SalarHaqq
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There's no confusion on my part about these distinct political currents. I never pretended authentic nationalists are endorsing the globalist liberal agenda (although you know better than me, that many of those who continue to call themselves nationalist, have completely switched to globalism and liberalism i.e. Reza Pahlavi-supporting monarchists and so on - the separation line is getting increasingly thin). But I'm saying authentic nationalists are failing to acknowledge that liberalization of laws will not magically confine itself to the dress code, should the latter be decisively loosened. Because this whole movement is not being led by nationalists, it's controlled by liberals.
About the non-secular nature of ancient Iranian empire, the Sassanid model can no longer be replicated because let's face it, Zoroastrianism is no longer a proper live religion of the masses. Outside the traditional, tiny Zoroastrian community, its followers - and generally followers of bastan-gera nationalism, are in the minority and even to the latter, Zoroastrianism has devolved into an identitarian marker rather than an actual, concrete religious practice. Hence why there can be no religious-oriented bastan-gera nationalism in the context of present day Iran, and hence why nationalists de facto have no choice but to settle for a secular state if they were to call the shots. They aren't liberals nor globalists, that's true (and I didn't claim otherwise), but they are pretty much compelled to some sort of a secularist stance because their religion of reference can impossibly serve as a basis for governance given its mere symbolic nature nowadays (secularism is not synonymous with liberalism or globalism).
Also and more importantly, I clearly distinguished between conservative nationalists and liberal globalists in my previous post. If you read it again, I'm sure you'll notice. What I'm saying, is that nationalists tend not to realize that the overwhelming majority of those who oppose hejab in Iranian society, have very different motivations in this regard than the nationalists themselves. In other words, please don't assume that these people you see complaining about the dress code are in line with your outlook, they usually aren't. It's the globalist liberal agenda they're embracing, because it's the enemy's globalist liberal propaganda which has taken possession of their minds - not nationalism. This is the bitter reality.
I agree that the attack on family values, marriage and promotion of new sexual identities and genders is already happening separately from the hijab issue. However, the nefarious process can never reach its conclusion unless current laws based on Islamic sharia are thoroughly revised. These laws and those who wish to see them upheld, represent a major stumbling block for the enemy and its social engineers. There's only so much they can attain by way of subterfuges in the framework of the existing Islamic legal setting. At the end of the day, the enemy will not be having its way as long as homosexuality remains illegal, as long as same-sex marriage is strictly banned, as long as the subversive narratives aren't taught to children at school nor promoted in the national media.
This, along with what I explained above, is why I disagree with the idea that liberalizing the dress code will simply deprive the enemy of an item its toolbox. Whether we like it or not, it's the liberal crowd not nationalists who are making up the great majority of the anti-hejab demographic. These individuals and those brainwashing them from abroad will feel massively empowered if authorities give in to their demands about the dress code. They will mechanically go on pressing for amended legislation in the other areas you listed. If this dynamic is triggered, the Islamic Republic will be pressured to cede on all these topics one by one.
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