Emilly David
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Xinjiang Province: News & Discussions
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rott
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As an ethnic Han Chinese, I see Pakistani as a Pakistani, a real friend and a brother indeed. To me a Pakistani are people who are in Pakistan or originated from Pakistan regardless where they are presently.
And I don't get entangled in religion. Religion means jack to me. I will first recognize you as a Pakistani rather than being a Muslim or islamist or whatever.
I do know Pakistanis have utmost respect for the Chinese people and we, vice versa.
I for one, do not see any good Pakistani citizens backstabbing any Chinese regardless of what we do with the Uighurs in Xinjiang. To top it all, it will be the dear people of Pakistan who encourages us to clamp down hard on these terrorist as I've seen from some of the comments from our Pakistani brothers in this thread. I say thank you all for your support.
Well, you got one honest view from one unbiased Chinese regardless of my nationality.
waz
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According to PEW, of course....I find it hilarious that you made mention of the "PDF Chinese", as reference to an inherent bias they have but then give PEW as the definitive proof of what the Chinese think.
I've been there dear boy and the PEW findings reek to high heaven.
rott
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Rofl....
waz
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I couldn't give a damn what you believe and neither do the Chinese.You would have thought you would have got the message now ,but you keep coming back like a rancid, putrid smell.
Now for the last few insults you typed out you can enjoy a lengthy ban, you can keep telling yourself that this is also a lie, I can assure you it isn't.
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ArsalanKhan21
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http://www.economist.com/news/china...will-not-bring-stability-xinjiang-tongue-tied
Education in Xinjiang
Tongue-tied
Teaching Uighur children in Mandarin will not bring stability to Xinjiang
Jun 27th 2015 | SHUFU COUNTY, KASHGAR | From the print edition
“I CAN speak Chinese, I’m so awesome!” reads a sign on the wall of the Mingde primary school in Shufu, a town near the oasis city of Kashgar in the far western province of Xinjiang. Nearby, children’s artworks hang beneath another banner which proclaims: “The motherland is in my heart.” Though every pupil at the school is Uighur, one of China’s ethnic minority peoples, most lessons here are taught in Mandarin—a very different language from their Turkic one. It is the same at ever more schools across the region. Educating young Uighurs in Mandarin may one day help them find work—but it is also a means by which the government hopes to subdue Xinjiang and its many inhabitants who chafe at rule from Beijing.
Xinjiang began to fall under China’s control in the mid-18th century. It was then mainly populated by ethnic Uighurs, whose culture and Muslim faith set them apart from much of the rest of China; Kashgar is far closer to Kabul and Islamabad than it is to Beijing. Despite the migration into Xinjiang of Hans, China’s ethnic majority, minorities (mainly Uighurs) still make up 60% of its residents, compared with less than 10% in China overall.
For decades the region has been racked by a low-level insurgency by Uighurs against growing Han influence. In 2009 around 200 people died in ethnic clashes in Urumqi, the region’s capital. Security has since been ramped up—the police and army are ever-present—but last July tensions flared again when an estimated 100 people were killed near Kashgar following attacks on government buildings. Violence has spread beyond Xinjiang’s borders too, into China’s interior. In 2013 five people were killed when a car driven by Uighurs ploughed into pedestrians in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and burst into flames. Last year 31 people died in a knife attack by Uighurs in the south-western city of Kunming, an incident described by state media as the country’s “9/11”. Eighteen people were reportedly killed on June 22nd in an attack by Uighurs armed with knives and bombs on a checkpoint in Kashgar.
As well as bulldozing dissent, the government has tried pouring in cash to boost Xinjiang’s economy. Yet Hans have disproportionately benefited from the resulting boom; minorities’ feelings of alienation and inequality have worsened. Hans and non-Hans in Xinjiang are growing further apart—some Hans are nervous about entering Uighur districts; Uighurs complain of harassment by the police. Officials are beginning to recognise that there is a social problem, as well as a security-related one. There is a renewed focus on breaking down ethnic barriers and promoting a shared national identity.
Mandarin-teaching for Uighurs is seen as a tool to achieve these goals. Since 2011 officials in the region have been promoting what they call “bilingual education”. By this they mean that most instruction is to be in Mandarin. Ever more schools are moving towards using Chinese only, with the exception of a few hours of classes each week in Uighur literature. President Xi Jinping emphasises this policy as a way to fight terrorism. Last year he described better education as “essential” to the region’s long-term stability. Schools such as Mingde, with its troops of Uighur children wearing the red ties of the Young Pioneers, a junior branch of the Communist Party, embody the government’s great hope.
The government’s desire to boost Mandarin-speaking ability is reasonable: few Uighurs speak fluent, or even passable, Chinese. Mastering the language should open up opportunities for Uighur children and improve their job prospects (in 2010, 83% of all Uighurs were farmers). Bringing Han and Uighur children into the same classroom, as some urban schools are at last trying to do, should help too.
But the authorities risk arousing complaints that Uighur culture is being marginalised. Even before Xinjiang’s ethnic troubles intensified in 2009, schools conformed to Han norms. Recently bans have been made stricter on the observance of fasting rituals during the month of Ramadan. Few Han children in Xinjiang are taught minority languages.
Our culture, not yours
The Xinjiang curriculum is about learning to be Chinese. Schools prize “patriotic education” even more than others in China. At Mingde the Chinese flag hangs at the front of each classroom between laminated photos of the late leaders Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. A kindergarten in Kasghar features a wall poster declaring: “I am Chinese. Beijing is my country’s capital, I love China. I love the motherland, I love the Great Wall. I love my father, mother, teacher, classmates, but most of all I love my motherland.”
Around two-thirds of minority children now receive Mandarin-language instruction. But educational quality is suffering. Not enough Uighurs speak sufficient Mandarin to teach in it; those who do want better-paid jobs than teaching. It is hard to attract Han teachers to a poor, volatile region. The government is pumping money into the recruitment effort, but it says Xinjiang still needs 30,000 more teachers who can speak both Mandarin and a local language. Uighur-speaking parents can rarely help their children with school work and many pupils have no chance to practise the Mandarin they acquire. Even in a model school like Mingde, staff admit that children speak only Uighur outside class. Many six-year-olds cannot understand basic questions in Chinese. Other skills suffer, too: children typically learn English via Mandarin, for example, even though English and Uighur—unlike Chinese—both use alphabetical scripts.
Some older Uighurs view such instruction as an erosion of their culture. Reza Hasmath of Oxford University says they may therefore either fail to support their children’s education or actively resist it (some send their children to illegal religious schools). Despite this—and unlike in Tibet—there have been few reports of public protests against Mandarin-medium teaching. This is probably because other issues, such as the banning of Muslim veils, have raised more hackles, and possibly because some incidents go unreported.
In other parts of China, such as Hong Kong and Shanghai, where Mandarin is not the native tongue, learning the national language does indeed open doors. But in Xinjiang even many Uighurs who speak fluent Mandarin find it hard to get ahead, partly because of racial prejudice. Highly educated Uighurs tend to earn less than their Han equivalents, says Mr Hasmath. Attempts by the Chinese government to promote knowledge of Mandarin and Chinese culture in Xinjiang may generate more problems than they solve.
Education in Xinjiang
Tongue-tied
Teaching Uighur children in Mandarin will not bring stability to Xinjiang
Jun 27th 2015 | SHUFU COUNTY, KASHGAR | From the print edition
“I CAN speak Chinese, I’m so awesome!” reads a sign on the wall of the Mingde primary school in Shufu, a town near the oasis city of Kashgar in the far western province of Xinjiang. Nearby, children’s artworks hang beneath another banner which proclaims: “The motherland is in my heart.” Though every pupil at the school is Uighur, one of China’s ethnic minority peoples, most lessons here are taught in Mandarin—a very different language from their Turkic one. It is the same at ever more schools across the region. Educating young Uighurs in Mandarin may one day help them find work—but it is also a means by which the government hopes to subdue Xinjiang and its many inhabitants who chafe at rule from Beijing.
Xinjiang began to fall under China’s control in the mid-18th century. It was then mainly populated by ethnic Uighurs, whose culture and Muslim faith set them apart from much of the rest of China; Kashgar is far closer to Kabul and Islamabad than it is to Beijing. Despite the migration into Xinjiang of Hans, China’s ethnic majority, minorities (mainly Uighurs) still make up 60% of its residents, compared with less than 10% in China overall.
For decades the region has been racked by a low-level insurgency by Uighurs against growing Han influence. In 2009 around 200 people died in ethnic clashes in Urumqi, the region’s capital. Security has since been ramped up—the police and army are ever-present—but last July tensions flared again when an estimated 100 people were killed near Kashgar following attacks on government buildings. Violence has spread beyond Xinjiang’s borders too, into China’s interior. In 2013 five people were killed when a car driven by Uighurs ploughed into pedestrians in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and burst into flames. Last year 31 people died in a knife attack by Uighurs in the south-western city of Kunming, an incident described by state media as the country’s “9/11”. Eighteen people were reportedly killed on June 22nd in an attack by Uighurs armed with knives and bombs on a checkpoint in Kashgar.
As well as bulldozing dissent, the government has tried pouring in cash to boost Xinjiang’s economy. Yet Hans have disproportionately benefited from the resulting boom; minorities’ feelings of alienation and inequality have worsened. Hans and non-Hans in Xinjiang are growing further apart—some Hans are nervous about entering Uighur districts; Uighurs complain of harassment by the police. Officials are beginning to recognise that there is a social problem, as well as a security-related one. There is a renewed focus on breaking down ethnic barriers and promoting a shared national identity.
Mandarin-teaching for Uighurs is seen as a tool to achieve these goals. Since 2011 officials in the region have been promoting what they call “bilingual education”. By this they mean that most instruction is to be in Mandarin. Ever more schools are moving towards using Chinese only, with the exception of a few hours of classes each week in Uighur literature. President Xi Jinping emphasises this policy as a way to fight terrorism. Last year he described better education as “essential” to the region’s long-term stability. Schools such as Mingde, with its troops of Uighur children wearing the red ties of the Young Pioneers, a junior branch of the Communist Party, embody the government’s great hope.
The government’s desire to boost Mandarin-speaking ability is reasonable: few Uighurs speak fluent, or even passable, Chinese. Mastering the language should open up opportunities for Uighur children and improve their job prospects (in 2010, 83% of all Uighurs were farmers). Bringing Han and Uighur children into the same classroom, as some urban schools are at last trying to do, should help too.
But the authorities risk arousing complaints that Uighur culture is being marginalised. Even before Xinjiang’s ethnic troubles intensified in 2009, schools conformed to Han norms. Recently bans have been made stricter on the observance of fasting rituals during the month of Ramadan. Few Han children in Xinjiang are taught minority languages.
Our culture, not yours
The Xinjiang curriculum is about learning to be Chinese. Schools prize “patriotic education” even more than others in China. At Mingde the Chinese flag hangs at the front of each classroom between laminated photos of the late leaders Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. A kindergarten in Kasghar features a wall poster declaring: “I am Chinese. Beijing is my country’s capital, I love China. I love the motherland, I love the Great Wall. I love my father, mother, teacher, classmates, but most of all I love my motherland.”
Around two-thirds of minority children now receive Mandarin-language instruction. But educational quality is suffering. Not enough Uighurs speak sufficient Mandarin to teach in it; those who do want better-paid jobs than teaching. It is hard to attract Han teachers to a poor, volatile region. The government is pumping money into the recruitment effort, but it says Xinjiang still needs 30,000 more teachers who can speak both Mandarin and a local language. Uighur-speaking parents can rarely help their children with school work and many pupils have no chance to practise the Mandarin they acquire. Even in a model school like Mingde, staff admit that children speak only Uighur outside class. Many six-year-olds cannot understand basic questions in Chinese. Other skills suffer, too: children typically learn English via Mandarin, for example, even though English and Uighur—unlike Chinese—both use alphabetical scripts.
Some older Uighurs view such instruction as an erosion of their culture. Reza Hasmath of Oxford University says they may therefore either fail to support their children’s education or actively resist it (some send their children to illegal religious schools). Despite this—and unlike in Tibet—there have been few reports of public protests against Mandarin-medium teaching. This is probably because other issues, such as the banning of Muslim veils, have raised more hackles, and possibly because some incidents go unreported.
In other parts of China, such as Hong Kong and Shanghai, where Mandarin is not the native tongue, learning the national language does indeed open doors. But in Xinjiang even many Uighurs who speak fluent Mandarin find it hard to get ahead, partly because of racial prejudice. Highly educated Uighurs tend to earn less than their Han equivalents, says Mr Hasmath. Attempts by the Chinese government to promote knowledge of Mandarin and Chinese culture in Xinjiang may generate more problems than they solve.
Sommer
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What's the education language in USA? English.
In UK? English.
In Germany? Germany.
Every country will make the child learn the official language and use it in school, to make sure they can have a basic life.
Why should it be different in China?
And there will be effort of it, because with the same language people from different nation group can talk through with each other.
In UK? English.
In Germany? Germany.
Every country will make the child learn the official language and use it in school, to make sure they can have a basic life.
Why should it be different in China?
And there will be effort of it, because with the same language people from different nation group can talk through with each other.
Last edited:
http://www.economist.com/news/china...will-not-bring-stability-xinjiang-tongue-tied
Education in Xinjiang
Tongue-tied
Teaching Uighur children in Mandarin will not bring stability to Xinjiang
Jun 27th 2015 | SHUFU COUNTY, KASHGAR | From the print edition
“I CAN speak Chinese, I’m so awesome!” reads a sign on the wall of the Mingde primary school in Shufu, a town near the oasis city of Kashgar in the far western province of Xinjiang. Nearby, children’s artworks hang beneath another banner which proclaims: “The motherland is in my heart.” Though every pupil at the school is Uighur, one of China’s ethnic minority peoples, most lessons here are taught in Mandarin—a very different language from their Turkic one. It is the same at ever more schools across the region. Educating young Uighurs in Mandarin may one day help them find work—but it is also a means by which the government hopes to subdue Xinjiang and its many inhabitants who chafe at rule from Beijing.
Xinjiang began to fall under China’s control in the mid-18th century. It was then mainly populated by ethnic Uighurs, whose culture and Muslim faith set them apart from much of the rest of China; Kashgar is far closer to Kabul and Islamabad than it is to Beijing. Despite the migration into Xinjiang of Hans, China’s ethnic majority, minorities (mainly Uighurs) still make up 60% of its residents, compared with less than 10% in China overall.
For decades the region has been racked by a low-level insurgency by Uighurs against growing Han influence. In 2009 around 200 people died in ethnic clashes in Urumqi, the region’s capital. Security has since been ramped up—the police and army are ever-present—but last July tensions flared again when an estimated 100 people were killed near Kashgar following attacks on government buildings. Violence has spread beyond Xinjiang’s borders too, into China’s interior. In 2013 five people were killed when a car driven by Uighurs ploughed into pedestrians in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and burst into flames. Last year 31 people died in a knife attack by Uighurs in the south-western city of Kunming, an incident described by state media as the country’s “9/11”. Eighteen people were reportedly killed on June 22nd in an attack by Uighurs armed with knives and bombs on a checkpoint in Kashgar.
As well as bulldozing dissent, the government has tried pouring in cash to boost Xinjiang’s economy. Yet Hans have disproportionately benefited from the resulting boom; minorities’ feelings of alienation and inequality have worsened. Hans and non-Hans in Xinjiang are growing further apart—some Hans are nervous about entering Uighur districts; Uighurs complain of harassment by the police. Officials are beginning to recognise that there is a social problem, as well as a security-related one. There is a renewed focus on breaking down ethnic barriers and promoting a shared national identity.
Mandarin-teaching for Uighurs is seen as a tool to achieve these goals. Since 2011 officials in the region have been promoting what they call “bilingual education”. By this they mean that most instruction is to be in Mandarin. Ever more schools are moving towards using Chinese only, with the exception of a few hours of classes each week in Uighur literature. President Xi Jinping emphasises this policy as a way to fight terrorism. Last year he described better education as “essential” to the region’s long-term stability. Schools such as Mingde, with its troops of Uighur children wearing the red ties of the Young Pioneers, a junior branch of the Communist Party, embody the government’s great hope.
The government’s desire to boost Mandarin-speaking ability is reasonable: few Uighurs speak fluent, or even passable, Chinese. Mastering the language should open up opportunities for Uighur children and improve their job prospects (in 2010, 83% of all Uighurs were farmers). Bringing Han and Uighur children into the same classroom, as some urban schools are at last trying to do, should help too.
But the authorities risk arousing complaints that Uighur culture is being marginalised. Even before Xinjiang’s ethnic troubles intensified in 2009, schools conformed to Han norms. Recently bans have been made stricter on the observance of fasting rituals during the month of Ramadan. Few Han children in Xinjiang are taught minority languages.
Our culture, not yours
The Xinjiang curriculum is about learning to be Chinese. Schools prize “patriotic education” even more than others in China. At Mingde the Chinese flag hangs at the front of each classroom between laminated photos of the late leaders Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. A kindergarten in Kasghar features a wall poster declaring: “I am Chinese. Beijing is my country’s capital, I love China. I love the motherland, I love the Great Wall. I love my father, mother, teacher, classmates, but most of all I love my motherland.”
Around two-thirds of minority children now receive Mandarin-language instruction. But educational quality is suffering. Not enough Uighurs speak sufficient Mandarin to teach in it; those who do want better-paid jobs than teaching. It is hard to attract Han teachers to a poor, volatile region. The government is pumping money into the recruitment effort, but it says Xinjiang still needs 30,000 more teachers who can speak both Mandarin and a local language. Uighur-speaking parents can rarely help their children with school work and many pupils have no chance to practise the Mandarin they acquire. Even in a model school like Mingde, staff admit that children speak only Uighur outside class. Many six-year-olds cannot understand basic questions in Chinese. Other skills suffer, too: children typically learn English via Mandarin, for example, even though English and Uighur—unlike Chinese—both use alphabetical scripts.
Some older Uighurs view such instruction as an erosion of their culture. Reza Hasmath of Oxford University says they may therefore either fail to support their children’s education or actively resist it (some send their children to illegal religious schools). Despite this—and unlike in Tibet—there have been few reports of public protests against Mandarin-medium teaching. This is probably because other issues, such as the banning of Muslim veils, have raised more hackles, and possibly because some incidents go unreported.
In other parts of China, such as Hong Kong and Shanghai, where Mandarin is not the native tongue, learning the national language does indeed open doors. But in Xinjiang even many Uighurs who speak fluent Mandarin find it hard to get ahead, partly because of racial prejudice. Highly educated Uighurs tend to earn less than their Han equivalents, says Mr Hasmath. Attempts by the Chinese government to promote knowledge of Mandarin and Chinese culture in Xinjiang may generate more problems than they solve.
Another pack of lies by West. Xinjiang is already under China control during Tang dynasty. The white man simply can only resort to lie twisting to serve its purpose.
Beidou2020
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CPC should accelerate the migration of Han Chinese to Xinjiang and Tibet. That's the only way those 2 places will develop.
No need for these outsiders taking up land that belong to Han Chinese.
Send all the Uighurs back to where they came from (Middle East) and send all the Tibetans back to where they came from (Subcontinent).
The reason that Xinjiang and Tibet are not yet developed like Shanghai is because 2 backward groups of people are more concerned about fake and imaginary religions than concentrating on economic development like the rest of East Asia.
The best thing to happen is to Xinjiang and Tibet is for the population in those 2 provinces to be 100% ethnic Han Chinese. There is only one way to do that. I think you know what I'm referring to.
No need for these outsiders taking up land that belong to Han Chinese.
Send all the Uighurs back to where they came from (Middle East) and send all the Tibetans back to where they came from (Subcontinent).
The reason that Xinjiang and Tibet are not yet developed like Shanghai is because 2 backward groups of people are more concerned about fake and imaginary religions than concentrating on economic development like the rest of East Asia.
The best thing to happen is to Xinjiang and Tibet is for the population in those 2 provinces to be 100% ethnic Han Chinese. There is only one way to do that. I think you know what I'm referring to.
gau8av
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yeah, ethnic cleansing through demographic manipulation à la comrade stalin
but, jokes aside, terrorists like these like should be dealt with in the harshest possible way and I have have full faith that the Chinese state, which is not bogged down by western style "democratic principles" etc, will do a good job of eliminating this menace.
go PLA ! looking fwd to the total annihilation of the uighur jihadis in xinjiang !
Lux de Veritas
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Do everyone in Pakistan need learn Urdu?
Good, they need to be brought into the fold. Holding on to some dumn (never been a country) ideology or hope, is stupid. And China doesn't need the US' advice, who's only solution is secession. Allow the Uyghur language to be thought as a stand alone course, the rest of everything is done in mandarin. End of subject. And to any Turkish friend who might read this, what does Turkey do with the Kurds? Same story. Language shouldn't be forbidden, but you don't want a permanent second-class society in your country because they don't speak the language.
PS: less than 10% of China is Uyghur? How about less than 1%? Disgusting propaganda. 10 million of 1.3 billion. Come on huh 'economist'.
PS: less than 10% of China is Uyghur? How about less than 1%? Disgusting propaganda. 10 million of 1.3 billion. Come on huh 'economist'.
XiangLong
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yeah, ethnic cleansing through demographic manipulation à la comrade stalin
You will be surprised to find out how many people have been ''ethnic cleansed'' throughout history. The only way to stop said ''ethnic cleansing'' would be to fully stop migration in the way North Korea would do. Complete isolation would be in order to stop interbreeding between races.
Migration has even gone so far in the Netherlands that today, only 2% PERCENT of the people living here are fully ethnic Dutch! 98% of the people have somewhere in their lineage a German, French, Spanish or even a Scandinavian or Russian ancestor! You can find everything here on this website that our Prof. has insisted on visiting lol. Everything is in Dutch, so you might have to google translate most of the things, but even then, I think the graphs speak for themselves.
Homepage | vijfeeuwenmigratie.nl
Migratiecijfers | vijfeeuwenmigratie.nl
And most times, it works out for the better. Just look at how the Netherlands and the US for that matter, have developed themselves over the years. And as for me, I don't care if a person is an ethnic Uighur, Tibetan, black African, German or even Japanese. As long as you see the PRC flag and its laws as that of your home country, I consider you a Chinese.
Hey gast, je zal verrast zijn over hoeveel Nederlandse mensen in onze eigen Nederland ook 'echte' Nederlanders zijn! XD
Homepage | vijfeeuwenmigratie.nl
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