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Arifa Noor
November 1, 2022
The historic press conference continues to be discussed days after it was held.
THE news of the death of a fellow journalist when it first reached us on Monday last was our own, private loss: the loss of those few in a large country who earn their living from this profession called journalism or media, for only we are aware of the challenges and risks we face, regardless of the side we may or may not pick. Good or bad journalism, partisan or objective, nothing can guarantee safety. But still, compared to threats, beatings, loss of a job, Arshad Sharif’s death was the unkindest cut of all.
Within hours of this news, it was clear that this was not going to be a choti si kahani (short story) concerning only us. The heavens themselves blazed forth his death, to paraphrase Shakespeare, and for an entire week, it seemed as if the already fraught political situation was made all the more volatile by the news from Kenya.
Perhaps, someone more knowledgeable can explain in the coming days the outpouring of grief which seemed to cross cities, professions and distances. People travelled to Islamabad for his funeral, which according to some accounts was one of the biggest ever held at Faisal Mosque, where men and women gathered to say namaz. And the slogans raised there that day belonged not to any party, but to an angry populace, most of whom were unfamiliar to Arshad’s friends and family. By turning up there, they made it clear that they, too, had a claim on him. But elsewhere, politics was reaching a crescendo.
Imran Khan chose the same week to announce his long march and on the day of the funeral itself came an even bigger surprise — a press conference addressed by the DG ISI. It was a first by all accounts. For despite the central and high-profile role of most of our previous ISI heads, no one can remember one ever addressing a press conference. And this from someone, who has had his images removed from pictures which had to be released publicly.
The historic press conference continues to be discussed days after it was held.
The intel chief and the DG ISPR spoke in detail about Imran Khan, the PTI government’s removal and their denial of the foreign conspiracy of regime change.
Shock and awe aside, the historic press conference continues to be discussed days after it was held.
But it was not just an extraordinary press conference; one may be allowed to say it appeared to be a defensive one. For what else could one call it when two senior officials face the cameras after three days of what appeared to be a widespread outburst at the death of a journalist. And it came just an hour or so before his funeral.
That it was felt necessary for such a formal and official response to the allegations surrounding Arshad Sharif’s death suggests there was some concern about what was being said — that he had left because of falling out with the establishment. After all, in our difficult past, there have been tragic deaths of journalists and allegations too.
But this time around, the establishment’s reaction was unprecedented. It has been said that the sombre interaction on Thursday afternoon was carried out to not just communicate with Pakistanis but also their own. And that it needed to be done publicly. Indeed, for the head of the spy agency to say he kept his men out of the inquiry commission to ensure its independence in itself said much about the institution’s concern over existing perceptions.
This is not to say that the rest of the conference was any less newsworthy, for it was a back and forth on the tense political situation, while those speaking kept declaring their distance from the mess. This included the long march, the regime change theory as well as the issue of the chief’s extension.
But the biggest loser of this afternoon was undoubtedly the government. That the security establishment had to come out and refute Imran Khan’s regime change story is basically an admission that the government of 13 parties was unable to do this. It will now be hard to refute the conclusion that the government did not succeed in countering Khan’s bayania (narrative) and the men in uniform had to do it themselves after six months of letting the parties handle it.
This is further reinforced by the fact that on Thursday itself, the military’s press conference was followed by multiple press conferences by government officials but not a single one of them was memorable. No one remembers even the identity of the ministers who spoke on Thursday but the presser is still being discussed.
There is another aspect to this also. The officers spoke frankly about past politics and ‘mistakes’, which is being interpreted as the institution’s decision to support Khan during the 2018 election. And with this context, which was also highlighted during the question-and-answer session, their recounting of the story about how Imran Khan was willing to offer an unlimited extension to the army chief in exchange for staying in power may do more than just reflect on the former prime minister.
For his supporters and others, this will simply reinforce the messaging of the PTI that the vote of no-confidence was not simply an organic, democratic move planned and carried out by the PDM parties. And that it was somehow linked to the institution itself.
This perception has become news due to the press conference of Thursday. Not just because of what was said but because of the government itself which is also constantly talking about the appointment. When Imran Khan says he doesn’t want the government to appoint the army chief and the prime minister responds by saying he will consult no one on the appointment of the army chief, they are both creating a link between the political situation at the moment and the appointment. And so did the press conference on Thursday.
And this exactly is the issue with public statements. One can control the words uttered but not the interpretations.
The writer is a journalist.
Published in Dawn, November 1st, 2022
