Why not Pakhtunkhwa?
By Dr Tariq Rahman
A NUMBER of letters in the press and statements from the Awami National Party leaders make it clear that the Pashto-speaking people of the NWFP, or at least the supporters of ANP, want that the province be renamed Pakhtunkhwa.
Another possible name would have been Pakhtunistan tan being used for the land of but the Pakistani establishment has reservations about it since it was associated with an irredentist movement of that name in 1947. Both names are connected with ethnic identity, so let us refer to that in passing.
Pashto became the identity symbol of the Pakhtuns during the British period. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan used this in his anti-British movement. He published a journal called the Pakhtun from 1928 onwards and in this he kept emphasising that a nation is recognised by its language. By calling the Pashto-speaking people a nation, Khan Ghaffar mobilised them as a group. They were supposed to transcend tribal, or local, loyalties, and language was a means of doing so. The ordinary Pakhtun, of course, was proud of being a Pakhtun of Pakhtunwali and the pride of language must have grown in this period.
Khan Ghaffar became associated in Pakistani eyes with Afghan irredentism the Afghan claim to Pakistani territory. Khan Ghaffar had, indeed, demanded an autonomous Pakhtunistan earlier but on September 4, 1947, he said that he only wanted a loose confederation of the six settled districts of the NWFP. Later on, the National Awami Party went even beyond that all it wanted was more power, more autonomy but all within the federation of Pakistan.
Pakhtun ethnicity actually declined in intensity as Tahir Amin pointed out first in his pioneering study of the ethno-national movements of Pakistan. I, too, reached the same conclusion. As the Pakhtuns got jobs in the army and the bureaucracy and got into business, they did not want to separate from Pakistan. What they wanted was that they should be recognised as a nationality in their own right and for this they wanted their living place to be given their name Pakhtunkhwa. It was not a small matter for them because pride, self-esteem, identity and related issues are never trivial. So why the opposition?
The reasons for the states opposition are given in many books. Briefly, the ruling elite of the centre believes that Pakistan can become stronger by denying the various ethnic identities (and so languages) of the people of this land. Among the symbols of integration which the state emphasises are Islam and Urdu. The idea is that the creation of a Pakistani identity involves the suppression of other identities. It is this thinking which sets alarm bells ringing as soon as an innocuous proposition like the renaming of the NWFP comes up.
But this alarmist thinking is gradually giving place to accommodation. The ANP is, after all, part of the ruling coalition and people seem to have understood that Pakistans imposition of Urdu on Bangladesh was a mistake. Now the major opposition seems to be from the people who speak Hindko, Khowar and so on. First, there are minorities in all other provinces of the country Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan which already carry the names of the language of the majority community, so this should not be made out to be an impediment in the case of the NWFP alone.
I am suggesting this because one argument against the name Pakhtunkwa is that it does not represent the other major languages of the NWFP which are Hindko and Khowar. Pakistan has 72 languages listed against its name in the Ethnologue. However, personally I believe the figure is 55. This means that the NWFP in common with the other provinces has more than one language.
Indeed, the fact is that there is hardly any country or province with only one language. France has over 30 languages (some that are spoken by a very small section) and not only French. For Germany, about 27 languages are listed (two being dead ones). Greece has 15 (two are extinct). In India, every linguistic state, including Tamil Nadu, Gujarat and Punjab, have many languages besides the ones which give these states their name.
In short, giving a name to a piece of land with reference to a language does not mean, nor has it ever meant, that that should be the only language spoken in it. The name is a reflection of the democratic will of the majority. Of course, the language rights of the minority should be protected by law as they are in French-speaking Quebec, the Catalan-speaking parts of Spain or the Romansch-speaking cantons of Switzerland.
However, I would like to go a step further and propose that, like India, we too should go for more states identified, as far as possible, by ethnic identity based upon language. If this happens the NWFP will lose the Hindko and Khowar-speaking provinces but will gain the Pashto-speaking part of Balochistan.
Punjab, too, will have to become smaller since a Seraiki province will be carved out of it. This would mean that Punjab will no longer dominate politics and this will reduce the friction between the federating units. The aim is to have justice and peace and it is with reference to these ends that this solution is proposed. But such solutions are subject to the will of the people. Referendums may be one way of finding out what their will is.
In the NWFP, however, there is another ironical twist the oldest inhabitants of the cities are Hindko-speaking people. But this should be a minor problem considering that Karachi has a huge Pakhtun population. People will learn to live with each other but I see no reason for denying them the legitimate name of their province on the grounds that this will increase ethnic tension. On the contrary, if anything, it will defuse the existing tension.
DAWN - Opinion; June 10, 2008