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Denouncing Indira Gandhi

I think the question was "Can you point out the specific term(s) in the Shimla Agreement that demarcates Siachen Glacier as a boundary"?

1. Was the situation 'unilaterally altered'?

Yes.

2. Was the Indian invasion of Siachen an 'act detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'?

Yes.

Hence the argument that it was a violation of Simla.
 
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1. Was the situation 'unilaterally altered'?

Yes.

2. Was the Indian invasion of Siachen an 'act detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'?

Yes.

Hence the argument that it was a violation of Simla.

Invasion?... deploying troops in own land called invasion ?
 
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Are the following comments attributed to Manekshaw, and widely quoted in Indian newspapers, blogs and books, false then?

Notice the highlighted sections, that lead to two points:

1. Manekshaw allegedly claims that IG had been using covert means to stoke an East Pakistan revolt before that meeting.

2. The meeting occurred sometime in April, putting the plans for war far earlier than what you suggest, and Indian intervention in EP even earlier.
The quotes attributed to Gen. Manekshaw are probably not false. But, by all indication, Gen. Manekshaw was at his one-upmanship once again. After all he did claim to the press in US, that he could turn 1971 into a Pakistani victory, if only he had been a Pakistani.

1. Yes, that’s correct. It started sometime during the mid or late of April, and I have never denied that. Manekshaw’s comment doesn’t help your allegation that rebellion was being stoked before 1971, and it still stands unsubstantiated. I have already noted that India’s decision to support the Bengali freedom fighters, during the initial days, had nothing to do with breaking up of Pakistan. It was more to pressurize Yahya to come to table. It was only from late May, that the Mukti Bahinis were factored in the probable war scenario and it was then that the training intensified. Even then India didn’t supply any sophisticated weaponry.

2. It was not war plan. Not even by a long shot. Regardless of Gen. Manekshaw’s comments, there is absolutely nothing tangible that suggests that she was seriously contemplating war, up until June. By July though, the plans were definitely finalized. Given the international political situation, with US tilting towards Pakistan in not so subtle manner, and China making all the uncomfortable noises, it was virtually impossible for Ms Gandhi to even think of military intervention early in April. Also, Ms Gandhi didn’t have a bona fide reason, which she had by the end of May, when it became clear that Yahya wouldn’t relent and give up his antiques.

It is only natural, for the head of the state to think of contingencies or eventualities ahead of time. But that certainly doesn’t constitute war plans. I am yet to come across any independent, foreign research that indicates, that Ms Gandhi was indeed seriously thinking of war in the immediate aftermath of military crackdown by Pak.
I read it differently - the quote you provided in fact validates the point that India had no legitimate reason for going to war, and used the 'refugees' and 'financial hardship' as a pretext - which should be obvious in any case sine India's actions in supporting, training and infiltrating thousands of violent rebels into EP, along with preparing for war, exponentially exacerbated the 'refugee and financial hardship', especially since the outcome of war, any war, for any sane person is not a given.

…

So yes, Indira Gandhi is indeed to blame. There was no justification for her actions, no 'refugee or financial crises', nor any aggression from Pakistan - nothing but a pathological hatred for Pakistan and its existence, as seen in her quotes posted here.
That you would read it differently is a given. If close to 3 million refugees by mid of May, i.e. within a span of less than two months since the crack down, with rate of refugee infiltration increasing by leaps and bounces, or an estimated $400 million additional expenditure just to maintain the refugees, with no sign of Yahya doing anything to arrive at a political solution to the satisfaction of India, who’s border economy was completely destroyed, mean ‘no refugee or financial crises’ or are not ‘legitimate’ reasons and merely empty ‘pretexts’, then I am not sure if anything will ever be one.

Btw, the outcome of the war was a ‘given’ – the writing was on the wall - and only when Ms Gandhi was dead sure of it, she gave her orders to IA to cross the border.
Secondly, while Pakistan was to blame for not settling its internal political issues in order, that does not justify the intervention and support for violent rebels and terrorists in Pakistan - your argument is akin to suggesting that an individual who does not lock his doors and gets robbed, exonerates the actions of the thief. The individual is still responsible for his carelessness, but the thief (India in this case) still committed a criminal act.
Nice analogy. But since it is based on wrong premise, it turned out to be a wrong one. It was not a case of theft due to unlocked door. It was more of spouses fighting amongst themselves, when one spouse moved to the neighbor’s house under the threat of bodily injury by the other spouse. There is a threshold beyond which, private affair becomes a public matter and society gets involved and right when that spouse moved to the neighbor’s yard, it became the neighbor’s affair as well. Pakistan’s internal squalor became an international matter, when Pakistan failed to contain it within its boundary. It was this huge deluge of refugee that gave India the locus standi on Pakistan’s so called ‘internal’ issue.
It is not an erroneous assumption - I provided the evidence to justify that position in the other thread, and Mankeshaw's comments imply the same. The support for rebels before 1971 played a part in the eventual unrest that occurred
See 1. above.
Some may have indeed been trained that way, but if the rebel force was entirely composed of such men, there would have been little challenge to the PA - there is no substitute for proper training and equipment.
You have now contradicted yourself. In another thread you had observed, to counter argue the fact that Bangladesh was inevitable whether or not India intervened, that Pak army had regained control of majority of East Pakistan. If indeed the Mukti Bahini was that much of a challenge, how could Pak army take control of majority of East Pakistan. There is no doubt, that there were pockets where Pak army was seriously challenged. But by and large, Pak army was able to overcome the military ‘challenge’ from the Mukti Bahini. And yes, I can quote from FRUS and other independent foreign historians to substantiate that.

Pakistan’s defeat to the Bengalis in the east, was not military, but political.
So my point remains, the training camps had to be set up, men recruited, trained, equipped etc - all the evidence points to Indira Gandhi not giving dialogue a chance to resolve the issue and exacerbating and intervening in a domestic Pakistani political issue. Your own Kissinger quote blaming Yahya exposes IG's intentions - there was no altruism and no overriding threat to India at the time from Pakistan.
On the contrary, Dr Kissinger’s quote actually indicates, that there was a political solution to whole issue and had it not been for Yahya’s lack of grey matter and superiority complex, Indian military intervention could have been avoided. His observation actually validates India’s political and military maneuvers, in the absence of any serious and concerted effort on Pakistan’s part, to address India’s legitimate concerns and grievances. Regardless of Ms Gandhi’s personal intentions, inability of Pakistan to provide a viable political solution, in a span of almost 9 months – which, by any standard, is plenty of time to show an willingness to move in that direction, was what made India’s military solution legitimate.

As with ‘altruism’ and ‘Pakistan being threat to India’, these are your strawmen, and you are more than welcome to beat them to pulp at your leisure.
 
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1. Was the situation 'unilaterally altered'?

Yes.
It would be 'YES' if Pakistani interpretation of agreement of 1949 is believed. It will be 'NO' if Indian interpretation is believed.

Indian interpretation was that since prior to NJ9842 the boundary followed the contours of the mountain, the phrase 'to the north' would mean to follow the same contours of the same mountain to the north. Pakistan interpreted it as, a straight line connecting NJ9842 to the Chinese boundary (I am forgetting the name of the Chinese boundary point). Hence the problem
2. Was the Indian invasion of Siachen an 'act detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'?

Yes.
'NO' as per Indian interpretation. Because, then Siachen glacier is withing LoC and hence there is no crossing of LoC and hence no 'act detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'. Unless, of course one argues that troop movement within one's boundary is 'detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'.
Hence the argument that it was a violation of Simla.
Hence the argument that it was not a violation of Simla.
 
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I tend to take a moral rather than a legalistic view of such questions. Yes, that opens the door to subjective biases, but one must try.

One question is at what point the victimization by a sovereign power of the natives of a territory ruled by it becomes a matter of concern for outsiders.

A related question is judging whether the grievances of a disaffected population are genuine, or are an artificially whipped up emotional frenzy.

As far as 1971 is concerned, after March 25 (Operation Searchlight), the atrocities ceased to be purely an internal matter.

Here are the famous "blood telegrams" sent by the the consulate of the pro-Pakistani power, i.e., the US:

1. Here in Decca we are mute and horrified witnesses to a reign of terror by the Pak[istani] Military. Evidence continues to mount that the MLA authorities have list of AWAMI League supporters whom they are systematically eliminating by seeking them out in their homes and shooting them down
2. Among those marked for extinction in addition to the A.L. hierarchy are student leaders and university faculty. In this second category we have reports that Fazlur Rahman head of the philosophy department and a Hindu, M. Abedin, head of the department of history, have been killed. Razzak of the political science department is rumored dead. Also on the list are the bulk of MNA's elect and number of MPA's.
3. Moreover, with the support of the Pak[istani] Military. non-Bengali Muslims are systematically attacking poor people's quarters and murdering Bengalis and Hindus.
(U.S. Consulate (Dacca) Cable, Selective genocide, March 27, 1971

and

Our government has failed to denounce the suppression of democracy. Our government has failed to denounce atrocities. Our government has failed to take forceful measures to protect its citizens while at the same time bending over backwards to placate the West Pak[istan] dominated government and to lessen any deservedly negative international public relations impact against them. Our government has evidenced what many will consider moral bankrupt,(...) But we have chosen not to intervene, even morally, on the grounds that the Awami conflict, in which unfortunately the overworked term genocide is applicable, is purely an internal matter of a sovereign state. Private Americans have expressed disgust. We, as professional civil servants, express our dissent with current policy and fervently hope that our true and lasting interests here can be defined and our policies redirected.

(U.S. Consulate (Dacca) Cable, Dissent from U.S. Policy Toward East Pakistan, April 6, 1971, Confidential, 5 pp. Includes Signatures from the Department of State. Source: RG 59, SN 70-73 Pol and Def. From: Pol Pak-U.S. To: Pol 17-1 Pak-U.S. Box 2535; [5])

As regards whether the grievances were genuine or artificial, here are a few observations:

1. Frrom 1950-1970, East Pakistan got only about 40% of the money allotted to West Pakistan, despite having a larger population. So the average Bengali was worth less than 40% of the average Punjabi. (Bangladesh Liberation War - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia)

2. Systematic discrimination in terms of political power - in particular not handing over the Federal government to Mujib.

3. Racial discrimination - a senior Pakistani leader like Bhutto is on record publicly referring to Bengalis as "Suar ke Aulad" (3DsxfyxaiBQ[/media] showing the deep contempt for the Bengalis.

The inescapable conclusion is that the Bengalis had very long-standing, sound and just reasons for their wish to secede. This was no artificially whipped up frenzy.
 
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The quotes attributed to Gen. Manekshaw are probably not false. But, by all indication, Gen. Manekshaw was at his one-upmanship once again. After all he did claim to the press in US, that he could turn 1971 into a Pakistani victory, if only he had been a Pakistani. [/quotes]
Your excuse doesn't fly - merely painting his comments as 'showmanship' does not invalidate them.

1. Yes, that’s correct. It started sometime during the mid or late of April, and I have never denied that. Manekshaw’s comment doesn’t help your allegation that rebellion was being stoked before 1971, and it still stands unsubstantiated. I have already noted that India’s decision to support the Bengali freedom fighters, during the initial days, had nothing to do with breaking up of Pakistan. It was more to pressurize Yahya to come to table. It was only from late May, that the Mukti Bahinis were factored in the probable war scenario and it was then that the training intensified. Even then India didn’t supply any sophisticated weaponry.
Read Manekshaw's comments more carefully - the meeting was in mid-end April, and he refers to IG's plans to incite a revolt in East Pakistan as having succeeded, which places Indian covert intervention in East Pakistan far earlier than April (which was also substantiated in the links I provided in the last thread).

And what exactly was India intending to do to get 'Pakistan at the table'? It was none of your business to be at the table, and it is the height of dis-ingenuity to suggest that supporting terrorists and separatists in a region where Pakistan was having internal political issues, to exacerbate them, was somehow 'helpful' to the resolution of the issue.

If India did indeed want the political issues to be resolved in EP and have YK 'come to the table', then increasing the instability in EP to achieve stability is a nonsensical argument.

2. It was not war plan. Not even by a long shot. Regardless of Gen. Manekshaw’s comments, there is absolutely nothing tangible that suggests that she was seriously contemplating war, up until June. By July though, the plans were definitely finalized. Given the international political situation, with US tilting towards Pakistan in not so subtle manner, and China making all the uncomfortable noises, it was virtually impossible for Ms Gandhi to even think of military intervention early in April. Also, Ms Gandhi didn’t have a bona fide reason, which she had by the end of May, when it became clear that Yahya wouldn’t relent and give up his antiques.
It was not a war plan, but Manekshaw clearly indicates that the decision to go to war was conveyed to him them, and that his opposition (or Gen. Jacob's), is what prevented IG from launching war then - the preparations for war, once the decision had been made in accordance with Manekshaw's timetable, obviously took longer. But the decision was taken too early to give any credence to your argument that 'India tried to engage with Pakistan'.
It is only natural, for the head of the state to think of contingencies or eventualities ahead of time. But that certainly doesn’t constitute war plans. I am yet to come across any independent, foreign research that indicates, that Ms Gandhi was indeed seriously thinking of war in the immediate aftermath of military crackdown by Pak.

Her own Army Chief confirmed it - his comments about the state of the IA and its available resources at that moment indicate that the Indian government may not have had much idea about the readiness of the IA in launching a war at that moment.

That you would read it differently is a given. If close to 3 million refugees by mid of May, i.e. within a span of less than two months since the crack down, with rate of refugee infiltration increasing by leaps and bounces, or an estimated $400 million additional expenditure just to maintain the refugees, with no sign of Yahya doing anything to arrive at a political solution to the satisfaction of India, who’s border economy was completely destroyed, mean ‘no refugee or financial crises’ or are not ‘legitimate’ reasons and merely empty ‘pretexts’, then I am not sure if anything will ever be one.
That is again a disingenuous argument.
1. It has been shown conclusively that India was covertly involved in stoking rebellion in EP before 1971, and from Manekshaw's comments, involved before April. The refugee crises was not at the high levels we saw later at that stage -so what does India do if it truly was concerned about the refugees and cost of helping them? It trains, equips and launches thousands of them into EP to further destabilize the situation and cause more refugees and incur a greater cost, while also simultaneously preparing for a war that would incur an even larger cost. Sell this nonsensical argument to someone else.

If India was interested in stabilizing EP and helping achieve a political solution, supporting and sending in terrorists was not the way to go.
Btw, the outcome of the war was a ‘given’ – the writing was on the wall - and only when Ms Gandhi was dead sure of it, she gave her orders to IA to cross the border.
The outcome of the War was not a given in April of 1971 when Manekshaw had that conversation with her. Nor do Gen. Jacob's comments in his interview posted in the last thread indicate that Manekshaw was convinced that the war would end before a ceasefire would take effect. No one could have anticipated Gen. Niazi surrendering 30,000 troops to Gen. Jacob's bluff, with only 3000 troops opposing him. And Gen. Jacob's plan to bypass the various towns on the way to Dhaka, instead of securing them and controlling them, was apparently not part of the operational plans either.

IG was a civilian leader, not a military general in charge of the military operation - all this talk of 'until she was dead sure' is nothing bu hot air - not even the IA General's were dead sure, and it took an inspirational bit of initiative by Gen. Jacob's, a lot of luck, and Niazi's cowardice to take EP. Otherwise the fighting might have still been ongoing when a UN sponsored ceasefire might have taken effect.
Nice analogy. But since it is based on wrong premise, it turned out to be a wrong one. It was not a case of theft due to unlocked door. It was more of spouses fighting amongst themselves, when one spouse moved to the neighbor’s house under the threat of bodily injury by the other spouse. There is a threshold beyond which, private affair becomes a public matter and society gets involved and right when that spouse moved to the neighbor’s yard, it became the neighbor’s affair as well. Pakistan’s internal squalor became an international matter, when Pakistan failed to contain it within its boundary. It was this huge deluge of refugee that gave India the locus standi on Pakistan’s so called ‘internal’ issue.
Had India played no role in the destabilizing EP, your analogy might fit. India herself helped the situation in EP cross the threshold by sending in terrorists and rebels and through her covert intervention, so 'crossing the threshold' was a self-fulfilling prophecy.
See 1. above.
Refuted above and elsewhere.

You have now contradicted yourself. In another thread you had observed, to counter argue the fact that Bangladesh was inevitable whether or not India intervened, that Pak army had regained control of majority of East Pakistan. If indeed the Mukti Bahini was that much of a challenge, how could Pak army take control of majority of East Pakistan. There is no doubt, that there were pockets where Pak army was seriously challenged. But by and large, Pak army was able to overcome the military ‘challenge’ from the Mukti Bahini. And yes, I can quote from FRUS and other independent foreign historians to substantiate that.

Oh I agree that the PA would have controlled the insurgency, I just disagree that the all of the rebels sent in were villagers handed a gun and told to trot off into EP to go fight the PA. I am sure some were just that, but the IA is a professional institution, it knew the virtues of having proper training camps and training, at least for some of the cadres - and all of that takes time and money.
Pakistan’s defeat to the Bengalis in the east, was not military, but political.
How could it be political when you yourself acknowledge that the PA was on its way to controlling the insurgency? That would imply that it was Indian military intervention that tipped the scales, hence a military defeat. Had India not intervened covertly and overtly, Pakistan may have resolved the political situation over time, as have other nations.
On the contrary, Dr Kissinger’s quote actually indicates, that there was a political solution to whole issue and had it not been for Yahya’s lack of grey matter and superiority complex, Indian military intervention could have been avoided. His observation actually validates India’s political and military maneuvers, in the absence of any serious and concerted effort on Pakistan’s part, to address India’s legitimate concerns and grievances. Regardless of Ms Gandhi’s personal intentions, inability of Pakistan to provide a viable political solution, in a span of almost 9 months – which, by any standard, is plenty of time to show an willingness to move in that direction, was what made India’s military solution legitimate.
You are once again trying to justify the thief's actions by arguing that the man who was robbed was careless. Political solutions to complex long term issues do not have some sort of fixed time-table for resolution. By that yardstick India should have given up control of Punjab, and should now give up control of the Maoist infected states, Sri Lanka shoudl have given up control of the Tamil areas, Spain of the basque region etc.

As with ‘altruism’ and ‘Pakistan being threat to India’, these are your strawmen, and you are more than welcome to beat them to pulp at your leisure.
These are not my strawmen, but those raised by Indians almost everywhere, as Halaku once more illustrated in his last post where he tries to provide a 'moral ' justification.
 
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It would be 'YES' if Pakistani interpretation of agreement of 1949 is believed. It will be 'NO' if Indian interpretation is believed.

Indian interpretation was that since prior to NJ9842 the boundary followed the contours of the mountain, the phrase 'to the north' would mean to follow the same contours of the same mountain to the north. Pakistan interpreted it as, a straight line connecting NJ9842 to the Chinese boundary (I am forgetting the name of the Chinese boundary point). Hence the problem

'NO' as per Indian interpretation. Because, then Siachen glacier is withing LoC and hence there is no crossing of LoC and hence no 'act detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'. Unless, of course one argues that troop movement within one's boundary is 'detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'.
Even taking into account the different interpretations of the demarcation of the LoC - the fact that there was disagreement on the interpretation of the demarcation of the LoC clearly shows that any attempt to impose one sides interpretation militarily was an alteration of the situation militarily.

Secondly, since there was a disagreement on the demarcation, it should have been obvious that any move to militarily impose the interpretation of one side would be 'detrimental to peace and harmony' and we saw exactly that happen.

Were there no dispute over the demarcation, then your argument might hold.

Therefore it is pretty clear that the Indian move into Siachen was a violation of Simla on both those counts.
 
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I tend to take a moral rather than a legalistic view of such questions. Yes, that opens the door to subjective biases, but one must try.

One question is at what point the victimization by a sovereign power of the natives of a territory ruled by it becomes a matter of concern for outsiders.

A related question is judging whether the grievances of a disaffected population are genuine, or are an artificially whipped up emotional frenzy.

As far as 1971 is concerned, after March 25 (Operation Searchlight), the atrocities ceased to be purely an internal matter.

Here are the famous "blood telegrams" sent by the the consulate of the pro-Pakistani power, i.e., the US:



and



As regards whether the grievances were genuine or artificial, here are a few observations:

1. Frrom 1950-1970, East Pakistan got only about 40% of the money allotted to West Pakistan, despite having a larger population. So the average Bengali was worth less than 40% of the average Punjabi. (Bangladesh Liberation War - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia)

2. Systematic discrimination in terms of political power - in particular not handing over the Federal government to Mujib.

3. Racial discrimination - a senior Pakistani leader like Bhutto is on record publicly referring to Bengalis as "Suar ke Aulad" (3DsxfyxaiBQ[/media] showing the deep contempt for the Bengalis.

The inescapable conclusion is that the Bengalis had very long-standing, sound and just reasons for their wish to secede. This was no artificially whipped up frenzy.


All of that exists/has existed in various other nations - in fact Pakistan's problems did not come even close to those of slavery, segregation and racial discrimination against minorities, specifically Africans and indigenous groups in the United States, Brazil and other Latin American States. Yet those nations have over time resolved those issues to varying degrees. Pakistan would have done the same, especially if the situation had not been exacerbated by India.

And we now see, from the HR commission report, that appears to be the most thorough investigation of the Pakistani Military's actions in EP, that there were no 'rivers of blood', no 'genocide' etc. and that the blood letting was in fact started by the separatists, who raped and murdered the families of West Pakistanis and Biharis in EP, prompting the PA backlash to impose control.

So no, there remains no justification for the intervention of external powers, especially those involved in destabilizing the situation.
 
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All of that exists/has existed in various other nations - in fact Pakistan's problems did not come even close to those of slavery, segregation and racial discrimination against minorities, specifically Africans and indigenous groups in the United States, Brazil and other Latin American States. Yet those nations have over time resolved those issues to varying degrees. Pakistan would have done the same, especially if the situation had not been exacerbated by India.
Yes, there were many atrocities and genocides in which nobody intervened to save the victims. But I'm sure the Bengalis would not have relished the idea of following in the footsteps of the African slaves or the Australian aborigines, trusting that their grievances would be resolved, to varying degrees, over an undefined length of time.

And we now see, from the HR commission report, that appears to be the most thorough investigation of the Pakistani Military's actions in EP, that there were no 'rivers of blood', no 'genocide' etc. and that the blood letting was in fact started by the separatists, who raped and murdered the families of West Pakistanis and Biharis in EP, prompting the PA backlash to impose control.

One cannot rely on a report commissioned by an accused party.
 
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1. Was the situation 'unilaterally altered'?

Yes.

2. Was the Indian invasion of Siachen an 'act detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations'?

Yes.

Hence the argument that it was a violation of Simla.

The India Pakistan stand off on the Siachen glacier is likely to continue indefinitely for three reasons. One, because it is politicians and not soldiers, who have made the fight over the glacier region a matter of national honour and prestige and are, therefore, in no mood to compromise and suffer a loss of face domestically. Two, because the Pakistan Army has led Pakistanis to believe that their army is in a commanding position on the Saltoro ridge - where the conflict is actually taking place - when in reality it is the Indian Army that dominates the glacial battlefield. Therefore, any peace agreement would eventually require a Pakistani acknowledgement that their military establishment and their politicians have misled their people about their role at Siachen. And three, because the dispute is essentially about the alignment of the Line of Control (LoC) north of its terminal point at NJ 9842. Pakistan insists that it goes northeastwards and therefore, the glacier lies in Pakistani territory, while India says that the LoC must follow a geographical feature, ie, the Soltoro ridge and so, Siachin glacier is within India.
 
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So far only one Indian, InExile, has denounced the hatred of Indira Gandhi for Pakistan.

Surely the rest of you Indians that come running to protest that Pakistanis are paranoid for thinking India has not accepted Pakistan can see the need to denounce these statements and her ideology towards Pakistan.

Show us through actions, not merely words, that what you say is more than a canard and deceit.

Let me post the most offensive material, that I think Indians need to denounce, if they truly believe in peace with Pakistan and accepting it:

’’ Neither Baluchistan nor the Northwest Frontier properly belonged to Pakistan, she told Kissinger and President Nixon. They too wanted and deserved greater autonomy; they should never have been part of the original (partition) settlement and were among the “ congenital defects ’’of Pakistan


Kissinger:"I myself heard her say that the NWFP really belongs to India, and there is no way to get to them except through the Punjab."


"Indira Gandhi at a public meeting on Nov, 30, 1970 observed, “India has never reconciled with the existence of Pakistan, Indian leaders always believed that Pakistan should not have been created and that Pakistan nation has no right exist”.


Sources:
1. The White House years, by Henry Kissinger
2.


http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB193/HAK 2-26-76.pdf

Page 27 of the above document.

3. The India Doctrine, by MBI Munshi

An insurgency swells, but Pakistan focuses on India

696b3283134496768f4ecb05b62570da.jpg


By H.D.S. Greenway
October 20, 2009

PAKISTAN REELS from almost daily bombings, and its cities, Lahore, Rawalpindi, Peshawar, and Islamabad are cited in news reports as once were Ramadi, Najaf, Samarra, and Baghdad when Iraq was on the boil.

The Pakistani army is now engaged in the frontier tribal areas as never before, and its intelligence officers are admitting to an increasingly coordinated threat from the Taliban and Punjabi militants, both with links to Al Qaeda. Most worrying is the rise of Islamic militancy in the Punjabi heartland, showing that the growing insurgency cannot be limited to the Afghan frontier.

Americans have been telling the Pakistanis that the real threat came from this insurgency nexus, not from Pakistan’s traditional enemy, India, and that Pakistan should wake up to the danger. Yet the bulk of Pakistan’s armed forces are still focused on the Indian border.

After three Indo-Pakistani wars since the British partitioned the sub-continent in 1947, two of them over Kashmir, old fears of India run deep in the Pakistani psyche. So is distrust of America, which uses Pakistan and then discards it “like a used condom,’’ as bitter Pakistanis are wont to say. Pakistanis particularly remember how the United States simply walked away when the Russians were defeated in Afghanistan, leaving Pakistan with the chaos on its border.

Too many Pakistanis view the fight against Islamic militants and the battle for Afghanistan as America’s struggle - not really theirs. Elements in the Pakistani military and intelligence service have long tolerated the Taliban as an ace up the sleeve, and as a counter to Indian influence in Afghanistan.

But haven’t the provocations, the Mumbai hotel bombings, the attack on the Indian parliament, and the bombing of the Indian embassy in Kabul, come from the Pakistani side, and hasn’t India shown restraint? Yet, from Pakistan’s vantage point, every Indian consulate opened in Afghanistan is an encirclement, and every move has a hidden anti-Pakistani agenda.

Communal violence between Muslim and Hindu was the midwife to the birth of Pakistan, and there is a feeling that India has never really recognized the legitimacy of the homeland for Muslims that Pakistan was intended to be.

In 1971, when the Bengalis of East Pakistan sought to establish an independent country, it was an Indian invasion that accomplished the birth of Bangladesh. But, as Henry Kissinger discovered when he tried to prevent that war, it was the dismemberment of Pakistan that India really wanted.

No doubt the Pakistani military’s brutal behavior in east Bengal, and an intolerable flow of refugees into India were part of the drama. Millions were hemorrhaging out of East Pakistan. You could track their columns by the flocks of vultures overhead. But independence for Bangladesh was becoming inevitable. It did not need an Indian invasion.

India’s prime minister, Indira Gandhi, according to Kissinger’s memoirs, held the belief that “Pakistan was a jerry-built structure held together by its hatred for India. . .’’ Neither Baluchistan nor the Northwest Frontier properly belonged to Pakistan, she told Kissinger and President Nixon. They too wanted and deserved greater autonomy; they should never have been part of the original (partition) settlement and were among the “ congenital defects ’’of Pakistan. She implied that confining her demands to the secession of East Pakistan amounted to Indian restraint; that “the continued existence of West Pakistan reflected Indian forbearance, ’’ Kissinger wrote.

Times change, and serious Indians have little desire today to dismember Pakistan. Indeed, India’s greatest fear is shared by the United States: that Pakistan will disintegrate into chaos. But old fears die hard, and it isn’t likely that Pakistan is going to let down its guard to concentrate all its resources on the home-grown insurgents that are threatening the state.

Like so many of the world’s hot spots that have bedeviled the United States - Vietnam, Iraq, Israel-Palestine - the India-Pakistan conflict was spawned in the break-up of European colonial empires after World War II.

Pakistan is far more important than Afghanistan will ever be, and if the United States wants to see it remain a viable ally, nothing could help more than a concerted diplomatic effort to lessen the continuing tensions between Pakistan and India that so hinder efforts to contain Islamic militants.

H.D.S. Greenway’s column appears regularly in the Globe.

An insurgency swells, but Pakistan focuses on India - The Boston Globe
 
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Your excuse doesn't fly - merely painting his comments as 'showmanship' does not invalidate them.
That was neither an excuse, nor was my attempt to deny anything. Had it been so, I wouldn’t have cared to present my opinion based on his quotes. However I will grant you your excitement.
Read Manekshaw's comments more carefully - the meeting was in mid-end April, and he refers to IG's plans to incite a revolt in East Pakistan as having succeeded, which places Indian covert intervention in East Pakistan far earlier than April (which was also substantiated in the links I provided in the last thread).

And what exactly was India intending to do to get 'Pakistan at the table'? It was none of your business to be at the table, and it is the height of dis-ingenuity to suggest that supporting terrorists and separatists in a region where Pakistan was having internal political issues, to exacerbate them, was somehow 'helpful' to the resolution of the issue.

If India did indeed want the political issues to be resolved in EP and have YK 'come to the table', then increasing the instability in EP to achieve stability is a nonsensical argument.
I am not sure what constitutes ‘mid-end April’, but 29th surely constitutes end of April. It was on 29th April, that Ms Gandhi had invited Gen. Makenshaw at the cabinet meeting. Anyway, it wouldn’t have been possible to ‘incite revolt’ in East Pakistan, by means indicated by Makenshaw, before mid April, even if she tried. It was on 17th April, 1971 a Bangladesh government in exile was established in India with imprisoned Sk Mujib as president, Sayed Nazrul Islam as vice-president, Tajuddin Ahmed as prime minister and A.G.Osmani as the commander of Mukti Bahini. A.G.Osmani was a retired colonel of Pakistani army. 17th April, 1971, is more or less assumed to be the date when Mukti Bahini (then it was called Mukti Fauj) came into existence, although, please note, at that time, anybody who fought against the Pak army was considered to be Mukti Bahini. Indeed resistance was carried on by defectors of EBR and EPR, most of who were armed. Of 17,000 defectors, roughly about 4,000 were disarmed. These defectors took refuge in India sometime in early April and it was they who formed the core of Mukti Bahini. (From Niazi’s, Betrayal of East Pakistan) However, it was under Col. Osmani, that the training of refugees commenced. And by all indication, the first batch of guerillas was not pushed into East Pakistan before end of April. This is supported by US govt. documents and plenty of independent historians and memoirs of the key players. Even Gen. Manekshaw’s comment don’t contradict this time line, given that his conversation was at the end of April – to be precise on 29th April, 1971.

And yes, it was our business to get that nincompoop to the table, because it was his bright ideas that kept pushing the refugees into our border. He had already imprisoned Sk Mujib on 27th March on charges of ‘treason’ and wouldn’t set him free, while the key to the solution was setting him free and negotiating with him. After the first couple of weeks since 25th March, he had full control of Dhaka and the cantonments, although the rural Bengal still eluded him. US documents prove that, although it was not exactly a cake walk for the Pak army, they weren’t seriously challenged. In spite of that, he embarked upon systematic cleansing of the intelligentsia and particularly the Hindus. The famous Blood telegram, was dated 6th April, where Pak military’s crackdown was termed as ‘genocide’. An article in Times, noted on, as late as 2nd August that:
The Hindus, who account for three-fourths of the refugees and a majority of the dead, have borne the brunt of the Moslem military's hatred. Even now, Moslem soldiers in East Pakistan will snatch away a man's lungi (sarong) to see if he is circumcised, obligatory for Moslem.s; if he is not, it usually means death. Others are simply rounded up and shot. Commented one high U.S. official last week: "It is the most incredible, calculated thing since the days of the Nazis in Poland."
[Why is the plural of 'Moslem' censored here?]This part of the crack down had nothing to do with suppressing the armed rebels. It was simply ethnic cleansing based on religion. The only way he could be brought to the table, it was believed, was only if he could be convinced that military brutality would be resisted by the Bengalis at all cost, creating a prolonged quagmire, resulting in drain of resources. There was also a growing concern that Sk Mujib would be either hanged or shot dead, if Yahya was not quickly brought to the table. Hence the strategy of training the refugees to knock some sense into Yahya’s thick skull. You will find it hard to believe, but during the early days of the crackdown, till May at least, India operated on the misconception that the ‘British had negotiated with Gandhi, Yahya too will eventually negotiate with Mujib’ (From Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh, by Sisson & Rose). The whole strategy revolved around getting Yahya to negotiate with Mujib.
It was not a war plan, but Manekshaw clearly indicates that the decision to go to war was conveyed to him them, and that his opposition (or Gen. Jacob's), is what prevented IG from launching war then - the preparations for war, once the decision had been made in accordance with Manekshaw's timetable, obviously took longer. But the decision was taken too early to give any credence to your argument that 'India tried to engage with Pakistan'.

Her own Army Chief confirmed it - his comments about the state of the IA and its available resources at that moment indicate that the Indian government may not have had much idea about the readiness of the IA in launching a war at that moment.
Gen. Manekshaw’s claim was on 29th April. I had said earlier said that Ms Gandhi had started thinking in terms of military solution from early May. I had based my assessment on a communique between the Mr Kaul, Foreign Secretary of India, and Mr Stone, on 7th May, where, Mr Kaul had indicated that if Yahya didn’t immediately take steps to stop this flow of refugees, which by that time had swelled to close to 2 million, and create an atmosphere to take back the ones that were already there, then India might attempt to seize some land and resettle the refugees. This was what Dr Kissinger had referred to as ‘Isreali type’ offensive in his memoirs and I guess, I have quoted the same, somewhere. This in my mind was the first indication that perhaps Ms Gandhi was thinking in terms of military.

However, I couldn’t help but note, that she was already aware of the fact that IA was in no way prepared for any offensive at that time – given that Gen. Manekshaw had already briefed her on IA’s preparedness only a few days earlier on 29th April. In other words, IA’s disposition was irrelevant to her, in her decision making. She was merely pressurizing US with threats of military intervention, so that US in turn would pressurize Yahya to yield.

The idea that Manekshaw’s spiel had prevented war in April is absolute bull. Ms Gandhi may not be a military general, but she understood international politics better than Gen. Manekshaw, Jacob and her entire cabinet combined. I have already explained that military intervention in April would have been a diplomatic suicide and until Indo-Soviet treaty in August, it was impossible for Ms Gandhi to actually start a war.

In your attempt to prove that since the decision to go to war was taken ‘too early’, India couldn’t have ‘engaged with Pakistan’, your are forgetting that decision to go to war is not same as going to war. Whether or not the decision to go to war was taken in April, the war itself was not started until the last week of Nov. Even drawing of war plans do not mean war itself. Yahya had 7 months from then to do two simple things – release Sk Mujibar Rehman and stop the 'genocide'. That would have put Ms Gandhi in a very sore position. And all the war plans would have had come to naught. There were numerous back channel meetings between Pakistan on one side and India & Bangladesh govt in exile on another with US as middleman. All of these failed primarily because of Yahya’s refusal to release Sk Mujibar Rehman and his inability to provide anything concrete to assuage India that the refugees would be taken back.
That is again a disingenuous argument.
1. It has been shown conclusively that India was covertly involved in stoking rebellion in EP before 1971, and from Manekshaw's comments, involved before April. The refugee crises was not at the high levels we saw later at that stage -so what does India do if it truly was concerned about the refugees and cost of helping them? It trains, equips and launches thousands of them into EP to further destabilize the situation and cause more refugees and incur a greater cost, while also simultaneously preparing for a war that would incur an even larger cost. Sell this nonsensical argument to someone else.

If India was interested in stabilizing EP and helping achieve a political solution, supporting and sending in terrorists was not the way to go.
In case you have not noticed, we have been successfully selling this ‘nonsensical argument’ to everyone else. The cost of war was estimated to be far less than the cost of assimilating 10 million refugees, which was what the numbers were when India eventually crossed the border. I have already explained above what the strategy was for training the rebels.
The outcome of the War was not a given in April of 1971 when Manekshaw had that conversation with her. Nor do Gen. Jacob's comments in his interview posted in the last thread indicate that Manekshaw was convinced that the war would end before a ceasefire would take effect. No one could have anticipated Gen. Niazi surrendering 30,000 troops to Gen. Jacob's bluff, with only 3000 troops opposing him. And Gen. Jacob's plan to bypass the various towns on the way to Dhaka, instead of securing them and controlling them, was apparently not part of the operational plans either.

IG was a civilian leader, not a military general in charge of the military operation - all this talk of 'until she was dead sure' is nothing bu hot air - not even the IA General's were dead sure, and it took an inspirational bit of initiative by Gen. Jacob's, a lot of luck, and Niazi's cowardice to take EP. Otherwise the fighting might have still been ongoing when a UN sponsored ceasefire might have taken effect.
You are using the assessment made in April to determine the ground situation in late November, when the war was actually started. If this is your idea of jest, then I am not amused. It was because of unpreparedness of the army, lack of diplomatic support, uncertainty about how the general population in East Pakistan would react to the presence of Indian army on their soil, and an expectation that political solution would be finally reached, that Ms Gandhi didn’t take any decision to wage war, as early as April. By November the situation had spun right on its head to India’s advantage. Treaty with Russia, in August, ensured China wouldn’t be too much interested, and in case Pakistan moved to UN, the required veto was ensured. The world opinion, even in US, although not of Nixon and Kissinger, was in India’s favour. By November, Pakistan’s diplomatic isolation was complete. Militarily, India was in far more stronger position than it was in April. In April, there was no armor around the East Pakistan border. By Nov, Navy was in position, air force was in position, and Mukti Bahini, had successfully blown out important bridges, which ensured that PA won’t be reinforcing in a hurry. There was one more factor which you haven’t considered. Pakistan military operated on the bizarre philosophy of ‘defense of East lies in West’. This meant, the proper defensive strategy in the East was not well formulated, which actually made IA’s planning and operation far easier. November meant that the rainy season was over and IA wouldn’t be bogged down by waterlogged fields or swelling rivers. Also, November ensured that there would be enough snow in the north to hold the Chinese back, in case they still felt adventurous. As reported by Hamoodur Rahman Commission:
This was a war in which everything went wrong for the Pakistan Armed Forces. They were not only out-manned but also out-gunned and out-Generaled. Our planning was unrealistic, strategy unsuited, decisions untimely and execution faulty
The result, in the east, was a given in November, not in April. In the west, however, India was a bit apprehensive and that’s why immediately after the surrender of the east, IA hurriedly started moving to the west.
Had India played no role in the destabilizing EP, your analogy might fit. India herself helped the situation in EP cross the threshold by sending in terrorists and rebels and through her covert intervention, so 'crossing the threshold' was a self-fulfilling prophecy.
What prevented Yahya from stopping his ‘genocide’ and negotiating with Mujib.
Oh I agree that the PA would have controlled the insurgency, I just disagree that the all of the rebels sent in were villagers handed a gun and told to trot off into EP to go fight the PA. I am sure some were just that, but the IA is a professional institution, it knew the virtues of having proper training camps and training, at least for some of the cadres - and all of that takes time and money.
You can disagree. That is not my problem.
By the end of June some thirty thousand Mukti Bahini recruits had been trained, although in a rather slipshod manner. […] According to both Pakistani and Indian sources, the weapons made available to the Mukti Bahini by India were limited and largely obsolete. Modern weapons became available when the Mukti Bahini could purchase them on the international and West Bengali arms markets.

Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh, by Sisson & Rose
Another source of modern weapons was those seized from Pak army. There is no doubt, some were properly trained. So far as I know, some were taken to Cochin, in Southern India to be trained as frogmen. Some were also taken to Derha Dun, at IMA, to be trained as officers. But they were few and far between. Enough spoon feeding.
How could it be political when you yourself acknowledge that the PA was on its way to controlling the insurgency? That would imply that it was Indian military intervention that tipped the scales, hence a military defeat. Had India not intervened covertly and overtly, Pakistan may have resolved the political situation over time, as have other nations.
The Bengali nationalism during 1971 had two aspects – first political and later military. The military solution was the suppression of armed rebellion, while the political solution, the real solution, was addressing the Bengali grievances. Yahya succeeded in quelling the armed rebellion to a large extent, but failed to provide any political solution. That was because, he believed, just as you seem to believe, that Bengali nationalism was more of a military situation rather than political one and hence military victory will automatically resolve the political situation. That these were two entirely separate issues, and if anything the military situation arose from the failure of addressing the Bengali grievances through a political dialogue, was completely misconstrued. As early as 1969, the British ambassador in East Pakistan predicted the break up of East Pakistan, primarily because of this thought process that started to be reflected in Yhaya’s running of affairs. (From Pakistan – Eye of the storm by O.B.Jones)

Alienation of the Bengalis through various fateful policies, and finally the rejection of plebiscite, followed by brutal crackdown and the heavy handedness in dealing with the situation, ensured that 70 million Bengalis turned completely against Pakistan. Bengali employees, including high ranking officials in Pak govt, as also the Bengalis in Pak army, were defecting en mass. Economy came to a complete standstill. The deep fissure between the West and the East, and the mistrust that resulted in the process, no matter how much Pakistan succeeded in suppression of armed rebellion could have never got back to the normalcy.

Military intervention by India only hurried the creation of Bangladesh, and nothing more. The inevitability of Bangladesh, that Yahya ensured through his brutality is what I meant by political defeat.
You are once again trying to justify the thief's actions by arguing that the man who was robbed was careless. Political solutions to complex long term issues do not have some sort of fixed time-table for resolution. By that yardstick India should have given up control of Punjab, and should now give up control of the Maoist infected states, Sri Lanka shoudl have given up control of the Tamil areas, Spain of the basque region etc.
The assessment was not mine. It was by Dr Kissinger and I have merely narrated it. I have never said that the political process had to be completed within that time frame of 9 months. I clearly mentioned that Yahya failed to ‘show a willingness’ towards providing a political solution. For example, releasing Sk Mujib and engaging in dialogue with him, or pausing his ‘ethnic cleasing’ and try to install a civil administration.

Btw, Punjab crisis was actually solved through dialogue and a democratic process. Regarding the Maoist infected states, there is a constant dialogue between the states and the Maoists. More importantly none of those had complete support of its constituents. Tamil problem in Sri Lanka also involved a minority section of the population, whereas, in East Pakistan during 1971, the entire population, except some pockets, were entirely against Pakistan. There are very few instances, when an entire community, almost in unison rose in revolt against its country. And almost none of those involved such deluge of refugees fleeing from their country of residence to the neighboring country.
These are not my strawmen, but those raised by Indians almost everywhere, as Halaku once more illustrated in his last post where he tries to provide a 'moral ' justification.
You should take it up with those Indians. If you are responding to my quotes, I would expect you to stick to what I am saying. Since I have never claimed ‘altruism’ or any sort of ‘moral’ justification, these are strawmen to me.

PS: My fingers hurt.
 
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Even taking into account the different interpretations of the demarcation of the LoC - the fact that there was disagreement on the interpretation of the demarcation of the LoC clearly shows that any attempt to impose one sides interpretation militarily was an alteration of the situation militarily.

Secondly, since there was a disagreement on the demarcation, it should have been obvious that any move to militarily impose the interpretation of one side would be 'detrimental to peace and harmony' and we saw exactly that happen.

Were there no dispute over the demarcation, then your argument might hold.

Therefore it is pretty clear that the Indian move into Siachen was a violation of Simla on both those counts.

The individual interpretation of the demarcation was never declared officially by either party and neither was Siachen officially or openly claimed by any party. Both felt that their interpretation was correct and accepted by the other, without actually bothering to check out each other’s stand on the issue. There wasn’t even exchange of maps regarding claims on Siachen.

Your spin, that it was disputed due to different interpretations is invalid, because no party was aware of the other’s claim. There can’t be any dispute if there are no explicit claims.

So when IA moved to Siachen, it was bona fide. In absence of any counter claim, it was perceived by India that it was merely repositioning itself on its own ‘undisputed’ land.

Therefore there was no violation of Shimla agreement. Not from India's point of view.
 
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I am not sure what constitutes ‘mid-end April’, but 29th surely constitutes end of April. It was on 29th April, that Ms Gandhi had invited Gen. Makenshaw at the cabinet meeting. Anyway, it wouldn’t have been possible to ‘incite revolt’ in East Pakistan, by means indicated by Makenshaw, before mid April, even if she tried. It was on 17th April, 1971 a Bangladesh government in exile was established in India with imprisoned Sk Mujib as president, Sayed Nazrul Islam as vice-president, Tajuddin Ahmed as prime minister and A.G.Osmani as the commander of Mukti Bahini. A.G.Osmani was a retired colonel of Pakistani army. 17th April, 1971, is more or less assumed to be the date when Mukti Bahini (then it was called Mukti Fauj) came into existence, although, please note, at that time, anybody who fought against the Pak army was considered to be Mukti Bahini. Indeed resistance was carried on by defectors of EBR and EPR, most of who were armed. Of 17,000 defectors, roughly about 4,000 were disarmed. These defectors took refuge in India sometime in early April and it was they who formed the core of Mukti Bahini. (From Niazi’s, Betrayal of East Pakistan) However, it was under Col. Osmani, that the training of refugees commenced. And by all indication, the first batch of guerillas was not pushed into East Pakistan before end of April. This is supported by US govt. documents and plenty of independent historians and memoirs of the key players. Even Gen. Manekshaw’s comment don’t contradict this time line, given that his conversation was at the end of April – to be precise on 29th April, 1971.
I am not sure what any of the above does other than validate my point that India was not the least bit interested in engaging with Pakistan to resolve the issue, and instead did all it could to exacerbate the problems of refugees and violence in East Pakistan, by supporting subversives
And yes, it was our business to get that nincompoop to the table, because it was his bright ideas that kept pushing the refugees into our border. He had already imprisoned Sk Mujib on 27th March on charges of ‘treason’ and wouldn’t set him free, while the key to the solution was setting him free and negotiating with him. After the first couple of weeks since 25th March, he had full control of Dhaka and the cantonments, although the rural Bengal still eluded him. US documents prove that, although it was not exactly a cake walk for the Pak army, they weren’t seriously challenged. In spite of that, he embarked upon systematic cleansing of the intelligentsia and particularly the Hindus. The famous Blood telegram, was dated 6th April, where Pak military’s crackdown was termed as ‘genocide’. An article in Times, noted on, as late as 2nd August that:
[Why is the plural of 'Moslem' censored here?]This part of the crack down had nothing to do with suppressing the armed rebels. It was simply ethnic cleansing based on religion. The only way he could be brought to the table, it was believed, was only if he could be convinced that military brutality would be resisted by the Bengalis at all cost, creating a prolonged quagmire, resulting in drain of resources. There was also a growing concern that Sk Mujib would be either hanged or shot dead, if Yahya was not quickly brought to the table. Hence the strategy of training the refugees to knock some sense into Yahya’s thick skull. You will find it hard to believe, but during the early days of the crackdown, till May at least, India operated on the misconception that the ‘British had negotiated with Gandhi, Yahya too will eventually negotiate with Mujib’ (From Pakistan, India, and the creation of Bangladesh, by Sisson & Rose). The whole strategy revolved around getting Yahya to negotiate with Mujib.
The canard of genocide does not fly, regardless of the claims of one 'blood telegram' - the composers of said telegram may have indeed witnessed atrocities, no less gory than those inflicted by the rebels on West Pakistani and Bihair families before the Operation Searchlight began, but the evidence to support genocide does not exist.

That said, while you claim it was your business to get YK to the table, India's actions indicate the opposite, especially the decision to support rebels and go to war as pointed out by Manekshaw, when barely a month had passed after the beginning of Operation Searchlight. Your argument here is again absurd - that somehow Pakistan would come to the table to negotiate as India ramped up support for violent rebels and terrorists in East Pakistan and prepared for war. The fact is that those actions by India indicate not a desire for engagement or 'negotiations' but a desire to push the situation in East Pakistan to a point of no return, and make a case for war, a war that had already been decided upon in April.
Gen. Manekshaw’s claim was on 29th April. I had said earlier said that Ms Gandhi had started thinking in terms of military solution from early May. I had based my assessment on a communique between the Mr Kaul, Foreign Secretary of India, and Mr Stone, on 7th May, where, Mr Kaul had indicated that if Yahya didn’t immediately take steps to stop this flow of refugees, which by that time had swelled to close to 2 million, and create an atmosphere to take back the ones that were already there, then India might attempt to seize some land and resettle the refugees. This was what Dr Kissinger had referred to as ‘Isreali type’ offensive in his memoirs and I guess, I have quoted the same, somewhere. This in my mind was the first indication that perhaps Ms Gandhi was thinking in terms of military.
India's official communications would attempt to hide the fact that she was acting as aggressor and inflaming the situation in EP while preparing for war. In that context it is Manekshaw's comments illustrating how IG had already decided upon war that are more illuminating of India's mindset, not Kaul's communique.
The idea that Manekshaw’s spiel had prevented war in April is absolute bull. Ms Gandhi may not be a military general, but she understood international politics better than Gen. Manekshaw, Jacob and her entire cabinet combined. I have already explained that military intervention in April would have been a diplomatic suicide and until Indo-Soviet treaty in August, it was impossible for Ms Gandhi to actually start a war.
I think I'll go with the opinions of the generals that they knew the state of their military and what could be achieved on the battlefield instead of your slavish attempt to recreate IG as Politician/Military Strategist rolled into one.

Mankeshaw and Jacob's comments clearly indicate that she had no clue about the preparedness of her military, and would have gone to war in April.
Whether or not the decision to go to war was taken in April, the war itself was not started until the last week of Nov. Even drawing of war plans do not mean war itself. Yahya had 7 months from then to do two simple things – release Sk Mujibar Rehman and stop the 'genocide'. That would have put Ms Gandhi in a very sore position. And all the war plans would have had come to naught. There were numerous back channel meetings between Pakistan on one side and India & Bangladesh govt in exile on another with US as middleman. All of these failed primarily because of Yahya’s refusal to release Sk Mujibar Rehman and his inability to provide anything concrete to assuage India that the refugees would be taken back.
Once again, Manekshaw's comments clearly indicate that IG would have gone to war in April if she could, and the decision to go to war was taken then - the preparation took a lot longer, and in the interim, while India prepared for war, she did nothing to engage with Pakistan. She supported terrorists and rebels that further inflamed the situation and created more refugees - a self fulfilling prophecy of 'too many refugees'. India's actions negate any arguments of 'India tried to engage with Pakistan and resolve the situation. It was a coldblooded decision to take advantage of the political instability in EP, exacerbate it, and use the pretext of a spiraling situation in EP (to which India herself contributed significantly) to invade and break apart Pakistan.
In case you have not noticed, we have been successfully selling this ‘nonsensical argument’ to everyone else. The cost of war was estimated to be far less than the cost of assimilating 10 million refugees, which was what the numbers were when India eventually crossed the border. I have already explained above what the strategy was for training the rebels.
History is written by the victors, but be that as it may, it is not too late for Pakistanis to contest those accounts and use the available information to expose the Indian intervention for what it was.

You are using the assessment made in April to determine the ground situation in late November, when the war was actually started. If this is your idea of jest, then I am not amused. It was because of unpreparedness of the army, lack of diplomatic support, uncertainty about how the general population in East Pakistan would react to the presence of Indian army on their soil, and an expectation that political solution would be finally reached, that Ms Gandhi didn’t take any decision to wage war, as early as April.
That is completely untrue as indicated by Mankeshaw's comments - IG had taken the decision to go to war in April, and would have done so had Mankeshaw (or Jacob's) not protested and pointed out the obstacles.
By November the situation had spun right on its head to India’s advantage. Treaty with Russia, in August, ensured China wouldn’t be too much interested, and in case Pakistan moved to UN, the required veto was ensured. The world opinion, even in US, although not of Nixon and Kissinger, was in India’s favour. By November, Pakistan’s diplomatic isolation was complete. Militarily, India was in far more stronger position than it was in April. In April, there was no armor around the East Pakistan border. By Nov, Navy was in position, air force was in position, and Mukti Bahini, had successfully blown out important bridges, which ensured that PA won’t be reinforcing in a hurry. There was one more factor which you haven’t considered. Pakistan military operated on the bizarre philosophy of ‘defense of East lies in West’. This meant, the proper defensive strategy in the East was not well formulated, which actually made IA’s planning and operation far easier. November meant that the rainy season was over and IA wouldn’t be bogged down by waterlogged fields or swelling rivers. Also, November ensured that there would be enough snow in the north to hold the Chinese back, in case they still felt adventurous. As reported by Hamoodur Rahman Commission:
Again, good thinking on the part of the Indian military - had Indira Gandhi had her way war would have started in April-May

The result, in the east, was a given in November, not in April. In the west, however, India was a bit apprehensive and that’s why immediately after the surrender of the east, IA hurriedly started moving to the west.

What prevented Yahya from stopping his ‘genocide’ and negotiating with Mujib.
Jacob's comments indicate the result was not a given. Manekshaw himself did not see the fighting ending before a ceasefire could be put in place in the UN. I will point out again Jacob's argument that had the IA tried to actually defeat the PA and retake the various towns they held, the fighting would have gone on for a long time, hence the decision to bypass the various towns under PA control and head straight for Dhaka, and essentially bluff Niazi into surrendering.
You can disagree. That is not my problem.
Well then we are agreed then that the camps, training and equipment required to train tens of thousands of rebels, given that money does not grow on trees, would have been significant, and negates both the 'India did not have money for refugees' argument (plus it was creating more refugees by sending in rebels to commit violence and terrorism), and the argument that India tried to 'engage' with Pakistan to resolve the dispute.

Another source of modern weapons was those seized from Pak army.
Seized from the PA when?
The Bengali nationalism during 1971 had two aspects – first political and later military. The military solution was the suppression of armed rebellion, while the political solution, the real solution, was addressing the Bengali grievances. Yahya succeeded in quelling the armed rebellion to a large extent, but failed to provide any political solution. That was because, he believed, just as you seem to believe, that Bengali nationalism was more of a military situation rather than political one and hence military victory will automatically resolve the political situation. That these were two entirely separate issues, and if anything the military situation arose from the failure of addressing the Bengali grievances through a political dialogue, was completely misconstrued. As early as 1969, the British ambassador in East Pakistan predicted the break up of East Pakistan, primarily because of this thought process that started to be reflected in Yhaya’s running of affairs. (From Pakistan – Eye of the storm by O.B.Jones)
The military solution was also pushed along because of Indian support for subversive elements in East Pakistan going back into the sixties. Operation Searchlight, as pointed out by the HR commission, took place after brutal massacres of West Pakistanis and Biharis, indicating a complete breakdown in law and order. At that point there was no option but to resort to force to quell a violent rebellion. The Indian government is deploying tens of thousands of paramilitaries to quell its violent Maoist rebellion after all. The point being that once the EP rebellion took a violent form, the final solution would have to be both political and military - one cannot conduct political negotiations and implement decisions when there are violent bands killing innocents, supported by a hostile neighbor in this case, roaming around.
no matter how much Pakistan succeeded in suppression of armed rebellion could have never got back to the normalcy.
That was for us to determine and resolve - whatever the issues in EP, they never came close to the slavery and segregation of the Africans and indigenous people in the US for example, yet US society, left to its own, has changed, absorbed and rectified much. Given the chance Pakistan might have done the same.

I have never said that the political process had to be completed within that time frame of 9 months.
No - it is clear from Manekshaw's comments that IG did not even give Pakistan a month to resolve the issue, choosing instead to go to war and exacerbate it from April.
Btw, Punjab crisis was actually solved through dialogue and a democratic process. Regarding the Maoist infected states, there is a constant dialogue between the states and the Maoists. More importantly none of those had complete support of its constituents. Tamil problem in Sri Lanka also involved a minority section of the population, whereas, in East Pakistan during 1971, the entire population, except some pockets, were entirely against Pakistan. There are very few instances, when an entire community, almost in unison rose in revolt against its country. And almost none of those involved such deluge of refugees fleeing from their country of residence to the neighboring country.
Right - the killing of tens of thousands, and the disappearance of many thousands other, Punjabis was part of a dispute resolution through 'dialogue' - and the deployement of tens of thousands of paramilitaries to fight the Maosits is part of dispute resolutions through 'dialogue' - sell that horse puckey somewhere else.

Again, once the armed rebellion would have been brought under control (which would have been relatively quickly had it not been for Indian support, training and equipping of EP rebels) a political solution might have been arrived at in due course as well.
You should take it up with those Indians. If you are responding to my quotes, I would expect you to stick to what I am saying. Since I have never claimed ‘altruism’ or any sort of ‘moral’ justification, these are strawmen to me.
Just making sure those canards are out of the way.
 
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The individual interpretation of the demarcation was never declared officially by either party and neither was Siachen officially or openly claimed by any party. Both felt that their interpretation was correct and accepted by the other, without actually bothering to check out each other’s stand on the issue. There wasn’t even exchange of maps regarding claims on Siachen.

Your spin, that it was disputed due to different interpretations is invalid, because no party was aware of the other’s claim. There can’t be any dispute if there are no explicit claims.

So when IA moved to Siachen, it was bona fide. In absence of any counter claim, it was perceived by India that it was merely repositioning itself on its own ‘undisputed’ land.

Therefore there was no violation of Shimla agreement. Not from India's point of view.
That particular 'spin' does not hold up given that the Indian accounts behind the decision to go to Siachen indicate it was prompted by Pakistan's decision to issue Visa's to Montaineers to go to the Siachen glacier.

If that was the case, and India was not aware of the glacier being contested, why did it not raise the issue with Pakistan, pointing out its own interpretation of the demarcation?

The reasons behind the Indian decision belie your claim.

Secondly, read the relevant part of Simla again:

(ii) That the two countries are resolved to settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations or by any other peaceful means mutually agreed upon between them. Pending the final settlement of any of the problems between the two countries, neither side shall unilaterally alter the situation and both shall prevent the organisation, assistance or encouragement of any acts detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations.


India's actions unilaterally altered the situation with the knowledge that the actions would be contested given the reason for undertaking the actions (Pakistan issuing Visa's), and were detrimental to the maintenance of peace and harmonious relations - hence a violation of Simla.

No surprise that this decision was Indira Gandhi's as well.
 
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