Stranded Pakistanis in Bangladesh: Did They Commit Some Mistake of Judgment?
Posted on 16 December 2010
Faiz Al-Najdi
Riyadh
December 16 is such a day that it reverberates the thoughts of the breakup of Pakistan, creation of a new country Bangladesh and the gory tales of the plight of many that began that day and unfortunately continues to-date. One such people are the 250,000 stranded Pakistanis (also known as stranded Biharis) languishing in the ghetto-like shanties spread over the urban sprawls of Bangladesh, since that fateful day. Despite all odds lined up against them, by Pakistan, Bangladesh, the International community, OIC and the so-called Muslim Ummah, they are waiting in vain in the false hope of getting repatriated someday to their chosen home Pakistan.
Much has been written and spoken on this subject. The list of the advocates for this cause remains countless, some have passed away and some have grown old. Noted intellectual Ahmed Ilias (an erstwhile Pakistani who was denied repatriation to Pakistan and is now a Bangladeshi citizen) in his book Biharis: The Indian Émigrés in Bangladesh, An objective Analysis has dwelt upon in lucid details the political and social developments encompassing whatever happened in the former East Pakistan. It focuses on the accounts of the events before and after the partition on 14 August 1947 to the ultimate debacle that led to the events of the 16 December 1971 surrender of the Pak Army and eventual creation of Bangladesh.
He writes that in todays Bangladesh, Biharis are the descendants of those optees and emigrants who came to East Bengal after the great divide of India in 1947. It is mentioned that much before 1947, many government employees under the British administration were deputed to various places in East Bengal. Among them a large number of people came from the then province of Bihar to serve in the railways, in the police, judiciaries and other civil departments. It is also often claimed that more than two hundred years ago ancestors of the present day Biharis of Northern Bengal migrated from Bihar and permanently settled down there. And, in 1947 at the time of partition, the British government gave choice to all of its service holders asking them of their option for the country India or Pakistan that they wanted to serve. In response, a vast majority of the Indian Muslim employees opted for Pakistan and likewise the Hindus opted for India. Some of the Bihari Muslim optees were sent to the then West Pakistan and the rest were asked to take up duty in the then East Pakistan now Bangladesh.
Ahmed Ilias further writes that it was a Bihari leader Moulana Raghib Ahsan (1904-1975) who in fact gave leadership to the historic Direct Action Day in Calcutta on 16 August 1946 to forge and demonstrate the support of Indian Muslims for creation of Pakistan. This was followed by Noakhali and Bihar riots. Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy was the main man lending support to the Muslims in Noakhali. A year later, the bloody consequences of both of these riots ultimately led to the creation of Pakistan on 14 August 1947. When Pakistan was established, both Suhrawardy and Raghib Ahsan disassociated with Pakistan Muslim League and formed their own political groups in the then East Pakistan. Suhrawardy pioneered formation of the Awami League. Raghib Ahsan, being his close associate mobilized the Mohajirs (refugees) in East Pakistan and formed the Anjuman-e-Mohajreen-wal-Ansar. This was to protect and promote the Mohajir cause with local support.
At the time of the partition the economic status of both East and West Pakistan was more or less at par with each other. However, as the time elapsed West Pakistan was seen to attain prosperity while the East, down with frequent natural calamities like floods and typhoons, continued to struggle to sustain and survive. The mainstay of the national economy then came from jute which was produced in East Pakistan. Its an irony that most mill owners of jute mills then were non-Bengalis. And, allegedly the income earned via jute mills continued to be transferred to West Pakistan. So much so that when the new capital city was developed by Ayub Khan in Islamabad, Sheikh Mujib on his maiden visit there was reportedly heard making this comment, I smell jute in the buildings, the environs and the surroundings of Islamabad, meaning the capital was built out of the revenue generated from jute which rightfully should have been spent in East Pakistan.
In the former East Pakistan, the Bihari migrants had the advantage over the local Bengali populace. They spoke Urdu which was declared the only national language by Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, were educated, experienced in railways, telephone and telegraphs and civil services. This allowed them an opportunity to fill in the gaps created by the Hindus who had left East Pakistan to migrate to India. Although the Biharis were initially welcomed by the Bengalis however the honeymoon soon had to get over and the relations between them started to get sour. In a way, the Biharis were more to blame as they alienated themselves with the local populace to associate and identify themselves more with the West Pakistani controlled establishment.
Many more instances worked against the Biharis and the Bengalis saw the Biharis as the agents of West Pakistan. During Ayubs era, the Bihari BD (Basic Democracy of Ayub Khan) members were seen to be submissive to the political programs of Ayub Khan. They performed their duty not as the representatives of their community but rather as agents of the ruling clique. This was not at all appreciated by the Bengalis then.
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Fast forward during the military rule of Yahya Khan in 1971, the Para-Military forces like Mujahid force and EPCAF (East Pakistan Civil Armed Force) were formed by the Pakistani Army Establishment. Some other forces like Razakars were also formed. Similarly, some political parties were encouraged by the Army to organize their armed cadres like Al-Badar (armed cadre of Jamat-e-Islami) and Al-Shams (armed cadre of Muslim League) to assist the military in its operation against the Bengali insurgents. Most of the unemployed and illiterate Bihari youths, who were sons of the patriotic and pro-Pakistani parents, enthusiastically joined these forces in large numbers. They were also mostly those whose parents or relatives were killed before or after 25 March-1971 army operation against the Bengalis.
The patriotic pro-Pakistani enthusiasm demonstrated by the Biharis, especially by their youths, was not much appreciated by the local Bengali populace. The Biharis in general were already dubbed as the agents of West Pakistan. The Bengali press and the political slogans by Awami League had already poisoned the Bengali brains against the Biharis for their stance in favor of Pakistan and its military establishment in East Pakistan. As a result and because of the political conflicts between the Army and the Awami League, the members of the Bihari community mostly railway employees in many remote places of North Bengal and being the soft target, became the worst sufferers. In Santahar, the local Bengalis attacked them on 21 March-1971 4 days before the Army crack-down in Dhaka. From 21 March thru 17 April some twenty thousands were killed in Santahar alone. In Dinajpur, however the carnage was even worse. These attacks on Bihari
settlements continued unabated, until Pakistani control was re-established around end of April 1971. It was claimed that 3 million Bengalis died for the creation of Bangladesh. However, it is not known as to how many Urdu speaking Biharis gave their lives in the country they migrated to as their adopted home. All of them were killed in a cold-blooded and in a premeditated manner just because they openly supported the Pakistani establishment against the Bengali insurgents just out of their love and patriotism for Pakistan only. It was heavy price that they paid for sheer patriotism for the country they loved.
Geo TV anchor Hamid Mir, during a program organized by a local social organization in Riyadh-Saudi Arabia in April 2009, is on record to have responded to a question put by the scribe to him as follows:
Quote The Biharis had made a big mistake by supporting and siding
with the undemocratic forces in East Pakistan (meaning supporting the Pakistani military establishment there) against the local Bengali people. It was a mistake and they have to pay the price of this mistake -Unquote.
It leaves me wondering if Hamid Mir is right in his assertions. I also wonder if it would serve as a lesson for others if they are put to similar situation in future, as the unfortunate Biharis were put into in East Pakistan.
(Faiz Al-Najdi (aka: Syed Faiz Ahmad) is a Writer and a Columnist based in Riyadh. His email address is:
faizalnajdi@gmail.com)
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