Misplaced fear over Pak-India trade
Some misguided people have dubbed the Trade Policy 2008-09 as India specific. This has given rise to some one-sided articles in the national press. Conservative opinion wishes to retain the hostile status quo even though a majority of Pakistanis clearly think otherwise and support the peace process. A couple of Urdu column-writers have appeared on TV to say that it would be dangerous to make Pakistan dependent on Indian imports of crucial raw materials as long as New Delhi is conspiring against Pakistan in Afghanistan and secretly interfering in Balochistan. In this context, a reference is being made once again to the fate of the trade gap between the two countries. Indian exports to Pakistan are worth $1.8 billion while Pakistani exports to India are worth only $350 million. The reason for this is Indias restrictive tariff regime which, it says, applies to the entire world and is not Pakistan-specific. But the latest concession made to India in the trade policy through enlarging the list of importable items by the PPP government is bound to exacerbate the already skewed trade balance. According to the critics, this will bring Pakistan in a relationship of further inequality with India. With the addition of more importable items, Indias exports to Pakistan are supposed to rise to $4 billion.
The economics of the trade gap aside, the real reason for opining thus is contained in the following observation: But who will ensure the sustainability of supply of these items from India, keeping in view the ongoing war against the militants on the western borders along which India has established more than 13 consulates in the various provinces of Afghanistan. That this objection to a liberalised import regime with India is political rather than economic becomes more manifest when reference is made to a statement by the Interior Advisor, Mr Rehman Malik, that India is out to destabilise Pakistan by providing financial and weaponry support to some militants in Pakistan.
After decades of subordinating economics to politics we are now at a crossroads. The primary crisis in Pakistan is economic despite the fact that we keep distracting ourselves with other less relevant issues. The politics that has constantly overridden economics has not succeeded but it persists in our mental attitude. Arguments given above have long been refuted by circumstance; only those whose ideology was thus hurt did not care to take account of it. When the embargo was placed on imports from India under General Zia-ul Haq, the reason was political; and the economic wisdom of Dr Mahbubul Haq was defeated by a federal secretary who put forward the theorem that helping India profit from trade with Pakistan was a betrayal of the Kashmir cause.
The theory of not relying on Indian imports has been disproved over time, to the disappointment of the intelligence agencies. From Gen Zias 40 items we are now importing 1500, most of them strategic raw materials. And we have not been let down or become dependent on India in any negative way. On the basis of this experience, in fact, we would be well advised to create an interest group in India comprising exporters to Pakistan. (There is already a beginning of it in Punjab, Haryana, and Delhi Chamber of Commerce and Industry.) The intermeshing of economic interests is always more reliable compared to political compacts made when there is little mutual trust. On the other hand, the profit motive is blind to politics and endures beyond the alarums of war and finally compels states to allow peace to prevail for profit.
Pakistan has signed free trade area (FTA) agreements with Iran, China, Sri Lanka and Malaysia, but no increase in Pakistani exports to these countries has occurred because of the unstable situation in Pakistan. Therefore, it is hardly valid, on the basis of this trade imbalance theory, to block trade with India. Imports of Indian raw materials and some other items are attractive because transport costs are relatively low across the border. If the increase in Indian imports is expected to be 30 percent, it will displace the import of the same volume of more expensive imports from elsewhere. This will help Pakistan cut its manufacturing costs and reduce the level of inflation. In fact, the whole theory of trade is built on the notion of comparative advantage and there is much advantage to Pakistan in trading with India.
The irreducible objection is therefore political. Pakistan is not the only state which succumbs to fear. The fear is bilateral, and it came to the fore when India was first compelled to consider the import of Iranian gas across Pakistani territory. The bureaucracy in New Delhi was so entrenched over this fear that it got India to prepare a fleet of ships to import gas in the form of LNG instead of conceding the gas pipeline, but the profit motive won out in the end despite Pakistans more scary posture of a revisionist state vis-à-vis India. Today India has overcome its fear of Pakistan with regard to the Iranian gas pipeline. So by taking in more Indian imports because they suit us we may well disarm the Indian fear further and persuade it to relent in its actions in Afghanistan because it will not be profitable to do so any more. *
Daily Times - Leading News Resource of Pakistan