Narendra Modi’s choice as the BJP’s PM candidate is a boon to friends and foes alike
Dileep Padgaonkar (Dileep Padgaonkar is consulting editor of The Times of India. He is a former editor of the paper.)
16 September 2013
Now that the BJP has finally given its imprimatur to Narendra Modi’s candidature for the prime minister’s post, the country will have to contend with a compelling paradox: it answers the prayers of his supporters and critics alike. Large sections of the party’s leadership, its rank and file, outfits of the Sangh Parivar led by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the two NDA allies (the Akalis and the Shiv Sena) have heaved a sigh of relief. For, in their eyes, Modi alone has what it takes to expose every ***** in the Congress armour. And ****** there are aplenty.
The Congress and other parties that swear by secularism also have reasons to cheer: they can be trusted to subject Modi’s record in office, his panaceas to cure every ill afflicting the country and his style of functioning to relentless scrutiny. Nothing suits them better than his endeavour to turn the general elections into a plebiscite for or against his brand of politics and leadership. A polarisation along these lines, they reckon, will offer two distinct, indeed divergent, options to the electorate.
But before this comes to pass Modi will have to first put an end to the BJP’s doublespeak concerning L K Advani. Even as it showed him his place, its spokesmen have continued to hail him as their tallest leader, guide and mentor. Such duplicity is bound to boomerang should Advani refuse to vociferously endorse the party’s choice of Modi or withdraw his uncharitable remarks about party president Rajnath Singh.
The focus will also be on the doublespeak of the RSS. Beyond the confines of the Sangh Parivar, few bought its claim that it only promoted ‘cultural nationalism’ and provided ‘ideological guidance’ to the BJP. But the manner in which Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS chief, and his deputies intervened on Modi’s behalf should debunk these claims once and for all.
What this overtly political involvement means in practice will be evident in the weeks and months ahead. Along with his development mantras, Modi will have to convince the RSS that he would seriously address its pet causes. These include the cons-truction of a Ram temple in the disputed area in Ayodhya, the abolition of Article 370 of the Constitution – that gives a special status to Jammu & Kashmir – and the adoption of a Uniform Civil Code.
A return to the Hindutva agenda not only has the potential to trigger communal violence in the country but would also undermine Modi’s recent and rather bizarre overtures to the Muslim community. Not that he is likely to lose any sleep over this grim prospect. He doubtless calculates that those voters who aren’t enamoured of Hindutva have had enough of vote-bank politics. They won’t stomach any longer the shenanigans of Kashmiri separatists, the murderous activities of Pakistan-backed militants, the bigoted fatwas of mullahs, especially those relating to women, and the anti-Hindu rants of the likes of Akbaruddin Owaisi.
The impact of Modi’s spirited and sustained attack on the Congress’s inability or unwillingness to counter these threats cannot be underestimated. Nor can one underestimate the impact of his projection as a knight in white armour who will rescue Mother India from the clutches of a venal and ineffective dynasty-driven Congress. Such an image does carry great appeal, especially among young, upwardly mobile urban voters. They are neither able nor keen to distinguish between an autho-ritative leader and an authori-tarian one. Nor are they aware of the biblical warning: ‘The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.’
But this is precisely why the Congress and other anti-Modi parties would have reasons to welcome his anointment. They will redouble their efforts to make sure that the ghosts of Godhra and post-Godhra riots won’t go away, especially if there are more Vanzara-like revelations and if cases related to the riots still pending in the courts go against the Gujarat government. This would not only further alienate the minorities but also unsettle liberal Hindus who otherwise want the national agenda to go beyond Godhra and focus on bread-and-butter issues.
Indeed, Modi’s boast about his economic miracle in Gujarat will be tested against the state’s position on the human development index. Voters are far more concerned about acquiring the wherewithal to feed, educate, house and provide security to their loved ones. Nothing threatens this yearning more than attempts to disturb social peace and thwart efforts at inclusive development.
The more Congress harps on these issues – and the more it claims credit for the various pro-poor Bills it has passed during its two terms in office – the more Modi would be on the defensive. Can he, for example, simultaneously rail against Congress misrule and against MGNREGA, the food security Bill and the land acquisition Bill? The BJP backed these schemes in Parliament while he himself has had serious misgivings about them since they run counter to his pro-reform economic agenda.
Be prepared for some dazzling, if hugely worrisome, pirouettes in the dance of democracy.
ye ladka congress ki lutiya duboyenga 
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