Indian Political Corner | General Election 2014, All Updates & Discussions.

[Vinod2070]

This time the young first time voters (180 million of them) and the internet are going to play a huge role in the coming polls.

Only Modi is engaging this demography, the others are just pretenders.

 

[Android]

I think people should show maturity and vote for only for one of the two national parties whenever possible during Parliamentary elections atleast.

 

[Chanakya's_Chant]

I think people should show maturity and vote for only for one of the two national parties whenever possible during Parliamentary elections atleast.

Yes indeed for the sake of the stability of the nation; a political party with complete majority in both the houses fairs well in the long run for atleast the decision making is at its best avoiding policy paralysis....

#BTW I wonder what will happen if corrupt politicians like Mulayam Singh Yadav will come at the center; observing their enthusiasm on the "Third Front" left me in a deep thought on the same topic; but nevermind ultimately that's never going to happen owing to some or the other reason

 

[Aryavart]

The survey only accounts for 7000 participants.

And I believe there is a huge difference between a survey and actual vote. A survey is done randomly, people dont think and analyse too much before throwing there opinions on any online or offline survey, but It gives a general idea where are they tending too.

for Fence sitter, I think most of them will go to BJP side (except Muslim votes). And youth generation(Except Muslim) is believing in Modi and his capability not in Pappu and his Madam MOMMY idiotic beliefs.

The most shocking thing about the Muslim vote is it doesn't matter they have education in madarsa or Harvard, they carry same thoughts as their parents & grand parents. they are so brainwashed -that they cannot see beyond their religion. For them Development and law and order is nothing - they just need tokenism for their religious beliefs.

Its pathetic, india is lagging behind just because of a Minority and their politics - India has different minority religions but none has this kind of nappy pad attitude - always need in help rather than proving themselves by their own will.

 

[Hyde]

@IndoCarib

As said earlier, no more threads on the same subject. Post all the news about Indian section in this thread only. Next time you will receive infraction instead of warning for creating duplicate threads

 

[JanjaWeed]

Jagan fasts while his mother meets BJP chief, signalling mutual interest

Jagan fasts while his mother meets BJP chief, signalling mutual interest | NDTV.com

This could be a big catch for BJP, should the deal go through! Then again... all depends on which side weighs heavy after 2014 elections.

 

[Jason bourne]

Jagan fasts while his mother meets BJP chief, signalling mutual interest

Jagan fasts while his mother meets BJP chief, signalling mutual interest | NDTV.com

This could be a big catch for BJP, should the deal go through! Then again... all depends on which side weighs heavy after 2014 elections.

Is jagan a big player how it will effect sorry dont know much abt south politics

 

[kurup]

Is jagan a big player how it will effect sorry dont know much abt south politics

Since he stands for a united Andhra , he is going to be a major player in Seemandhra politics .

 

[JanjaWeed]

Is jagan a big player how it will effect sorry dont know much abt south politics

Given his party's recent performance in local elections & state/national bi-elections, he is truly emerging as a major regional force in AP. That is one of the major reason why all this Telangana ruckus is going on. Congress has lost hope & lost Andhra even before it could go for elections. This Telangana creation was a desperate attempt to cut that loss.

 

[Jason bourne]

Given his party's recent performance in local elections & state/national bi-elections, he is truly emerging as a major regional force in AP. That is one of the major reason why all this Telangana ruckus is going on. Congress has lost hope & lost Andhra even before it could go for elections. This Telangana creation was a desperate attempt to cut that loss.

Congress MP praises Narendra Modi, predicts victory for BJP in Seemandhra - Economic Times

 

[JanjaWeed]

Congress MP praises Narendra Modi, predicts victory for BJP in Seemandhra - Economic Times

BJP on its own doesn't have much presence in Andhra. But going with YRS will definitely help them. I know TDP is desperate to tie up with BJP... but their stocks are going down with the masses. It's YRS in Seemandra & TRS in Telangana. & congress will be hoping that TRS makes major gains in that region, that's the only bit of hope left for Congress.

 

[Aryavart]

Old relations and loyalties have collapsed, but new bonds are yet to be forged, resulting in an intense political churning in the State

The political ferment in Bihar throws up a picture so complex that old categories of understanding the State are becoming redundant.

Sample this.

Change

A young Paswan photographer in Madhubani supports the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s Narendra Modi in the coming polls, for only Mr. Modi can “fight Pakistan, which keeps killing our soldiers on the LoC.” A Yadav shopkeeper asserts that Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) supremo Lalu Prasad’s “era is over.” An upper caste philosophy professor in Bhagalpur argues that Chief Minister Nitish Kumar must be defeated for walking out on the BJP. But at a Patna middle-class home, Brahmin professionals reject the Modi “hawa” as artificial, and praise Mr. Kumar for his governance.

In Patna city, a group of Muslim migrant workers from Bihar Sharif wonder whether Mr. Prasad or Mr. Kumar will be a better bet for them. On the outskirts of Darbhanga, a Mahadalit farmer says his family has always voted for the Congress since they had benefited from the party’s early land reform initiative. But his neighbour, also of the Mahadalit community, supports Nitish Kumar for giving them a new identity.

Now examine the big picture.

For 20 years, the State’s politics has been fundamentally bipolar, with Lalu Prasad representing one end, and forces opposed to him constituting the other end of the axis. Today, politics has turned triangular, and in some pockets, even a four-cornered contest.

Fluid social dynamics

Mr. Prasad is in jail. But his party — due to deep caste and patronage networks, the power of his personality, and a strong, senior crop of senior leaders — remains a formidable force. The BJP-Janata Dal (United) alliance, which dislodged the seemingly invincible Mr. Prasad from power and brought together a coalition of castes from opposite ends of the spectrum, is dead. The break-up has been so bitter that the BJP says Mr. Kumar — under whom party leaders served in the State cabinet till not so long ago — should suffer the same fate as Mr. Prasad for his alleged role in the fodder scam. Despite being the weakest of the four forces in the State, the Congress is being wooed assiduously by the two strongest regional forces.

All of this indicates an intensely competitive and fluid political landscape. Old equations have collapsed, but new alliances are yet to be born.

Old loyalties of particular castes to particular leaders do not hold anymore, but new bonds are yet to be forged. And while traditional categories are fading, new frames of understanding are yet to be devised.

Each social group is grappling with its own dilemmas. Take a few examples.

Yadavs, who have been loyal supporters of Lalu Prasad and credit him for giving the backwards dignity and a voice, are exploring alternatives. The RJD has been out of power in the State for eight years. On the ground, the Yadavs have been traditionally at the forefront of tensions with Muslims. And given that Mr. Prasad is not a key factor at the Centre, there are views within the caste-group to back the BJP for the Lok Sabha. But there are many other Yadavs — probably the majority — who remain loyal to Mr. Prasad and will stick by him in the face of adversity.

For the upper castes, the BJP has been a natural choice for the last two decades. They supported Nitish Kumar since the BJP was a part of the alliance. Anecdotal evidence suggests that large sections of the so-called “forwards” are furious with the Chief Minister for not supporting Mr. Modi. This is coupled with resentment that the government has not been able to pull off the next generation of reforms — on power and employment — in its second term. But like other social groups, upper castes are not a monolith either. The presence of strong Rajput leaders in the RJD — and its recent victory in Maharajgung by-election — shows that sections of the community back Mr. Prasad. Others, like the Patna middle class residents alluded to earlier, fear a return to RJD rule, and are happy with the security and infrastructure under Mr. Kumar.

Nervous parties

A small section of the Muslims had begun to shift away from Mr. Prasad to Mr. Kumar in the last elections itself, given the Chief Minister’s emphasis on backward Muslims.

The trend of switching sides is expected to accelerate further in light of Mr. Kumar breaking ranks with the BJP. Across Muslim pockets, residents are closely watching Mr. Modi’s actions in order to assess whether he presents a threat and this will determine their voting patterns.

Given this fluidity in the social coalitions, political parties are nervous.

The JD (U) knows it has a tougher job at hand, fighting polls on its own without the backup of the BJP’s strong organisational network and upper caste opinion-makers. The RJD knows that this will be a battle of political survival, and their only hope is capitalising on the “victim card.”

And the BJP, while banking on a Modi hawa, is acutely aware that unless it can chip away Yadav votes from the RJD and extreme backward caste votes from Mr. Kumar, it will have difficulty in stitching up a winning coalition. The Congress is being wooed by both regional forces, in the hope that the alliance will be seen by Muslim voters as the real secular alternative to the BJP. But the Congress, despite flirting with Mr. Kumar, has kept its options open.

With this almost unprecedented churning, Bihar promises be the site of the key battles that will define the 2014 election — secularism and majoritarian-laced communal politics; the various forms of development; and newer forms of caste assertion.

Bihar

Old relations and loyalties have collapsed, but new bonds are yet to be forged, resulting in an intense political churning in the State

The political ferment in Bihar throws up a picture so complex that old categories of understanding the State are becoming redundant.

Sample this.

Change

A young Paswan photographer in Madhubani supports the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s Narendra Modi in the coming polls, for only Mr. Modi can “fight Pakistan, which keeps killing our soldiers on the LoC.” A Yadav shopkeeper asserts that Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) supremo Lalu Prasad’s “era is over.” An upper caste philosophy professor in Bhagalpur argues that Chief Minister Nitish Kumar must be defeated for walking out on the BJP. But at a Patna middle-class home, Brahmin professionals reject the Modi “hawa” as artificial, and praise Mr. Kumar for his governance.

In Patna city, a group of Muslim migrant workers from Bihar Sharif wonder whether Mr. Prasad or Mr. Kumar will be a better bet for them. On the outskirts of Darbhanga, a Mahadalit farmer says his family has always voted for the Congress since they had benefited from the party’s early land reform initiative. But his neighbour, also of the Mahadalit community, supports Nitish Kumar for giving them a new identity.

Now examine the big picture.

For 20 years, the State’s politics has been fundamentally bipolar, with Lalu Prasad representing one end, and forces opposed to him constituting the other end of the axis. Today, politics has turned triangular, and in some pockets, even a four-cornered contest.

Fluid social dynamics

Mr. Prasad is in jail. But his party — due to deep caste and patronage networks, the power of his personality, and a strong, senior crop of senior leaders — remains a formidable force. The BJP-Janata Dal (United) alliance, which dislodged the seemingly invincible Mr. Prasad from power and brought together a coalition of castes from opposite ends of the spectrum, is dead. The break-up has been so bitter that the BJP says Mr. Kumar — under whom party leaders served in the State cabinet till not so long ago — should suffer the same fate as Mr. Prasad for his alleged role in the fodder scam. Despite being the weakest of the four forces in the State, the Congress is being wooed assiduously by the two strongest regional forces.

All of this indicates an intensely competitive and fluid political landscape. Old equations have collapsed, but new alliances are yet to be born.

Old loyalties of particular castes to particular leaders do not hold anymore, but new bonds are yet to be forged. And while traditional categories are fading, new frames of understanding are yet to be devised.

Each social group is grappling with its own dilemmas. Take a few examples.

Yadavs, who have been loyal supporters of Lalu Prasad and credit him for giving the backwards dignity and a voice, are exploring alternatives. The RJD has been out of power in the State for eight years. On the ground, the Yadavs have been traditionally at the forefront of tensions with Muslims. And given that Mr. Prasad is not a key factor at the Centre, there are views within the caste-group to back the BJP for the Lok Sabha. But there are many other Yadavs — probably the majority — who remain loyal to Mr. Prasad and will stick by him in the face of adversity.

For the upper castes, the BJP has been a natural choice for the last two decades. They supported Nitish Kumar since the BJP was a part of the alliance. Anecdotal evidence suggests that large sections of the so-called “forwards” are furious with the Chief Minister for not supporting Mr. Modi. This is coupled with resentment that the government has not been able to pull off the next generation of reforms — on power and employment — in its second term. But like other social groups, upper castes are not a monolith either. The presence of strong Rajput leaders in the RJD — and its recent victory in Maharajgung by-election — shows that sections of the community back Mr. Prasad. Others, like the Patna middle class residents alluded to earlier, fear a return to RJD rule, and are happy with the security and infrastructure under Mr. Kumar.

Nervous parties

A small section of the Muslims had begun to shift away from Mr. Prasad to Mr. Kumar in the last elections itself, given the Chief Minister’s emphasis on backward Muslims.

The trend of switching sides is expected to accelerate further in light of Mr. Kumar breaking ranks with the BJP. Across Muslim pockets, residents are closely watching Mr. Modi’s actions in order to assess whether he presents a threat and this will determine their voting patterns.

Given this fluidity in the social coalitions, political parties are nervous.

The JD (U) knows it has a tougher job at hand, fighting polls on its own without the backup of the BJP’s strong organisational network and upper caste opinion-makers. The RJD knows that this will be a battle of political survival, and their only hope is capitalising on the “victim card.”

And the BJP, while banking on a Modi hawa, is acutely aware that unless it can chip away Yadav votes from the RJD and extreme backward caste votes from Mr. Kumar, it will have difficulty in stitching up a winning coalition. The Congress is being wooed by both regional forces, in the hope that the alliance will be seen by Muslim voters as the real secular alternative to the BJP. But the Congress, despite flirting with Mr. Kumar, has kept its options open.

With this almost unprecedented churning, Bihar promises be the site of the key battles that will define the 2014 election — secularism and majoritarian-laced communal politics; the various forms of development; and newer forms of caste assertion.

Bihar

Persoanlly I believe, because I am close to bihar and bengal BJP will gain atleast 3-4% votes in Bihar, and will do remarkably better in Urban Area of bengal(within Non-Muslims voter) because of appeasement politics of TMC and CPM

Old relations and loyalties have collapsed, but new bonds are yet to be forged, resulting in an intense political churning in the State

The political ferment in Bihar throws up a picture so complex that old categories of understanding the State are becoming redundant.

Sample this.

Change

A young Paswan photographer in Madhubani supports the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s Narendra Modi in the coming polls, for only Mr. Modi can “fight Pakistan, which keeps killing our soldiers on the LoC.” A Yadav shopkeeper asserts that Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) supremo Lalu Prasad’s “era is over.” An upper caste philosophy professor in Bhagalpur argues that Chief Minister Nitish Kumar must be defeated for walking out on the BJP. But at a Patna middle-class home, Brahmin professionals reject the Modi “hawa” as artificial, and praise Mr. Kumar for his governance.

In Patna city, a group of Muslim migrant workers from Bihar Sharif wonder whether Mr. Prasad or Mr. Kumar will be a better bet for them. On the outskirts of Darbhanga, a Mahadalit farmer says his family has always voted for the Congress since they had benefited from the party’s early land reform initiative. But his neighbour, also of the Mahadalit community, supports Nitish Kumar for giving them a new identity.

Now examine the big picture.

For 20 years, the State’s politics has been fundamentally bipolar, with Lalu Prasad representing one end, and forces opposed to him constituting the other end of the axis. Today, politics has turned triangular, and in some pockets, even a four-cornered contest.

Fluid social dynamics

Mr. Prasad is in jail. But his party — due to deep caste and patronage networks, the power of his personality, and a strong, senior crop of senior leaders — remains a formidable force. The BJP-Janata Dal (United) alliance, which dislodged the seemingly invincible Mr. Prasad from power and brought together a coalition of castes from opposite ends of the spectrum, is dead. The break-up has been so bitter that the BJP says Mr. Kumar — under whom party leaders served in the State cabinet till not so long ago — should suffer the same fate as Mr. Prasad for his alleged role in the fodder scam. Despite being the weakest of the four forces in the State, the Congress is being wooed assiduously by the two strongest regional forces.

All of this indicates an intensely competitive and fluid political landscape. Old equations have collapsed, but new alliances are yet to be born.

Old loyalties of particular castes to particular leaders do not hold anymore, but new bonds are yet to be forged. And while traditional categories are fading, new frames of understanding are yet to be devised.

Each social group is grappling with its own dilemmas. Take a few examples.

Yadavs, who have been loyal supporters of Lalu Prasad and credit him for giving the backwards dignity and a voice, are exploring alternatives. The RJD has been out of power in the State for eight years. On the ground, the Yadavs have been traditionally at the forefront of tensions with Muslims. And given that Mr. Prasad is not a key factor at the Centre, there are views within the caste-group to back the BJP for the Lok Sabha. But there are many other Yadavs — probably the majority — who remain loyal to Mr. Prasad and will stick by him in the face of adversity.

For the upper castes, the BJP has been a natural choice for the last two decades. They supported Nitish Kumar since the BJP was a part of the alliance. Anecdotal evidence suggests that large sections of the so-called “forwards” are furious with the Chief Minister for not supporting Mr. Modi. This is coupled with resentment that the government has not been able to pull off the next generation of reforms — on power and employment — in its second term. But like other social groups, upper castes are not a monolith either. The presence of strong Rajput leaders in the RJD — and its recent victory in Maharajgung by-election — shows that sections of the community back Mr. Prasad. Others, like the Patna middle class residents alluded to earlier, fear a return to RJD rule, and are happy with the security and infrastructure under Mr. Kumar.

Nervous parties

A small section of the Muslims had begun to shift away from Mr. Prasad to Mr. Kumar in the last elections itself, given the Chief Minister’s emphasis on backward Muslims.

The trend of switching sides is expected to accelerate further in light of Mr. Kumar breaking ranks with the BJP. Across Muslim pockets, residents are closely watching Mr. Modi’s actions in order to assess whether he presents a threat and this will determine their voting patterns.

Given this fluidity in the social coalitions, political parties are nervous.

The JD (U) knows it has a tougher job at hand, fighting polls on its own without the backup of the BJP’s strong organisational network and upper caste opinion-makers. The RJD knows that this will be a battle of political survival, and their only hope is capitalising on the “victim card.”

And the BJP, while banking on a Modi hawa, is acutely aware that unless it can chip away Yadav votes from the RJD and extreme backward caste votes from Mr. Kumar, it will have difficulty in stitching up a winning coalition. The Congress is being wooed by both regional forces, in the hope that the alliance will be seen by Muslim voters as the real secular alternative to the BJP. But the Congress, despite flirting with Mr. Kumar, has kept its options open.

With this almost unprecedented churning, Bihar promises be the site of the key battles that will define the 2014 election — secularism and majoritarian-laced communal politics; the various forms of development; and newer forms of caste assertion.

Bihar

Persoanlly I believe, because I am close to bihar and bengal BJP will gain atleast 3-4% votes in Bihar, and will do remarkably better in Urban Area of bengal(within Non-Muslims voter) because of appeasement politics of TMC and CPM

 

[Aryavart]

I dont see any loss for BJP after JDU split - bcz of Modi in front BJP may get 30-40 odd seats. So the loss is covered.

There is strong possiblity that BJP will clean sweep Gujrat, MP, Delhi, uttrakhand and chhatisgarh.
And In UP bjp again repeat the 1999 here. BJP has to do better in Rajashtan, Maharshtra and jharkhand. if BJP can increase the vote share in these state it will take it to pass 200 easily.

I dont see any loss for BJP after JDU split - bcz of Modi in front BJP may get 30-40 odd seats. So the loss is covered.

There is strong possiblity that BJP will clean sweep Gujrat, MP, Delhi, uttrakhand and chhatisgarh.
And In UP bjp again repeat the 1999 here. BJP has to do better in Rajashtan, Maharshtra and jharkhand. if BJP can increase the vote share in these state it will take it to pass 200 easily.

 

[Sugarcane]

Sonia ji ki jai

 

[JanjaWeed]

President Pranab Mukherjee changes Bihar plans, no clash with Narendra Modi's rally now

Patna: An amended itinerary for President Pranab Mukherjee will allow him to leave Bihar a day before a massive election rally for the BJP's prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi.

The BJP had accused the government in Bihar, headed by Nitish Kumar, of engineering the President' s schedule to ensure that it clashed with Mr Modi's appearance in an attempt to combat the politician's star power.

The President will be the chief guest for the graduation ceremony at IIT Patna on the 26th of this month. He has decided not to stay on the next day to unveil a statue of Jagjivan Ram in Arra, 60 km from the state capital. That's when Mr Modi is scheduled to address a huge audience in Patna.

"We're thankful to the President for taking care of our feelings. Of course we can never think of saying no to the President of India but we're grateful to him. We welcome them both," said BJP leader Rajiv Pratap Rudy.

For years, Bihar was off-limits for Mr Modi because of a political restraining order from Mr Kumar, who was an ally of the BJP. Earlier this year, when Mr Modi was picked by the BJP to head its national campaign, Mr Kumar amputated the partnership, evicting the BJP from his government.

He said that Mr Modi's promotion proved that the BJP was planning to pick him as its presumptive prime minister.

Mr Kumar said that was unacceptable because like other detractors of the BJP leader, he alleges that Mr Modi is a divisive leader who did not stop hundreds of Muslims from being killed in riots in Gujarat in 2002.

Great decision by the President. Respect for raising above petty politics. Now what next Mr Nitish Kumar? Closing the air space & access roads to Bihar?