Xinjiang Province: News & Discussions

[jkroo]

浙江居然出了那么多像Okemos那样的煞笔果粉，让我这个有浙江血统的上海人都感到脸红了。

像花生米这种民族败类只有NC浙江果粉才会去吹捧。

呵呵，杭州人都说杭州是上海的后花园啦。花生？？听听杭州的出租车司机讲西湖旁的物业就知道了。

那谁想当果粉还得要更有文化点，然后要脸皮更厚点，更无耻点。

有一种现象：三代前家道中落的记仇果民后裔，很愿意做这种让人不齿之事。

PS:我是湖南人

 

[Okemos]

Man, you are wrong. You need to be more confident.

恕我直言，你的类比是错误的和愚蠢的。

I wish I could, but one can never be sure of anything in future. I am rather cautious than sorry. Of course I have never been to southern Xinjiang and never read any "objective" assessment of popular opinions of people there, so hopefully I am wrong.

 

[sahaliyan]

果粉一般都有皇汉情结
这里还有其他东北人吗？似乎大多是南方网友？

 

[ChineseTiger1986]

呵呵，杭州人都说杭州是上海的后花园啦。花生？？听听杭州的出租车司机讲西湖旁的物业就知道了。

那谁想当果粉还得要更有文化点，然后要脸皮更厚点，更无耻点。

有一种现象：三代前家道中落的记仇果民后裔，很愿意做这种让人不齿之事。

PS:我是湖南人

都21世纪了，还记恨TG当年充公了他祖先所搜刮的民脂民膏，所以说果粉的骨子里还是封建余孽，最没有资格谈民主就是他们这群人。

果粉一般都有皇汉情结
这里还有其他东北人吗？似乎大多是南方网友？

借着皇汉反共而已

到了割地卖国的时候比谁都来劲

 

[jkroo]

都21世纪了，还记恨TG当年充公了他祖先所搜刮的民脂民膏，所以说果粉的骨子里还是封建余孽，最没有资格谈民主就是他们这群人。



借着皇汉反共而已

到了割地卖国的时候比谁都来劲

借着这个机会讲个故事：我老婆爷爷是苏州人，他三代前祖辈从苏州到湖南做生意，祖宅无比大。他老人家是老知识分子，老国民党员，没去台湾，之后就是民革的啦。当然，后来祖宅被我之前单位给拆了，就补了四套房。 老人家只字不提国民党的，偶尔和老伙计说说宋楚瑜和马英九，也是湖南老乡吗，每逢大事吟诗作对，没拿到离休，但拿退休工资将近40年直至93岁过世。倒是后辈有点后悔没从祖宅弄几幅字画出来老人家过得很充实，也没见他反这反那。

所以，人的品性和格局决定了他看问题的态度，那种为私欲而反的人终将被社会抛弃。

我觉得嘛，民主的希望在中国农村，他们培养了多年的民主素养了，朴素而接地气，如果都大学生了，那就好办了，西方和香港还得都Tm靠边。

跑题了，碎叫

 

[TaiShang]

Chinese cartoon to showcase Xinjiang culture

Chinese animators are working on a new series that tells the coming-of-age story of a legendary Uygur girl in Xinjiang.

The 104-episode cartoon series, "Princess Fragrant," is based on the tale of the Fragrant Concubine, a beautiful Uygur woman from Xinjiang's Kashgar City. According to legend, she became a concubine of Emperor Qianlong in the 18th century during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911).

"The heroine is depicted as a 10-year-old girl in the cartoon, and the storyline is all fictional and has nothing to do with history," said Lu Jun, chairman of Shenzhen Qianheng Cultural Communications Company, which is producing the series.

Director Deng Jiangwei said the cartoon tells the story of how heroine Iparhan went abroad to look for her father and protect the Silk Road with the help of her friends.

"It's a story about growing up and love, and we also want to replicate the beauty of Xinjiang history and culture in our production," he said.

After deciding to make the series in late 2012, the producers went to Xinjiang for field research and set up a subsidiary company in the region.

The producers traveled along a section of the ancient Silk Road in Xinjiang to explore the beauty of the landscape. They also collected pictures of children from different ethnic groups, landmark architecture, ethnic costumes, and information on traditional dances and legends, which were later incorporated into the animation.

The producers consulted local artists and scholars to better respect local customs and accurately represent different ethnic groups, according to Deng. More than 30 cultural experts from different ethnic groups have given their suggestions on plotlines, characters, scenery, and costumes.

Deng said the company has invited a Uygur singer to write and sing the cartoon's theme song.

"Hopefully, the production will contribute to cross-cultural communication among different ethnic groups," Lu Jun said.

Lu said the company is also preparing to produce an opera and film on the same subject.

It is not the first time an artistic work has been inspired by the Fragrant Concubine. The love story of the Uygur concubine and the emperor has been adapted into several stage and television productions.

Song Tong, lecturer at the Institute of Qing History at Renmin University of China, said the story of the Fragrant Concubine depicted in artistic works has been based on different versions of folklore.

There is no historical record of anybody called "Fragrant Concubine" in the imperial palace during the Qing Dynasty, according to Song.

He said Emperor Qianlong only had one Uygur concubine, called "Concubine Rong," and it is widely believed that the story of Fragrant Concubine is based on her.

 

[Jlaw]

香香公主, see 書劍恩仇錄

 

[Europa]

it would be better to call her a genuine 'lover' instead of concubine

a very rare portrait of her and she perhaps looked liked this

 

[TaiShang]

Xinjiang plans multi-ethnic settlement in rural south
By Cathy Wong Source:Global Times

In its latest move to promote ethnic integration in less- developed regions, China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region is building a pilot settlement for residents from multiple ethnicities in a rural desert area outside the city of Hotan as a social experiment to facilitate cultural exchanges and curb terror activities.

Analysts have expressed their approval for the plan to build such a settlement in southern Xinjiang's Hotan, which has a Uyghur population of more than 95 percent, but cautioned that the high cost could impede the government from promoting similar settlements elsewhere.

According to the Xinjiang Daily on Sunday, the 6,700 mu, or 447 hectares, residential community, intended to help foster economic and social integration among different ethnic groups, is currently under construction in the desert outside the city of Hotan, and will be ready for residents to move in at the end of this year.

The new settlement will consist of 600 housing apartments and 600 greenhouses. Built on an area with abundant groundwater, it will provide every household with a greenhouse, a courtyard and 0.33 hectares of fruit orchard to facilitate agricultural entrepreneurialism.

Over 6,000 peasant households from minority ethnic groups and 700 Han farmers from nearby villages and townships have applied to move into the community, and will go through a selection process competing for the 600 openings. The criteria for selection have yet to be disclosed.

Multi-ethnic integration was one of the key issues at the second central work conference on Xinjiang held in Beijing in May, during which President Xi Jinping called for the region to build communities for residents of different ethnic groups will boost understanding by living, working, and studying together.

His speech came against the backdrop of rising numbers of ethnically Han residents of southern Xinjiang moving out of Uyghur neighborhoods in recent years, and vice versa.

A Xinjiang expert who has lived in a similarly mixed community believed the new settlement could help facilitate cultural exchanges and curb terror activities.

"From my experience, a mixed community like this one will greatly enhance communications between different ethnic groups, especially when they work and socialize in the same spaces," Sun Lizhou, a research fellow at Chongqing University who grew up in a mixed ethnic community for civil servants in Urumqi, told the Global Times.

This is not the first such community in Xinjiang. A similar settlement in the resource-rich city of Karamay has already achieved satisfactory results, reported Xinjiang Daily.

Sun believes the new settlement in the southern part of Hotan will serve an as a model for cross-ethnic economic cooperation in southern Xinjiang.

Hotan has seen repeated outbreaks of violence over the past years.

In 2011, 18 terrorists stormed into a local public security bureau. Their attack took the lives of four civilians and a local militaman while setting the building on fire.

"Hotan is the city in Xinjiang with the highest population of Uyghurs, proportionally speaking. That's what has made the settlement project a focus of attention," Li Xiaoxia, a professor with the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times.

But Li believes such settlements are not likely to spread across the whole of Xinjiang, because of the steep capital and resource requirements to build a new community in a desert area.

Others, like Turgunjan Tursun, a research fellow at the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences, are concerned about whether the government will have to force people to relocate.

"The public's choice in housing has become market-oriented and it has become harder for the government to plan the composition of a community's population," said Turgunjan.

"The intended effect of ethnic integration will not be seen in a short period of time. The authorities must not force the progress of reallocation," he said.

 

[jkroo]

Another benefit from policy, I wanna live in Xinjiang, now!

 

[paranoiarocks]

By Simon Denyer September 19


SHACHE COUNTY, China – The month of Ramadan should have been a time of fasting, charity and prayer in China’s Muslim west. But here, in many of the towns and villages of southern Xinjiang, it was a time of fear, repression, and violence.

China’s campaign against separatism and terrorism in its mainly Muslim west has now become an all-out war on conservative Islam, residents here say.

Throughout Ramadan,police intensified a campaign of house-to-house searches, looking for books or clothing that betray “conservative” religious belief among the region’s ethnic Uighurs: women wearing veils were widely detained, and many young men arrested on the slightest pretext, residents say. Students and civil servants were forced to eat instead of fasting, and work or attend classes instead of attending Friday prayers.

The religious repression has bred resentment, and, at times, deadly protests. Reports have emerged of police firing on angry crowds in recent weeks in the towns of Elishku, and Alaqagha; since then, Chinese authorities have imposed a complete blackout on reporting from both locations, even more intense than that already in place across most of Xinjiang.

VIEW GRAPHIC
Chinese police have cracked down on the wearing of beards and veils, in observance of Ramadan, in Muslim-majority Xinjiang province.
A Washington Post team was turned away at the one of several checkpoints around Elishku, as army trucks rumbled past, and was subsequently detained for several hours by informers, police and Communist Party officials for reporting from villages in the surrounding district of Shache county; the following day, the team was again detained in Alaqagha in Kuqa county, and ultimately deported from the region from the nearest airport.

Across Shache county, the Internet has been cut, and text messaging services disabled, while foreigners have been barred. But in snatched conversations, in person and on the telephone, with the few people in the region brave enough to talk, a picture of constant harassment across Xinjiang emerges.

“The police are everywhere,” said one Uighur resident. Another said it was like “living in prison.” Another said his identity card had been checked so many times, “the magnetic strip is not working any more.”

On July 18, hundreds of people gathered outside a government building in the town of Alaqagha, angry about the arrest of two dozen girls and women who had refused to remove their headscarves, according to a report on Washington-based Radio Free Asia (RFA).

Protesters threw stones, bottles and bricks at the building; the police opened fire, killing at least two people, and wounding several more.

Then, on July 28, the last day of Ramadan, a protest in Elishku was met with an even more violent response, RFA reported. Hundreds of Uighurs attacked a police station with knives, axes and sticks; again, the police opened fire, mowing down scores of people.

China's official Xinhua news agency said police killed 59 Uighur “terrorists"in the incident, although other reports suggest the death toll could have been significantly higher.

. The region has been in lockdown ever since, with police and SWAT teams arresting more than 200 people and drones scanning for suspects from the air.

Xinjiang is a land of deserts, oases and mountains, flanked by the Muslim lands of Central Asia. Its Uighur people are culturally more inclined towards Turkey than the rest of China.

China says foreign religious ideas — often propagated over the Internet— have corrupted the people of Xinjiang, promoting fundamentalist Saudi Arabian Wahhabi Islam and turning some of them towards terrorism in pursuit of separatist goals. It also blames a radical Islamist Uighur group — said to be based in Pakistan’s lawless tribal areas and to have links to al-Qaeda — for a recent upsurge in violence. In March, a gruesome knife attack at a train station in the city of Kunming left 33 people dead, while in May, a bomb attack on a street market in Urumqi killed 43 others.

In response, President Xi Jinping has vowed to catch the terrorists “with nets spreading from the earth to the sky,” and to chase them “like rats scurrying across the street, with everybody shouting, ‘Beat them.’ ”

But the nets appear to be also catching many innocent people, residents complain. “You should arrest the bad guys,” said one Uighur professional in Urumqi, “not just anyone who looks suspicious.”

Some 200,000 Communist Party cadres have been dispatched to the countryside, ostensibly to listen to people’s concerns. Yet those officials, who often shelter behind compound walls fortified with alarms and barbed wire, appear to be more interested in ever-more intrusive surveillance of Uighur life, locals say.

In Shache, known in Uighur as Yarkand, an official document boasts of spending more than $2 million to establish a network of informers and surveillance cameras. House-to-house inspections, it says, will identify separatists, terrorists and religious extremists – including women who cover their faces with veils or burqas, and young men with long beards.

In the city of Kashgar, checkpoints enforce what the authorities call “Project Beauty” — beauty, in this case, being an exposed face. A large billboard close to the main mosque carries pictures of women wearing headscarves that pass muster, and those — covering the face or even just the neck — which are banned.

Anyone caught breaking the rules faces the daunting prospect of “regular and irregular inspections,” “educational lectures” and having party cadres assigned as “buddies” to prevent backsliding, the billboard announced. In the city of Karamay, women wearing veils and men with long beards have been banned from public buses.

Terrorism — in the sense of attacks on civilians — is a new phenomenon in Xinjiang, but the unrest here has a much longer history, with many Uighurs chafing under Chinese repression since the Communist Party takeover of the country in 1949, and resentful of the subsequent flood of immigrants from China’s majority Han community into the region.

What has changed is the growth in conservative Islam, and the increasing desperation of Uighurs determined to resist Chinese rule.

Until a decade or two ago, Xinjiang’s Uighurs wore their religion lightly, known more for their singing, dancing and drinking than their observation of the pieties of their faith. But in the past two decades a stricter form of the religion has slowly gained a foothold, as China opened up to the outside world.

While worship was allowed at officially sanctioned — and closely supervised — mosques, a network of underground mosques sprang up. Village elders returning from the Hajj, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, brought back more conservative ideas; high levels of unemployment among Uighur youth, and widespread discrimination against them, left many searching for new ideas and new directions in life. The rise of Islam was, in part, a reaction against social inequality and modernity.

But Joanne Smith Finley of Britain’s Newcastle University, an expert on Uighur identities and Islam, says religion has become a “symbolic form of resistance” to Chinese rule in a region where other resistance is impossible.

When hopes for independence were cruelly dashed by mass executions and arrests in the city of Ghulja — or Yining in Chinese — in 1997, Uighurs had nowhere else to turn, she said.

“People lost faith in the dream of independence,” she said, “and started looking to Islam instead.”

Not every Uighur in Xinjiang is happy with the rising tide of conservatism: one academic lamented the dramatic decline in Uighur establishments serving alcohol in the city of Hotan, while insisting that many young girls wear veils only out of compulsion.

But China’s clumsy attempts to “liberate” Uighurs from the oppression of conservative Islam are only driving more people into the hands of the fundamentalists, experts say.

“If the government continues to exaggerate extremism in this way, and take inappropriate measures to fix it, it will only force people towards extremism” a prominent Uighur scholar, Ilham Tohti, wrote, before being jailed in January on a charge of inciting separatism.



Xu Yangjingjing contributed to this report.
China's war on terror becomes all-out attack on Islam in Xinjiang - The Washington Post

 

[skynet]

 

[Lord ZeN]

See ... Pakistanis won't say anything about these grave attacks on their muslim brothers in Xinjiang .

 

[sherin616]

Where is Pakistani s muslim brothers who loud mouth about indias atrocities in kashmir and blaa blwaa blaAaaaaaaaa

 

[SirHatesALot]

Where is Pakistani s muslim brothers who loud mouth about indias atrocities in kashmir and blaa blwaa blaAaaaaaaaa

Higher than mountain friend can do no wrong