A visit to Kabul
Saleem Safi
Wednesday, June 26, 2013
Being the place my forefathers originated from, Afghanistan has always attracted me. However, Kabul’s breeze, its beautiful hills, the soothing beauty and the peace of mind and heart I feel there come with a heavy price – the political situation in the country, which leaves me very restless.
On each visit, the confusion among the Afghan political leadership, the international and regional players’ tug of war in Kabul and the rivalry within the Afghans grieve me deeply. This is an account of what I experienced and observed during my recent visit to the country.
Besides my team, this time Aqeel Yousafzai, Israr Atal and Karan Khan made for pleasant company in Kabul and northern Afghanistan. I had a good long chat with Pakistan’s ambassador to Afghanistan Muhammad Sadiq and the deputy speaker of the Afghan parliament Mirwais Yasini, enjoyed a lavish dinner by young poet, author and broadcaster Haroon Hakimi, and indeed the very beautiful music of Karan Khan and Abdulla Maquri. Ambassador Sadiq had hosted many Pakhtun leaders from southern and eastern Afghanistan – along with all his staff.
At the event hosted by Mirwais Yasini I met more than a dozen Afghan parliamentarians, while Hakimi invited writers, poets and other media personnel for a light-hearted chat. I had the pleasure of having my respected friend Dr Ataullah Wahidyar’s learned company during a visit to the Panjshir Valley where I visited Ahmed Shah Massoud’s tomb. An interview with former president Ahmad Zia Masood and tea with Salahuddin Rabbani (son of late Burhanuddin Rabbani and head of the High Peace Council) provided some new insights into the Afghan issue.
Some of what I observed during this trip might help unravel and understand the undercurrents of the current political scenario there. To record an interview of Afghan President Hamid Karzai, I had to reach Kabul on June 11. Before leaving Islamabad on June 10, I was informed of a Taliban suicide attack at the Kabul airport. The ensuing retaliatory action by the government resulted in the deaths of seven suicide bombers. However, when I reached the Kabul airport things seemed almost normal. Since President Karzai was due to arrive from Qatar, there were some extra security measures in place, but they did not – in any way – impede routine operations.
The next day, while at the President House, I heard an explosion. Soon I was informed that a suicide bomber had blown himself up in front of the Supreme Court building and many people had been killed. I assumed that, once done with the interview, I would witness terrorised and empty streets. On the contrary, life outside was going about at its usual pace. It seems that Kabul and its residents are immune to such activities and don’t even waste their time and energy in hiding from such acts of terror. At night, hotels were full and wedding halls were lit up.
This time I found Hamid Karzai in an even worse situation. His security process has become extremely intense. Each person has to go through five layers of security – the police, the military, the intelligence community, the protocol wing and his personal staff – before meeting the president. The five layers are not answerable to each other and so keep a check on each other. It is a common assumption in the country that past killings of major Afghan leaders were planned on Pakistani soil by the Taliban. Thus, visitors from Pakistan receive special attention in all five security layers.
When I reached the President House along with the protocol officers, I was allowed to pass but my cameraman Salman Qazi, senior producer Khalid Umer and associate producer Adil Awan were not that lucky. While they did enter the presidency after a while, the interview was recorded by the president’s team. By the time my team had passed through all the security checks, I was done with the interview. Karzai and the protocol officers repeatedly expressed their regret at this and I repeatedly, as per etiquette, termed it a routine matter.
The fact is that like any other state, in Afghanistan too this centre of power is also where lobbyists struggle to promote their own agendas. The anti-Pakistan lobby works hard for people like us to be kept away from President Karzai. Another lobby was concerned that the president should not be too harsh on Pakistan during the interview while yet another feared the exact opposite. The said interview has now been aired and is also accessible online.
A new development is also worth mentioning. The northern Afghanistan leadership and Pakistan are getting closer and the Pakhtun leadership is losing that affinity – or is at least very concerned about that. While no Uzbek, Hazara or Tajik leader uttered a single word against Pakistan the Karzai camp was very upset with us. They seem to be feeling seriously threatened by the growing ties between Pakistan and the northern leadership in Afghanistan.
The eastern and Pakhtun-dominated areas of Afghanistan have seen many anti-Pakistan rallies over the last three months. However, no non-Pakhtun leader has as yet commented on the situation. Hamid Karzai wishes to use the issue of the Durand Line to pressurise Pakistan, but even in this he is not supported by the northern leadership. Either they do not wish to oppose Pakistan or they hold the same view over the issue as does Pakistan.
At this point, the major political concern is the division within the Pakhtun leadership in Afghanistan – which could be a serious setback to the future of the country. The foremost divide is of the Taliban and the non-Taliban. The Hizb-e Islami – the largest political party – is divided into three main factions. Almost every Pakhtun leader sitting in Kabul is against the rest of the Pakhtun leadership and is a candidate in the coming presidential elections. The Karzai camp so far has not been able to finalise its candidate. In contrast, the northern leadership is united and clear in its ideas, and has shortlisted a few candidates and already begun the election campaign.
I feel that Hamid Karzai is once again moving from his anti-Pakistan stance towards a pro-Pakistani posture – but perhaps for the last time. His interview with me, in which he praised Nawaz Sharif and showed his support for issues like drone strikes and negotiations with the Taliban in Pakistan, also proved this.
In this interview, just like in his previous interview with me, he repeated that Afghanistan would stand with Pakistan in case any country – even the US – ever invaded Pakistan. However, this time he wishes to use the Durand Line issue and negotiations with the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan as a bargaining chip.
He spoke fondly of Nawaz Sharif and the political leadership and chose a harsher tone for the military. This was probably a consequence of an imagined rivalry between the two but I think this card is not going to work.
