No one likes uranium, but this volatile substance may turn into a political, economic and security trump card for Julia Gillard. By declaring she will fight to overturn Labor's outdated policy of banning uranium sales to India, the Prime Minister is doing the right thing for Australia, and for her party.
Australia's relationship with the world's largest democracy has for years been held to ransom by the ludicrous proposition that selling uranium to China is OK, but selling it to India would be dangerous and wrong. It's this idea itself that is dangerous and wrong. China is a known nuclear proliferator to rogue states via Pakistan; India guards its nuclear knowledge like a mastiff, and is on the side of the angels in the fight against terrorism.
For the benefit of the Greens, let's be clear. This is not about whether Australia sells uranium. It's about whom we sell it to.
China proliferates despite having signed the non-proliferation treaty. India abides by the treaty but is not a signatory. Australia rewards a duplicitous one-party state and punishes a democracy that plays by the rules.
Why can't India sign the treaty? Because doing so would require it to abandon its nuclear weapons. Why won't it abandon them? Because with more than a billion people to defend, and unresolved border disputes with China and Pakistan - both nuclear-armed - any Indian government that did so would be rejected by its people.
India's first nuclear test was in 1974. It made no secret of the fact. Delhi then waited a quarter of a century for the five declared nuclear powers - the same five who control the United Nations Security Council - to make good on their promises to get rid of nuclear weapons. They didn't.Meanwhile, Pakistan, North Korea, Libya, Iran and Israel kept busily working on their undeclared nuclear weapons programs. India's decision to declare itself a nuclear weapons state in 1998 was the logical outcome of unsustainable moral posturing by hypocritical Western powers.
Which brings us to the morality of banning uranium sales to India.
As the Resources Minister, Martin Ferguson, has noted in his inimitable style, India needs electricity if it is to bring 400 million people out of poverty. If the Greens have a plan for how it can do this, I'm happy to put them in touch with the relevant ministers in Delhi. As things stand, there is only one alternative energy source India can use. Sad but true, it's coal. If we deny India uranium, it will simply buy more of the black, climate-changing stuff.
In the absence of a moral leg to stand on, opponents of Gillard's plan - who may yet include elements of the Labor Left - will point out that India can buy its uranium elsewhere. True. It's also true that for as long as Australia refuses to face the economic and moral realities of this issue, our political relationship with India - the world's largest democracy, one of its largest economies and an important security player in our region - will remain stalled.To what end? The economic, moral and environmental case for lifting the ineffectual and discriminatory ban is overwhelming. Politically, too, there is good reason for Labor to take a stand. More than any other issue, it exposes the hypocrisy and moral confusion of Bob Brown's politics.
It's not good enough for the Greens to pretend they know what's best for India. Despite facing challenges on an unimaginable scale, India has managed to make many difficult decisions in the past. They can live without our self-deluded posturing. Moreover, Labor doesn't need Greens support to get this through Parliament. Dropping the ban is Coalition policy. Even Tony Abbott cannot afford to say no.Some on the Labor Left will argue privately that dropping the ban will cause more Labor voters to defect to the Greens. But Gillard has bigger fish to fry. If she is to win a second term, it will only be by building a reputation as a leader with the guts to take on difficult, sometimes unpopular, causes in the best interests of the nation.
Read more:
Selling uranium to India is a mature act that banishes hypocrisy