 1947 birth and in continuing, close ethnic and cultural ties. For the Americans, self-anointed heirs to empire, Pakistan plays the dual role of indispensable ally and duplicitous villain in their endless Afghan drama. For many in India, Islamabad is the nuclear-armed bogeyman next door. For expansionist China, Pakistan is a key link in its grandiose Belt and Road trading franchise, reliant on Beijing’s loans, investment and goodwill.
How the untested Khan, wholly lacking in governmental experience, will approach these complex issues and historical burdens is open to question. What is clear is that he has changed radically since his hell-raising West End days. Launching his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party, meaning “movement for justice”, in 1996, a newly earnest Khan, now 65, made doing God’s will and fighting corruption his main aims in life.
“Far from being the Islamic welfare state that was envisaged, Pakistan is a country where politics is a game of loot and plunder,” Khan wrote in his memoir, Pakistan: A Personal History. His new party, he said, would strive to “end exploitation and ensure a society based on honesty, merit and integrity”.
Khan espoused a conservative religious outlook, favouring sharia law and controversially backing radical anti-blasphemy laws. His criticism of US drone strikes earned him the nickname “Taliban Khan”. And he rediscovered his family’s Afghan roots and Pashtun tribal identity. Coincidentally or not, this won him support among conservatives.
Likewise, courting populist opinion, Khan turned against Pakistan’s western-educated ruling class, despite graduating from Oxford university. Colonialism had wrought lasting damage across the subcontinent, he wrote, by destroying self-esteem. “The inferiority complex that is ingrained in a conquered nation results in its imitation of some of the worst aspects of the conquerors, while at the same time neglecting its own great traditions.”
Twenty years spent clambering up Disraeli’s greasy pole may have mellowed Khan a little, but not entirely. Observers say he remains a passionate, volatile man with authoritarian instincts.
But the conciliatory tone of Thursday’s victory speech, in which he called for national unity, surprised and relieved critics. Khan said he would seek improved relations with India and Afghanistan, where a nascent peace process is inching forward.
He even offered an inquiry into opposition allegations of vote-rigging. Although the row over the “stolen” election will rumble on – minor parties say they plan street protests – Khan’s offer seems to have drawn its sting. The main opposition, the PMLN, has dropped its threat to boycott parliament and accepted defeat. An editorial in Dawn newspaper, headlined “Time to move on”, declared Khan and the PTI had demonstrated “genuine national political appeal”. For that reason, it said, “he ought to be given the political space to try and turn his ideas into reality”.
Whether Khan can do so, while maintaining a calm, unifying approach, is now the biggest question in Pakistani politics. Two immediate problems stand out. One is how to prevent the economy imploding under rising debt and devaluation pressures. The other is how the new government can escape the embrace of the overbearing military, which will expect payback for its campaign “assistance”.
Pakistan’s generals are accustomed to exercising sole control of foreign and security policy. Challenging them can be a career or even life-ending experience. So if Khan, for example, wants to break with the US, befriend India, or talk to terrorists, he had better watch his back. Whatever the popular storyline says about democracy redux, the hidden hand on the new prime minister’s shoulder is real. It will be hard to shake off.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jul/29/imran-khan-pakistan-election-victory-analysis
I m stunned, literally....Security of IK needs to be hell alert and of quality...Take help of Russians/Chinese.....I m sensing great threats from west
@LoveIcon @Oscar @MastanKhan @Salza @Indus Pakistan others
I would exlude the British. DEspite misgivings watch how they will accomodate him. He has left way too much impression on the British elite for it to turn against him. They may get sour, upset but they will not give up on IK. Even grudgingly they will accept him. A ex - Oxbridge cricketing hero is too much for the British to turn against. It's the Americans who are not going to give him any slack and pose most danger to PTI government.The Brits, Indians and Americans are sweating like pigs.
I would exlude the British. DEspite misgivings watch how they will accomodate him. He has left way too much impression on the British elite for it to turn against him. They may get sour, upset but they will not give up on IK. Even grudgingly they will accept him. A ex - Oxbridge cricketing hero is too much for the British to turn against. It's the Americans who are not going to give him any slack and pose most danger to PTI government.
FUUUCCCKKKKKKK........Now this is too much of these assholes....IK needs to talk about/against it....They are building a narrative, shaping and fertilizing people's opinion around the world...They will kill Khan and then will blame that on Pak army/ISI....
Imran needs to come on TV, in English language, should blast western media otherwise this will create exceptional problems for Imran, army and Pakistan....the way they are tarnishing Pakistan/ISI....
Can Imran Khan fulfil Pakistan’s voters’ hopes and keep the generals at bay?
It’s not hard to see why Imran Khan’s stunning victory in the Pakistan elections attracted global media coverage. The story of a cricketing hero and former playboy turned political superstar and scourge of the establishment that spawned him was too good to miss.
Given Pakistan’s history of army coups, Khan’s rise to power seemed like a modern parable foretelling the triumph of people’s democracy over the dark-suited, sunglassed forces of “deep state” military control, manipulation and repression.
Beguiling though this storyline is, it did not really happen that way. Indeed, Khan owed his success, in part at least, to the covert meddling of those same shadowy spooks and generals, according to EU poll monitors. Yet who governs Pakistan, and how, is still a matter of high international importance. Take female suffrage. Equal voting rights are absent in some Muslim countries. But Pakistan, where women comprise 44% of eligible voters, has made exceptional progress. Veiled female residents of conservative tribal areas such as South Waziristan made history last Wednesday when they cast votes for the first time.
Pakistan matters because, with its youthful population of more than 200 million (66% are under 30), it is a country of vast potential handicapped by endemic poverty, illiteracy and inequality. It is also, not coincidentally, a battleground pitting anti-western Islamists, schooled in international jihad in Saudi-funded madrassas, against the secular, anglophone elite. It is central to the “war on terror”. Its stability and security, or lack of it, has a potentially global impact.
For the British, Pakistan exercises an abiding fascination, rooted in the Raj’s disastrous part in its bloody 1947 birth and in continuing, close ethnic and cultural ties. For the Americans, self-anointed heirs to empire, Pakistan plays the dual role of indispensable ally and duplicitous villain in their endless Afghan drama. For many in India, Islamabad is the nuclear-armed bogeyman next door. For expansionist China, Pakistan is a key link in its grandiose Belt and Road trading franchise, reliant on Beijing’s loans, investment and goodwill.
How the untested Khan, wholly lacking in governmental experience, will approach these complex issues and historical burdens is open to question. What is clear is that he has changed radically since his hell-raising West End days. Launching his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party, meaning “movement for justice”, in 1996, a newly earnest Khan, now 65, made doing God’s will and fighting corruption his main aims in life.
“Far from being the Islamic welfare state that was envisaged, Pakistan is a country where politics is a game of loot and plunder,” Khan wrote in his memoir, Pakistan: A Personal History. His new party, he said, would strive to “end exploitation and ensure a society based on honesty, merit and integrity”.
Khan espoused a conservative religious outlook, favouring sharia law and controversially backing radical anti-blasphemy laws. His criticism of US drone strikes earned him the nickname “Taliban Khan”. And he rediscovered his family’s Afghan roots and Pashtun tribal identity. Coincidentally or not, this won him support among conservatives.
Likewise, courting populist opinion, Khan turned against Pakistan’s western-educated ruling class, despite graduating from Oxford university. Colonialism had wrought lasting damage across the subcontinent, he wrote, by destroying self-esteem. “The inferiority complex that is ingrained in a conquered nation results in its imitation of some of the worst aspects of the conquerors, while at the same time neglecting its own great traditions.”
Twenty years spent clambering up Disraeli’s greasy pole may have mellowed Khan a little, but not entirely. Observers say he remains a passionate, volatile man with authoritarian instincts.
But the conciliatory tone of Thursday’s victory speech, in which he called for national unity, surprised and relieved critics. Khan said he would seek improved relations with India and Afghanistan, where a nascent peace process is inching forward.
He even offered an inquiry into opposition allegations of vote-rigging. Although the row over the “stolen” election will rumble on – minor parties say they plan street protests – Khan’s offer seems to have drawn its sting. The main opposition, the PMLN, has dropped its threat to boycott parliament and accepted defeat. An editorial in Dawn newspaper, headlined “Time to move on”, declared Khan and the PTI had demonstrated “genuine national political appeal”. For that reason, it said, “he ought to be given the political space to try and turn his ideas into reality”.
Whether Khan can do so, while maintaining a calm, unifying approach, is now the biggest question in Pakistani politics. Two immediate problems stand out. One is how to prevent the economy imploding under rising debt and devaluation pressures. The other is how the new government can escape the embrace of the overbearing military, which will expect payback for its campaign “assistance”.
Pakistan’s generals are accustomed to exercising sole control of foreign and security policy. Challenging them can be a career or even life-ending experience. So if Khan, for example, wants to break with the US, befriend India, or talk to terrorists, he had better watch his back. Whatever the popular storyline says about democracy redux, the hidden hand on the new prime minister’s shoulder is real. It will be hard to shake off.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jul/29/imran-khan-pakistan-election-victory-analysis
I m stunned, literally....Security of IK needs to be hell alert and of quality...Take help of Russians/Chinese.....I m sensing great threats from west
@LoveIcon @Oscar @MastanKhan @Salza @Indus Pakistan others