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This is old news but warranted due to this situation. What Pervez Musharraf has said is absolutely correct and this shows what a great mind he has.

Musharraf berates Muslim world

By Zaffar Abbas in Islamabad
Saturday, 16 February, 2002, 16:04 GMT

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Musharraf wants young Muslims to study in the West

Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf has said Islamic countries will remain backward unless they concentrate more on scientific and technological development.

Muslim nations are internally involved in fratricidal conflicts and perceived by the outside world as terrorists with little attention being given on their uplift, he said.

General Musharraf made his comments in an address to a conference of science and technology attended by ministers from Muslim countries.

President Musharraf said the time had come for Islamic nations to take part in collective self-criticism.

Once such an assessment is made, it would not be difficult to realise that the entire Islamic world was far behind the developed world, he argued.

'The most unhealthy'

The Muslim Ummah, or the Islamic world, he said was presently living in darkness.

"Today we are the poorest, the most illiterate, the most backward, the most unhealthy, the most un-enlightened, the most deprived, and the weakest of all the human race," he told the delegates.


Musharraf wants to rid Pakistan of extremism

President Musharraf then made a comparison of the economic growth in Islamic countries with some developed countries.

While the collective Gross National Product of the all Muslim countries stands at $1,200bn, that of Germany alone is $2,500bn and that of Japan $5,500bn.

He said one of the main reasons for this disparity was that none of the Muslim countries had ever paid any attention to educational and scientific development.

He asked the countries participating in the conference to concentrate on scientific and technological development in order to compete with the developed world.

The real jihad

The Pakistani leader suggested the setting up of a multi-billion dollar fund for such a purpose.

Beside this, he said, there was a need for creating centres of excellence in the field of science and technology.

He also called for the creation of scholarships for young scientists to seek knowledge from universities in developed countries.

President Musharraf described it as the real jihad, or holy war.

Unless this was done, the Islamic world and Muslims would always be perceived as backward, illiterate - those who only indulge in extremism and violence.

BBC News | SOUTH ASIA | Musharraf berates Muslim world

LONG LIVE MUSHARRAF!!:pakistan:
 
The fear should pass quickly - even more quickly than the fear of the Arab community after 9-11. Most Americans just aren't into that sort of race-based violence anymore, and haven't been for decades.

I really, really, really hope you are right on this one. Not just re fear of physical retribution as was seen with several post-911 incidents, but also viz the many other forms of hatred and discrimination. Pakistanis in the US are truly apprehensive right now. In many ways they are the real victims of this incident. Thank God there was no physical toll involved with the fizzled plot itself, but for sure, there is a massive mental toll and over half a million innocent people are paying the price... God damn this evil sw1ne Faisal!
 


Not long ago, a bomb attack on New York City's Times Square would have had intelligence officials and terrorism experts checking off the usual suspects among the sources of terrorist plots against the U.S. — Afghanistan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq. But these days, says a top counterterrorism official, "when I hear of a terrorist plot, I can count back from 10, and before I get to zero, someone will bring up the P word."
That's P for Pakistan.
Over the past couple of years, more plots against U.S. targets have emanated from or had a strong connection to Pakistan than any other country. Says the counterterrorism official, who was briefed on the hunt for the Times Square bomber but is not authorized to speak with the media: "It was totally predictable that the smoking Pathfinder would lead to someone with Pakistan in his past."
(See the making of a Mumbai terrorist.)
Nor would it come as a surprise if it were revealed that Faisal Shahzad, who has claimed to investigators that he was working alone, was in fact linked to an ever lengthening list of extremist groups operating in Pakistan's northern wilds. These groups, whose attacks had long been confined to the Indian subcontinent, are now emerging as a deadly threat to the U.S. and its allies. As the core of al-Qaeda, led by Osama bin Laden, wilts under the constant pounding from the CIA's Predator drone campaign, Pakistani groups are mounting operations deep into the West.
Such groups as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) have not yet notched major successes against U.S. targets to match Hizballah's bombings in 1980s Lebanon or al-Qaeda's destruction of two U.S. embassies in Africa in 1998. But they have lately mounted operations of great audacity and sophistication. LeT has been operating in Europe for at least a decade, initially raising funds from the large Pakistani diaspora in countries like Britain and France and later recruiting volunteers for the jihad against Western forces. At least one of the plotters of the 2005 London subway bombings was an LeT trainee, and British investigators believe the group has been connected to other plots in the U.K.
(See Mohammad Amir Ajmal Qasab's jihadist journey into India.)
The TTP, which claimed credit for Shahzad's failed bombing, was behind the suicide bombing that killed seven CIA agents in Afghanistan late last year. And in 2008, in the most spectacular attack by a Pakistani-based group on Western targets, LeT bombed and shot up a railway station, a hospital, two five-star hotels and a Jewish center in Mumbai, killing more than 160 people, including six Americans. Afterward, Indian authorities scanning a computer belonging to one of the Mumbai plotters found a list of 320 targets worldwide; only 20 were Indian.
(See who made the TIME 100.)
Now, security officials fear, Pakistani jihadis are spreading their operations across the Atlantic, recruiting U.S. citizens to their cause just as Britons were recruited a decade ago. If that assessment proves accurate, the Times Square bomb plot could be the first of more to come.
(Comment on this story.)
An Evolving Threat What are the wellsprings of Pakistani radicalism? In the 1980s, many fervently Islamic groups were set up in Pakistan to fight the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. After the Soviet withdrawal in 1989, however, these groups and their spin-offs did not lay down their arms but instead turned their attention to Pakistan's old enemy, India. Encouraged by Pakistani civilian, military and intelligence authorities, LeT, Jaish-e-Mohammed and others refashioned themselves as freedom fighters in the cause of Kashmir, the Himalayan territory claimed by both India and Pakistan. Pakistani officials regarded the jihadis as a proxy in their conflict with India, and Islamabad provided groups like LeT with land, funding and even military training, though it was understood that they could not attack targets in Pakistan or get involved in any operations against the U.S., Pakistan's ally. Though there was some low-key cooperation between the Pakistani groups and al-Qaeda, it didn't merit much attention from Washington.
After the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, however, the Bush Administration began to look more closely into bin Laden's alliances. Washington pressured the Pakistani government of General Pervez Musharraf to crack down on LeT, Jaish and others, which by then were on the State Department's list of proscribed terrorist organizations. But the government in Islamabad allowed the groups to continue operations — in December 2001, LeT attacked the Indian Parliament in an audacious move that nearly brought the two countries to war — with only cosmetic changes to their names. LeT, for instance, merged with its charitable foundation, the Jamaat-ud-Dawah.
Gradually, the Pakistani groups began to broaden their targets beyond the Indian enemy. LeT propaganda, for instance, began to focus on links, real and imagined, between India, Israel and the U.S. By the mid-2000s, the group's leader, a former Islamic-studies professor named Hafiz Muhammed Saeed, began to call for a jihad against the West using language similar to those of the fatwas issued by bin Laden and other al-Qaeda leaders. LeT fighters began to venture out of their comfort zone, joining the fighting in Iraq.
At the same time, a new group of radicals, the TTP, had begun to emerge along Pakistan's border with Afghanistan. While LeT, Jaish and other older groups were dominated by Pakistan's majority Punjabi ethnic group, the TTP was overwhelmingly Pashtun, the dominant ethnic group in Afghanistan. And the TTP never had any qualms about challenging the Pakistani state as well as NATO troops in Afghanistan. In 2007 its leader, Baitullah Mehsud, ordered the assassination of Benazir Bhutto and attacks on military targets; he also unleashed a wave of suicide bombings in Pakistani cities. While Pakistani authorities have continued to take a somewhat tolerant view of the Punjabi groups, their attitude toward the TTP is another matter. The army began to crack down on the group in 2008, and in the summer of 2009, a CIA drone took out Baitullah Mehsud. His successor, Hakimullah Mehsud, was thought to have been killed in another drone strike in January, but he re-emerged last week to claim responsibility for the Times Square attack.
Militants in Our Midst How plausible is that? U.S. officials were initially dismissive of the TTP's claims but began to reconsider once it emerged that Shahzad had been trained in bombmaking at a camp in Waziristan, which is Mehsud's stronghold. There is no doubt that the TTP and other Pakistani groups are now recruiting among Americans. Last October, the FBI arrested a Pakistani American, David Coleman Headley, and a Pakistani Canadian associate, for plotting to attack the Copenhagen offices of a Danish newspaper that had published cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad. More shockingly, the FBI said that Headley had been involved in the Mumbai attacks too (he had scoped out the hotels and the Jewish center for LeT) and was planning to bomb the U.S., British and Indian embassies in Dhaka, Bangladesh, before local authorities discovered the plot. In March, Headley pleaded guilty to all charges; he is now waiting to be sentenced.
The Headley revelations alarmed the Obama Administration's security team. In January, Daniel Benjamin, the State Department's top counterterrorism official, said in a speech to the Cato Institute in Washington that "very few things worry me as much as the strength and ambition of LeT." The next month, Director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair told the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence that LeT was "becoming more of a direct threat ... placing Western targets in Europe in its sights."
The TTP is certainly doing so. In 2008, it plotted to bomb the public-transport network in Barcelona, though the operation was busted before it got much beyond the planning phase. If Shahzad was indeed acting on Mehsud's instructions, then the TTP has come closer to successfully executing a large-scale operation on American soil than any group has since Sept. 11, 2001.
Exporting Jihad It's fair to say that many analysts remain skeptical of the ability of a group like the TTP to operate outside Pakistan and Afghanistan. Mehsud lacks the kinds of networks cultivated by the Punjabi groups among Pakistanis living in the West. The TTP's fighters also tend to be poor, unsophisticated peasants from the mountains, ill equipped for foreign assignments. Besides, Mehsud and his fighters now find themselves under attack from the air (the CIA drones) as well as on the ground (the Pakistani military) and may not have the freedom to think big. They're much more likely to seek U.S. targets close at hand: in April, the TTP attacked the U.S. consulate in the Pakistani city of Peshawar.
But the TTP is working on ways to export terrorism. The group's training camps in Waziristan are a magnet for Western jihadis, including U.S. citizens. Once trained, some return home and become executors of the TTP's global ambitions. It's likely that the camps attended by both Najibullah Zazi, who confessed to planning attacks on the New York subway system last year, and Shahzad, the alleged Times Square bomber, were run by the TTP. Others will no doubt follow in their footsteps. Ashley Tellis, a South Asia expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, says there's no reason to doubt Mehsud's determination to mount attacks in the U.S. "His group has taken very big hits from the drone campaign," he says. "He's looking for payback. We have to watch the TTP very carefully."
LeT has the same intent but much greater capabilities. It has larger international networks and access to more sophisticated urban and educated recruits — people like Headley, who can move freely in American society. Its foreign operations tend to be better planned, often in collaboration with other groups, like al-Qaeda and Jaish.
Perhaps LeT's greatest strength is the patronage it continues to receive from the Pakistani military and intelligence services. And it enjoys genuine popularity in large parts of the country, where it offers social services that the government cannot provide. After the devastating 2005 earthquake in Pakistani-controlled Kashmir, LeT volunteers were often the first to arrive on the scene and provide valuable assistance. Like Hizballah in Lebanon, LeT and other Punjabi jihadist groups wield a combination of military and political power that makes them practically untouchable.
How can the Pakistani groups be combatted? Bruce Riedel, a counterterrorism expert at the Brookings Institution in Washington, says the Administration's best bet is to launch a "global takedown" of Pakistani jihadi cells outside Pakistan, especially in Britain, the U.S. and the Middle East. "These external bases are the most threatening to us, much more than their operations in Pakistan," he says. As British authorities — who have had more experience with this challenge than those in the U.S. — know very well, such a takedown involves long, hard work by a host of law-enforcement agencies. And while the good guys are increasing their capabilities and understanding of the threats facing them, so are the bad guys. The Times Square bomb plot didn't go as planned. But as Riedel says, "We can't rely on them to be bad bombmakers forever."


Read more: Beyond Times Square: The Growing Threat from Pakistan - TIME

Beyond Times Square: The Growing Threat from Pakistan - TIME
 


Rawalpindi is not a city where fortunes are made. It is a refuge for those seeking relief from the backbreaking labors of rural life and a home for those fleeing the violence on Pakistan's troubled frontier with Afghanistan. 'Pindi, as it is known, may be a stifling metropolis where crime goes unpunished and hard work unrewarded, but it also offers a chance at the first rung of a very long ladder toward financial stability. Yet that ladder goes only so high. The greensward of the Rawalpindi Golf Club teases the poor with dreams of the good life, but its gates are firmly closed. In Rawalpindi, there are no holes in the fence that divides the classes.
That doesn't stop people from trying to slip through. It was in Rawalpindi that Mohammad Amir Ajmal Qasab, the surviving gunman from the terrorist massacre that claimed 165 lives in Mumbai last November, took his first step toward infamy. In 2007 he visited a market stall run by Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), an Islamist extremist group that has been blamed for the Mumbai attacks, among others. Qasab, at the time, was neither particularly religious nor particularly violent — just one of millions of poor young men in South Asia trying to cross the fence to a better life, existing in a shadow land between aspiration and extremism. (See pictures of a Jihadist's journey.)
What makes Qasab unusual is not that his story is rare but that we know its outlines. After he and Ismail Khan, the leader of the attack, shot up the Victoria Terminus railway station in Mumbai, they were stopped by police at a roadblock. Khan was killed, but Qasab was taken into custody, and he dictated a long confession to Mumbai police. TIME has obtained a copy. As a legal document, it is of questionable value; it was almost certainly obtained under duress and has been widely circulated. But as a narrative of the transformation of a country boy into a jihadist, it is believable and — more than that — important. Understand Qasab's story and you begin to understand why young men throw in their lot with Islamic extremists, why Pakistan may be the most dangerous country in the world, why the half-century-long dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is not just a local problem, why education reform in the poor world is an issue of national security in the rich one — and why draining the swamps in which terrorism is spawned has been so difficult.
Going Underground
In the early 1990s, Pakistan was in a state of euphoria. Islamic holy warriors, many from cities like Rawalpindi, had defeated the Soviet army in Afghanistan, and jihad was on everyone's lips. In 1990, Muslims in Kashmir — the Himalayan territory that India and Pakistan have been arguing and fighting over since 1948 — rose up against Indian rule, and the mujahedin soon found a new cause. The Pakistani military used the jihadi movement, hoping that guerrilla warfare would destabilize its enemy India where conventional warfare failed. Jihadi groups in Pakistan collected donations for Kashmir. Young men signed up for training camps, where they concentrated on physical fitness and learned how to use weapons. Jihad wasn't just a diversion from ordinary life; it was a rite of passage. (Read: "India: After the Horror.")
But after Sept. 11, 2001, everything changed. Pakistan, given no choice by the U.S., stopped supporting the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, which had allowed jihadi training camps to flourish on its soil. On Dec. 13, 2001, a band of Pakistan-based fighters attacked the Indian Parliament. Two weeks later, the U.S. government placed LeT, one of the jihadi groups thought to be behind the attack, on its list of proscribed organizations. The next month, Pakistan's then President, General Pervez Musharraf, bowed to international pressure and declared that no Pakistan-based group would be allowed to commit terrorism in the name of religion. Musharraf banned five jihadi groups that his army had long nurtured. (See pictures of the battle against the Taliban.)
To Musharraf's interlocutors in Washington, this must have sounded like progress. But his decision just shunted the jihadist mentality underground. With a nod and a wink, organizations like LeT re-emerged under new names. The camps were officially closed, but training shifted to hideaways deep in the mountains, where government officials could ignore them. Recruitment continued, strengthened by the perception of unjust — and U.S.-driven — persecution of Muslims.
It was in this climate of official duplicity that Qasab arrived in Rawalpindi. He was not seeking his shortcut to heaven. Rather, he says in his confession, he followed a friend in search of riches. "As we were not getting enough money, we decided to carry out robbery," he says, and they scoped out a house.
That was a common choice. "Robbing houses is easier than finding a job in 'Pindi," says Imran Asghar, a crime reporter for the English-language Daily Times. But to rob a house, Qasab needed weapons. So on Dec. 19, 2007, an important Muslim holiday, he set out for Raja Bazaar, a congested boulevard crammed with gun shops and decorated with hand-painted billboards portraying men hoisting AK-47s. Seeking guns in Raja Bazaar was an amateur move (even in 'Pindi, without a license, you won't get a gun from a shop), but it led Qasab to a LeT stall that had been set up for the holiday. "We thought that even if we procured firearms, we could not operate them," he says in the confession. "Therefore, we decided to join LeT for weapon training."
Qasab does not say in his confession if he ever robbed the house. It doesn't really matter. Crime and terrorism are intertwined — illicit weapons-trading, drugs, smuggling and kidnap-for-ransom schemes fund terrorist networks all around the world. In Pakistan, the connection is deeply ingrained. "When someone commits a crime," says Asghar, "there are so many hands to support him but so few to pull him out. And if I feel guilty for what I have done, I go to mosque. There I am invited to jihad, and I am given a license for paradise. That is where crime and terrorism meet." From the LeT stall, Qasab was directed to the group's offices, where after a brief interview, he was given the address of a training camp and money for the bus. He was on his way.
The Banality of Terror
It would be convenient to think of Qasab as a psychopath, exploited by cynical handlers who corrupt young men in the name of religion. In fact, his origins are ordinary. In his confession, Qasab, now 21, says he was born in the village of Faridkot, in Pakistan's Punjab province. He is said to have been a typical teenager, not especially religious, albeit with a reputation as a troublemaker. His family is poor — his father sells fried snacks at a bus station — but owns its own house. Qasab attended the local primary school; at 13, he left the village to live and work with his elder brother in Lahore.
Qasab's is the classic profile of a jihadi, according to Pakistani psychologist Sohail Abbas. In 2002, Abbas interviewed 517 men who had been jailed for going to fight U.S. troops in Afghanistan. Unlike the stereotypical image of a terrorist — illiterate, fanatic and trained in madrasahs, or religious seminaries — the men had relatively high levels of literacy and were more likely to have been educated in government schools than in madrasahs. Religion wasn't necessarily the only reason they turned to jihad. A Pakistani who enrolled in a training camp in Kunar province, Afghanistan, told TIME that he went for "tourism and adventure."


Read more: The Making of a Mumbai Terrorist - TIME
 
We indians in USA need to distance from pakistani. Otherwise we will have to face the discrimination and abuse.

What do you mean "we indians in USA" - you have two indian flags. Are you lying about your location?

Indians should run campaign to highlight the terrorists are pakistani.

Where have you been all these years! This is India's number one occupation, regardless of the truth in it.
 

The New York Times and others are reporting that evidence could link failed Times Square attacker, Faisal Shahzad, to the Pakistani Taliban group, Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP). The news reports, and U.S. authorities they quote, question how Shahzad, who had struggled with financial problems, got the money to buy the used Nissan SUV and the airline ticket to Pakistan, both paid for in cash. They also suggest that TTP officials could have "helped inspire and train" Shahzad during a recent trip to Pakistan, when he said he visited the war-torn region of Waziristan, where TTP has a strong presence. These are compelling signs of a TTP connection, but there are similarly compelling reasons to doubt a connection.

As the son of a high-ranking Pakistani Air Force officer, Shahzad grew up in a comfortable, upper-middle-class family. Military officials in Pakistan typically enjoy higher financial and social standing than their American counterparts. His wife also comes from a prominent and wealthy family. Speaking of a possible TTP connection, one U.S. official told the Times, "Somebody's financially sponsoring [Shahzad], and that's the link we're pursuing. ... And that would take you on the logic train back to Pak-Taliban authorizations." But it seems plausible that Shahzad could have simply gotten the money from his family. After all, many Americans borrow money from their parents to buy a car. One of the first people arrested by Pakistani authorities in connection with Shahzad was his father-in-law, Mohammad Asif Mian, an author of four books on economics and holder of two master's degrees from the Colorado School of Mines, a respected research university. If he had recently wired Shahzad money for the car and flight, perhaps believing them to be innocent purchases, that money trail would certainly lead authorities to Mian.

Reports of Shahzad's supposed Taliban associations all link him to the TTP. We in the West might be apt to mistake all South Asian terror groups as holding the same agenda, and it's true that TTP has no love for the U.S. But the TTP arose in direct response to the Pakistan military's 2004 advances into the Federally Administrated Tribal Areas, which includes Waziristan. As the military sought ot return government control to the region, Taliban elements that had focused on the war in Afghanistan organized to fight a war against the Pakistani military. For the TTP, there are few enemies more hated than the Pakistan military and few goals more high-ranking than targeting high-ranking military officials. But Shahzad's own father is a retired high-ranking military official. If he were to connect with a Pakistan-based terror group, why would he choose the one that would love to send a suicide bomber into his parents' home? And why would the group trust him?

The U.S. gains diplomatically from even the possibility of a connection. While the TTP has targeted U.S. forces in Afghanistan, they have not made the U.S. their primary target. Their tensions with the more anti-U.S. Taliban groups, which kept the TTP from engaging fully in the Afghan war, were not resolved until last March. But the U.S. has been trying for months to convince Pakistan to launch a large-scale military campaign in Waziristan. Pakistan has hesitated, as many groups there do not currently target Pakistani cities, and the military doesn't wish to provoke more internal terror. Now U.S. officials have seized on the possibility of a connection between Pakistan-based Taliban groups and anti-U.S. terrorism to pressure Pakistan into attacking Waziristan.

Even if Shahzad did meet with members of the TTP or any other organized terror group, it's important to remember that meeting with a group is not the same thing as joining it, and that receiving some training is not the same thing as being integrated into the command-and-control structure. Pakistan-based terror groups, paranoid about CIA infiltration, are extremely skeptical of American-accented, middle-class, well-educated Pakistanis who suddenly wander into their compounds after years spent in the U.S. As the New Yorker's Steve Coll explains, "At best, the jihadi groups might conclude that a particular U.S.-originated individual's case is uncertain. They might then encourage the person to go home and carry out an attack--without giving him any training or access to higher-up specialists that might compromise their local operations. They would see such a U.S.-based volunteer as a 'freebie,' the former officer said--if he returns home to attack, great, but if he merely goes off to report back to his C.I.A. case officer, no harm done."
 
Pakistan Taliban deny ties to foiled Times Square bomber, vow to attack U.S.

Members of the Pakistan Taliban denied having ties with alleged New York Times Square bomber Faisal Shahzad, a spokesman said Thursday, May 6.
According to Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) spokesman Azam Tariq, the group does not know Shahzad did not train the 30-year-old how to use explosives.
The announcement came after a friend of Shahzad told investigators Shahzad had ties to Qari Hussain, who authorities say is the No. 3 leader in the Pakistani Taliban.

The man told Pakistani officials he introduced Shahzad to Hussain, who allegedly taught Shahzad how to craft bombs.

Shahzad was arrested Tuesday for driving an SUV full of explosives, including consumer grade firecrackers, into Time Square Saturday night.
Shahzad reportedly has confessed to the crime and now faces terrorism and weapons of mass destruction charges.
Explosives inside the SUV did not detonate.
Agents in Pakistan and the U.S. now believe Shahzad worked alone, in spite of reports he was affiliated with Taliban officials. It is believed Shahzad began planning the attack sometime after returning to the U.S. earlier this year.
Seven weeks ago, Shahzad was spotted in a Pennsylvania fireworks store, where he purchased several items, including a package of M-88 firecrackers, said to the same type found in the SUV last Saturday.
Faisal Shahzad is the son of a retired Pakistani air force official and lived in Connecticut until 2009.
Authorities believe Shahzad returned to the U.S. in February. According to reports after Shahzad was arrested on a New York airliner headed for Dubai, he returned to the states after receiving training at hidden Taliban military camps.
Officials now question the validity of those reports.
Investigators said Thursday Shahzad's wife and parents were detained Tuesday in Pakistan for security reasons and are not believed to be involved in the bombing attempt. Other arrests in Pakistan, including that of Shahzad's father-in-law are said to be related to the events in Times Square.
Motive could involve revenge against CIA
While Shahzad is believed to have acted alone last weekend, his motive for attempting to blow up an SUV and "kill Americans" could be linked to a 2009 missile attack in Pakistan, allegedly orchestrated by the CIA.
Some say Shahzad knew Hakimullah Mehsud a leader of the Pakistani Taliban in the South Waziristan region.
Mehsud's father, Baitullah Mehsud, was killed during a CIA-launched missile strike in August 2009.
It is believed Baitullah Mehsud was behind a rash of attacks in Pakistan, including the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in 2007.
Sources say Hakimullah Mehsud met Fasail Shahzad during one of 13 trips to Pakistan.
Shahzad, according to reports, sought Taliban officials to help him realize his dream of jihad against the U.S. Those close to the case say Mehsud sought Shahzad with hopes of using him as a tool to avenge the death of his father.
Shahzad reportedly appealed to Mehsud because he was an American citizen, making an attack in the U.S. convenient.
While a CIA revenge plot hasn't been confirmed, Taliban leaders have vowed carry out attacks in America.
A connection between the recent threats and Shahzad isn't known. The owner of the fireworks store, who has security camera footage of Shahzad purchasing fireworks similar to those allegedly used in the bombing attempt, says the suspect did not plan the attack very well.
“He certainly didn’t know what he was doing with the igniter part,” Phantom Fireworks owner Bruce Zoldan told The New York Times. "One (firecracker) going off won’t set off another one. That’s why they’re legal for consumer firework sales. He miscalculated. Thank God.”

http://www.examiner.com/x-38158-Cul...ed-Times-Square-bomber-vow-to-attack-US-VIDEO
 
Times Sq. Bomb Suspect Is Linked to Militant Cleric


WASHINGTON — The Pakistani-American man accused of trying to detonate a car bomb in Times Square has told investigators that he drew inspiration from Anwar al-Awlaki, a Yemeni-American cleric whose militant online lectures have been a catalyst for several recent attacks and plots, an American official said Thursday.

The would-be bomber, Faisal Shahzad, was inspired by the violent rhetoric of Mr. Awlaki, said the official, who would speak of the investigation only on condition of anonymity.

“He listened to him, and he did it,” the official said, referring to Saturday’s attempted bombing on a busy street in Times Square.

Friends of Mr. Shahzad have said he became more religious and somber in the last year or so, and asked his father’s permission in 2009 to join the fight in Afghanistan against American and NATO forces. Investigators believe he was trained by the Pakistani Taliban, a militant group that previously focused mainly on Pakistani government targets.

A senior military official said Thursday that Mr. Shahzad has told interrogators that he met with Pakistani Taliban operatives in North Waziristan in December and January. Later he received explosives training from the same operatives, said the official, who was not authorized to speak publicly about the case.

Counterterrorism officials want to know how Mr. Shahzad, a naturalized American citizen who had earned an M.B.A., married and had children and worked in several corporate jobs, came to embrace violence.

It is no surprise to counterterrorism officials to find that an accused terrorist had been influenced by Mr. Awlaki, 39, now hiding in Yemen, who has emerged as perhaps the most prominent English-speaking advocate of violent jihad against the United States.

Earlier this year, the Obama administration took the extraordinary step of authorizing the killing of Mr. Awlaki, making him the first American citizen on the Central Intelligence Agency’s hit list.

Mr. Awlaki’s English-language online lectures and writings have turned up in more than a dozen terrorism investigations in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada, counterterrorism experts have said. And in two recent United States cases, Mr. Awlaki communicated directly with the accused perpetrator.

Nidal Malik Hasan, the Army psychiatrist accused of killing 13 people at Fort Hood, Tex., in November, exchanged about 18 e-mail messages with Mr. Awlaki in the year before the shootings, asking among other things whether it would be permissible under Islam to kill American soldiers preparing to fight in Afghanistan. After the shootings, Mr. Awlaki praised Major Hasan as “a hero” on his Web site, which was taken offline by the Internet host company shortly after the posting.

In addition, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, the Nigerian man accused of trying to blow up a trans-Atlantic airliner on Christmas Day, is believed to have met Mr. Awlaki during his training by Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.

It is unclear whether Mr. Shahzad ever directly communicated with Mr. Awlaki.

A video broadcast on April 26 on Al Jazeera showed Mr. Awlaki speaking in Arabic and accusing the United States of participating with Yemeni forces in two air strikes in December, one of which was directed at a house where Mr. Awlaki was believed to be meeting with leaders of the Al Qaeda branch. The video carried the logo of the media arm of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula.

Mr. Awlakiwas questioned by the F.B.I. late in 2001 about contacts with three of the Sept. 11 hijackers who had attended his mosques in San Diego and Virginia. He denied any radical ties and denounced the 9/11 attacks in public statements.

He was imprisoned in Yemen in 2006 and 2007, and after his release he was more overtly approving of violence. Last year, he published a tract entitled “44 Ways of Supporting Jihad” that was widely circulated on the Internet.

Mr. Awlaki’s Web site became a favorite for English-speaking Muslims who were curious about jihad, and hundreds of people sent e-mail messages to his site. It is not known whether Mr. Shahzad was among them, and there is no evidence that Mr. Shahzad visited the cleric in Yemen where he was believed to be hiding in a harsh region of desert and mountains.
 
The Pakistani-American man accused of trying to detonate a car bomb in Times Square has told investigators that he drew inspiration from Anwar al-Awlaki, a Yemeni-American cleric whose militant online lectures have been a catalyst for several recent attacks and plots, an American official said Thursday.

We have found the source that corrupted his mind, now close down that cleric's site and disband all his known accomplice's. These clerics need to be stopped at any cost.
 
We have found the source that corrupted his mind, now close down that cleric's site and disband all his known accomplice's. These clerics need to be stopped at any cost.

the funny thing is there is no check on these kinda sites, you can find it without any problem

this is site is functional for quite some time now

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