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Why Israel Is Backing the Saudi Arms Deal

Cheetah786

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http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/28/washington/28weapons.html?pagewanted=1&_r=2&hp&adxnnl=0&adxnnlx=1185621843-RKYeKR6MryHkGPUwqMtSRAWASHINGTON, July 27 — The Bush administration is preparing to ask Congress to approve an arms sale package for Saudi Arabia and its neighbors that is expected to eventually total $20 billion at a time when some United States officials contend that the Saudis are playing a counterproductive role in Iraq.
The proposed package of advanced weaponry for Saudi Arabia, which includes advanced satellite-guided bombs, upgrades to its fighters and new naval vessels, has made Israel and some of its supporters in Congress nervous. Senior officials who described the package on Friday said they believed that the administration had resolved those concerns, in part by promising Israel $30.4 billion in military aid over the next decade, a significant increase over what Israel has received in the past 10 years.

But administration officials remained concerned that the size of the package and the advanced weaponry it contains, as well as broader concerns about Saudi Arabia’s role in Iraq, could prompt Saudi critics in Congress to oppose the package when Congress is formally notified about the deal this fall.

In talks about the package, the administration has not sought specific assurances from Saudi Arabia that it would be more supportive of the American effort in Iraq as a condition of receiving the arms package, the officials said.

The officials said the plan to bolster the militaries of Persian Gulf countries is part of an American strategy to contain the growing power of Iran in the region and to demonstrate that, no matter what happens in Iraq, Washington remains committed to its longtime Arab allies. Officials from the State Department and the Pentagon agreed to outline the terms of the deal after some details emerged from closed briefings this week on Capitol Hill.

The officials said Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates, who are to make a joint visit to Saudi Arabia next week, still intended to use the trip to press the Saudis to do more to help Iraq’s Shiite-dominated government.

“The role of the Sunni Arab neighbors is to send a positive, affirmative message to moderates in Iraq in government that the neighbors are with you,” a senior State Department official told reporters in a conference call on Friday. More specifically, the official said, the United States wants the gulf states to make clear to Sunnis engaged in violence in Iraq that such actions are “killing your future.”

In addition to promising an increase in American military aid to Israel, the Pentagon is seeking to ease Israel’s concerns over the proposed weapons sales to Saudi Arabia by asking the Saudis to accept restrictions on the range, size and location of the satellite-guided bombs, including a commitment not to store the weapons at air bases close to Israeli territory, the officials said.

The package and the possible steps to allay Israel’s concerns were described to Congress this week, in an effort by the administration to test the reaction on Capitol Hill before entering into final negotiations on the package with Saudi officials. The Saudis had requested that Congress be told about the planned sale, the officials said, in an effort to avoid the kind of bruising fight on Capitol Hill that occurred in the 1980s over proposed arms sales to the kingdom.

In his visit with King Abdullah and other Saudi officials next week, Mr. Gates plans to describe “what the administration is willing to go forward with” in the arms package and “what we would recommend to the Hill and others,” according to a senior Pentagon official, who conducted a background briefing on the upcoming trip with reporters on Friday.

The official added that Mr. Gates would also reassure the Saudis that “regardless of what happens in the near term in Iraq that our commitment in the region remains firm, remains steadfast and that, in fact, we are looking to enhance and develop it.”

The $20 billion price tag on the package is more than double what officials originally estimated when details became public this spring. Even the higher figure is a rough estimate that could fluctuate depending on the final package, which would be carried out over a number of years, officials said.

Worried about the impression that the United States was starting an arms race in the region, State and Defense Department officials stressed that the arms deal was being proposed largely in response to improvements in Iran’s military capabilities and to counter the threat posed by its nuclear program, which the Bush administration contends is aimed at building nuclear weapons.

Along with Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates are likely to receive equipment and weaponry from the arms sales under consideration, officials said. In general, the United States is interested in upgrading the countries’ air and missile defense systems, improving their navies and making modest improvements in their air forces, administration officials said, though not all the packages would be the same.

Ms. Rice is expected to announce Monday that the administration will open formal discussions with each country about the proposed packages, in hopes of reaching agreements by the fall.

Along with the announcement of formal talks with Persian Gulf allies on the arms package, Ms. Rice is planning to outline the new agreement to provide military aid to Israel, as well as a similar accord with Egypt.

The $30.4 billion being promised to Israel is $9.1 billion more than Israel has received over the past decade, an increase of nearly 43 percent.

A senior administration official said the sizable increase was a result of Israel’s need to replace equipment expended in its war against Hezbollah in Lebanon last summer, as well as to maintain its advantage in advanced weaponry as other countries in the region modernize their forces.

In defending the proposed sale to Saudi Arabia and other gulf states, the officials noted that the Saudis and several of the other countries were in talks with suppliers other than the United States. If the packages offered to them by the United States are blocked or come with too many conditions, the officials said, the Persian Gulf countries could turn elsewhere for similar equipment, reducing American influence in the region.

The United States has made few, if any, sales of satellite-guided munitions to Arab countries in the past, though Israel has received them since the mid-1990s as part of a United States policy of ensuring that Israel has a military edge over its regional rivals.

Israeli officials have made specific requests aimed at eliminating concerns that satellite-guided bombs sold to the Saudis could be used against its territory, administration officials said.

Their major concern is not a full-scale Saudi attack, but the possibility that a rogue pilot armed with one of the bombs could attack on his own or that the Saudi government could one day be overthrown and the weapons could fall into the hands of a more radical regime, officials said.

http://imageshack.us
 
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Where did the ummah go, why buying arms from the crusaders
 
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^^ dude, look at whats going on in Iraq

most of the sunni suicide bombers blowing up shias are saudis

most of the shia death squads killing sunnis are trained in Iran
 
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^^ dude, look at whats going on in Iraq

most of the sunni suicide bombers blowing up shias are saudis

most of the shia death squads killing sunnis are trained in Iran

couldnt have said it better my self :enjoy:
 
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Would it have turned out that US didnt expect it acting as the human wall between Saudi and Iraqi death squads.
 
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Brothers, let us not ignore one very important fact. KSA is having huge Pertodollar surplus in balance of payments with the US. Selling $20-billion worth of arms to KSA is one way of getting some of the money back. Besides, arms purchased by the KSA will be used more as an exhibition of power and very unlikely to ever used in anger.

Potential enemy of KSA:

1. Isreal:
In theory yes, but in practice N0. KSA is more likely to use oil as weapon ( as the did in 1973) than engage in an actual firefight.

2. Syria:
Syria is too small and in case of serious threat US can bomb the hell out of Syria.

3. Iraq:
Highly unlikely, it will be a very long time before Iraq is strong enough as she was during Saddam's era.

4. Iran:
Iran is the only country that poses a serious threat to KSA. However, there is no direct border and even existing KSA military assets are more than sufficient to thwart any Iranian ambitions.

5. Internal:
Any threat to KSA will come from within. What is needed is to beef up their already formidable 'National Guard'. Serious threat from Iran will be in the form of local insurrection of Shia population which is concentrated in the Eastern Oil producing region or from Al-Qaida.

Based on the above IMO, there is no real need for KSA to spend so much on expensive Toys. It is the US which is frightening the ruling Saudi dynasty to purchase these weapons. The real reason being as noted in the begining of the post.
 
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Why Israel Is Backing the Saudi Arms Deal


Monday, Jul. 30, 2007 By ROBERT BAER Saudi F-15 fighter jets escort the plane of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Vladimir Rodionov / AFP / GettyArticle ToolsPrintEmailReprintsSphereAddThisRSS Israel has come out in support of a multi-billion dollar U.S. arms deal to Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries. I can't remember the last time Israel supported a deal like this. Probably because it never has. So what exactly is going on this time?

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Earlier this month I was in Nablus, the most radicalized Palestinian town in the West Bank. The Israeli Defense Forces enter it only in force — and preferably in armor. I was standing in the main square when a disabled man on an all-terrain vehicle came weaving through traffic. He bounced across the curb in front of me to avoid a vendor's cart, shouting, "We need Hasan Nasrallah here to impose a little order."

I was surprised to hear Nasrallah's name evoked in Nablus. Nasrallah, the secretary general of Lebanon's Hizballah, is a radical Shi'a. Nablus is Sunni, with segments increasingly attracted to Hamas radicalism. I walked around Nablus's old bazaar conducting an impromptu poll. To a person, everyone admired Nasrallah, for how he had fought the Israelis to a standstill in last summer's 34-day war.

Just to make sure Nasrallah enjoyed the support he seemed to I asked the head of an Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade cell holed up in Nablus's Balata refugee camp. He is wanted by the Israelis, and constantly moves from house to house to avoid them. When he heard Nasrallah's name, he put his fingers to his lips. "I love that man," he said.

The point of all this is that Hasan Nasrallah and Hizballah are the creation of Iran, the tip of Iran's spear pointed at Israel's throat. If anyone still has any doubts about Nasrallah's standing with Iran, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad sent a "greeting card" to Nasrallah to mark the first anniversary of last year's war. As Ahmadinejad put it, "the wonderful victory of the Lebanese people over the Zionist occupiers is a result of faith, unity, and resistance."

It's Nasrallah and Iran, then, that moved Israel to break with a 60-year policy of opposing arms sales to the Arabs.

And the Israelis make no bones about how we got here: the Bush Administration completely botched the Iraq invasion, allowing Iran to effectively annex Basra and a large part of southern Iraq. The Israelis' nightmare is that there will be some sort of domino effect, the Iranians moving down the Arab side of the Gulf.

The Israelis also believe the Iraq fiasco emboldened Iran to incite its Palestinian allies. Israel holds Iran at least partially responsible for Hamas's coup in Gaza. An Administration official, speaking privately, agrees. Today, Iranian couriers cross the border from Egypt into Gaza daily carrying bags of money to keep Hamas afloat.

The Israelis want to stop Nasrallah, Hizballah and Iran from making serious inroads into the West Bank. What keeps them awake at night is Iran in the Gulf. If it means our arming Israel's historical enemies, the Gulf Arabs, so be it.

Robert Baer, a former CIA field officer assigned to the Middle East, is TIME.com's intelligence columnist and the author of See No Evil and, most recently, the novel Blow the House Down.


http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1648100,00.html?xid=rss-world
 
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This is what they do (Americans and Arrabs), let them enjoy! No furhter comments on this topic
 
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So what i get from Adux post is Arab states pretend to be Sunnis friends in reality they are any thing but.

About iran being a threat to any Arab state i have yet to see any evidence of that.iranians went as far as offering nuclear tech to any arab state.thats a sign of friendship not being a enemy.while on the other hand Arabs allie have openely supported the slaughter of palestinians and others by supplying top of the line weapons to israel. saudies are openely supporting Terorist suicide bombings to kill iraqi shias and sunnis and all other activities in iraq while claiming to be friends of sunnis.at the same time not 1 Iraqi has ever been allowed in Saudia as refugee.IAm kind of confused here so they want the sunnis to fight back but as long as its not against the israelis and Americans.but if they kill other muslims being shia or sunni Arab help is there.

funny how israelies were against Arabs and fatah was bad.all of sudden fatah is good iranians are bad saudies and there gulf states are partners.what i see is a secret allies comming out in the open.

Saudies and gulf states were in bed with israelies from day 1 rest is just bull.20billion will be spent to create jobs in usa.i said hell of job Arabs are doing.

is this the ummah you were talking about adux.:rofl:
 
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Iran is not at all worried about the strengthening of the defense capabilities of Muslim and friendly countries, Defense Minister Brigadier General Mostafa Mohammad Najjar said here on Monday.


The remarks came as the United States prepares to announce an arms package for Persian Gulf states, which Washington alleges to be a measure adopted in reaction to Tehran's growing military might.

"Every country has the right to produce or purchase its needed weapons to reinvigorate its defense capabilities," Najjar told reporters.

"The Islamic Republic of Iran is not at all worried about the strengthening of the defense capabilities of the Muslim, friendly and brotherly states and believes that their increased defense capabilities would boost the defense capabilities of the Muslim world," he added.

"Those regimes, which still dream of a land stretched from the Nile to the Euphrates and invade the territories of the Islamic countries, should feel concerned about this issue," the General reminded.

"When selling arms to regional countries, the US always acts in a way that the Zionist regime (of Israel) can maintain its military superiority," he said, adding, "They strive to spark an arms race in a bid to keep their giant weapon production companies away from the danger of bankruptcy."

Meantime, the Iranian defense minister reiterated that durable peace and security in the Persian Gulf can merely be established by regional states , FNA reported.

"The Islamic Republic of Iran has and will always underlines the need for the expansion of mutual cooperation, refrain from tension, respect for good neighborly relations, conclusion of consolidated political, economic, defense and security treaties to help establish peace and tranquility in the region, and it has always pioneered in doing so," the General concluded.
BAZTAB - July 30 ,2007
http://en.baztab.com/content/?cid=3961
 
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Cheetah,

I agree on your views of the Ummah, always
 
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ISN Security Watch

31 July 2007

US escalates ME arms race

A US military package for allied Middle East states is designed to create a de facto Sunni Arab front against Iran as the region slips deeper into crisis.

Commentary by Dominic Moran in Tel Aviv for ISN Security Watch (31/07/07)

A high-level US delegation will hold talks with foreign ministers from allied Arab states in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh on Tuesday on a planned military package for allied Middle East states.

US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who is being joined for two legs of her Middle East tour by Defense Secretary Robert Gates, told reporters that the proffered package was a continuation of pre-existing relationships and was designed to bolster US allies in the Persian Gulf.

From Sharm, Gates and Rice fly to Jeddah for talks with Saudi officials on the package. Saudi forces are expected to receive the bulk of the arms package with subsidized purchases, projected to top US$20 billion. Egypt is also expected to receive US$13 billion over the next decade.

Despite Rice's efforts to paint the intended arms sales as a bid to maintain a "balance" of forces in the region, it is clear that the US grant is intended to bolster the US arms industry.

US companies already enjoy a dominant market position, with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute reporting that "40 US firms accounted for 63 percent of the combined Top 100 arms sales of $290 billion in 2005."

The oil-rich Gulf is a particular focus for major arms exporters at present due to the perceived need for a rapid military expansion on the part of Gulf states, in light of the purported threat posed by Iran.

One of the primary intended beneficiaries of the package, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) exemplifies the challenges facing the US arms industry in the region.

While an established relationship exists through deals such as the 1999 agreement for the purchase of 80 F-16s, the UAE has moved to build a significant domestic arms industry and diversify its supplier base, making significant arms purchases from the UK, France and Russia since the mid-1990s.

In February, the European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company (EADS) announced the Emirati purchase of three A330 MRTT air-to-air refueling aircraft in a clear sign that the UAE Air Force is looking to build the capacity to project force into the northern Gulf and, if necessary, over Iraq.

The current US offer appears to include promises of advanced weapons systems that would be a strong incentive for the UAE to premise future arms buys on US weapons platforms.

The UAE has stronger diplomatic, cultural and economic ties with Iran than other Gulf states, and the US would also likely see the weapons offer as a means to draw the Emiratis away from this association.

The Bush administration's cash injection into allied Gulf state militaries, which is likely accompanied by strong behind-the-scenes diplomatic pressure, can also be seen as an effort to curb growing Russian and Chinese influence in the regional conventional arms trade, civilian infrastructure development and nuclear plans.

The US package has been accepted as a fait accompli by the Israeli government in a fundamental reversal of past Israeli foreign policy.

Israeli acquiescence was bought with a 25 percent boost in the annual US military aid grant to US$3 billion, and constitutes an Israeli recognition of a shift in US regional priorities away from the Israel-Palestinian crisis to protecting its strategic interests in the Gulf following the eventual withdrawal of troops from Iraq.

While this is not stated publicly, Israel and US-allied Arab states have been drawn together by the perceived mutual threat of the growth of Iranian influence and by the efflorescence of Sunni militant groups, and related strengthening of political Islam in Egypt, the Palestinian Authority and Jordan.

Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert allegedly held talks with prominent Saudi diplomat Prince Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud in Sharm el-Sheikh in October.

Bandar is a former Saudi ambassador to the US and is thought to be a close ally of Bush, endorsing his presidential candidacy in 2004. He is understood to be one of the leaders of the strongly anti-compromise line in the kingdom's dealings with Iran.

The prince heads the influential National Security Council and was involved in the 1985 "al-Yamamah" deal in which British Aerospace allegedly paid agreed to pay over US$2 billion into embassy accounts controlled by the prince in return for an US$80 billion arms deal.

There are growing concerns in the US regarding the close strategic relationship with the Saudis. In a Monday interview with CNN, former US ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad sought to play down remarks he made the day before accusing Saudi Arabia of playing a destabilizing role in Iraq while noting that "In terms of Iraq […] the region would benefit from a more enhanced Saudi cooperation toward stabilizing the situation."

Democratic congressman Anthony Weiner, who will introduce a resolution to block the package, told the Washington Post that "despite the fact that the administration has done everything to portray them [Saudi Arabia] as part of the moderate Arab world, members of Congress of both parties are increasingly skeptical."

While muted, US criticism of the weapons and monetary offer raises the fundamental issue of whether the deal and the significant rise in large-scale military aid for Egypt and Israel contributes to the escalation of tensions in the Gulf and wider region.

It is clear that these tensions have a major impact on the global economy, with crude prices spiking in recent months on supply concerns, and that an escalation in tensions in the Gulf, where US-led and Iranian naval forces are already locked in a tense standoff, is not in the interests of US regional allies.

It is also becoming apparent that the linkage previously made, if sporadically, by the Bush administration between democratic and civil reform and the provision of military aid has been largely forgotten. A June congressional decision to withhold US$200 million in annual military grants to Egypt over the suppression of the political opposition is effectively reversed by the intended rise in the military stipend.

Ultimately, the planned military package will serve to undermine the authority of recipient Arab governments, which are already seen as US toadies by significant sections of their citizenry, while encouraging the increased involvement of neighboring states in the Iraq civil war and the bleeding of these tensions into the Gulf.

Despite the adamant opposition of recipient governments, it is clear that the military package is designed to create a de facto Sunni Arab front against Iran as the region slips deeper into crisis.

http://www.isn.ethz.ch/news/sw/details.cfm?id=17927
 
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Adding fuel to the Mideast fire: US unveils huge arms package

By Patrick Martin

WSWS - 1 August 2007

The Bush administration dispatched Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates to the Middle East Monday after announcing plans to funnel a staggering quantity of US military aid to various client regimes in the region. A total of $63 billion in arms will be sold or supplied to Israel, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and five Persian Gulf sheikdoms.

The arms deal breaks new ground for the US arms industry, which will now supply missile defense systems, early warning radars, equipment for “smart” weapons, and other high-tech components that previously have been withheld from the Arab states in order to guarantee Israeli military superiority.

The giant arms package is another sign of the pernicious combination of militarism and recklessness that characterizes American policy in the Middle East. It is also, at least in part, a response to the desperate crisis brought on by the failed US occupation of Iraq. The one constant in Washington’s reaction to rising political tensions and bloody eruptions throughout the region is more military violence and killing.

The US is selling at least $20 billion in advanced weapons systems to the Saudis and the five small Gulf states that are effectively US protectorates—Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. The deal has a dual purpose: to build up the military power of the Arab states against Iran and to bribe the Gulf rulers to provide at least a modicum of support for the US-imposed stooge regime in Iraq.

In order to assuage Israeli opposition to the proposed sale of high-tech weapons to the Arab states, the Bush administration agreed to a ten-year extension of US military subsidies to Israel, at a cost of $30 billion—a 25 percent increase over the current rate. And to maintain the appearance of balance in US policy, Washington will supply another $13 billion in weapons and military aid to Egypt and Jordan.

The arms and military aid package is yet another exposure of the lies of the Bush administration, which claims to be waging war for democracy in the Middle East while it arms to the teeth the various hereditary monarchs, military dictators and oil sheiks who rule over more than 100 million people and deprive them of any political rights.

To a large extent, the arms deal is a direct effort to prop up these antidemocratic rulers against their own people, who despise them for their corruption and tyranny and their subservience to American imperialism.

The trip by Rice and Gates underscores the growing recognition even in the highest circles of the Bush administration that the war in Iraq has produced a strategic disaster. The Maliki regime in Baghdad has little authority even in its own country, and it can hardly serve as a counterweight to Iran, the traditional role played by Iraq for nearly 40 years under the Baathist dictatorship.

None of the Gulf Arab states can serve as a guarantor of US security interests in the oil-rich region. The five sheikdoms are too small and weak, while Saudi Arabia, with a population comparable to Iraq’s, is saddled with a grossly corrupt semi-feudal ruling family that is incapable of any serious military effort and faces a restive Shia minority inhabiting the main centers of oil production.

Supplying a huge volume of advanced weapons to these unstable monarchies does little to resolve the strategic problem facing US imperialism It could even exacerbate the crisis in the event that some or all of the feudal rulers are overthrown and replaced by regimes less amenable to US dictates.

Rice and Gates met with officials from Egypt, Jordan and the six Persian Gulf states on Tuesday at the Egyptian resort of Sharm el-Sheikh. Rice reiterated, in the course of several contacts with the press, that Iran was the “single most important” strategic challenge facing the US in the Middle East. McClatchy Newspapers noted the bizarre character of this assertion, since “taken literally, Rice’s comments place US worries about Iran ahead of concerns over the war in Iraq.”

The effort to demonize the Iranian regime is part and parcel of the campaign to dragoon the Arab states behind the US occupation regime in Baghdad The Gulf sheikdoms have made it clear that they regard the Maliki government as an Iranian proxy, and Saudi Arabia has been providing support, both financially and in terms of manpower, for the Sunni insurgents, particularly in the western province of Anbar on the Iraqi-Saudi border.

By focusing on what Rice called Iran’s “destabilizing activities,” the Bush administration hopes to convince the Gulf states that the US will never permit an Iranian-dominated Iraq and will do whatever is required to hold onto the territory it invaded in 2003. The Sharm el-Sheikh talks produced little, however, beyond a statement that repeated previous verbal commitments to “continue to support Iraq.”

Secretary of Defense Gates touched on the greatest fear of the US stooge regimes in the Persian Gulf and throughout the Middle East—that the backlash against the Iraq war among the American people could hamstring future US military operations in the region, putting a question mark over the 60-year-old arrangement under which Washington ensures the security of the oil despots in return for guaranteed access to the world’s largest petroleum reserves.

“There clearly is concern on the part of the Egyptians, and I think it probably represents concern elsewhere in the region, that the United States will somehow withdraw precipitously from Iraq, or in some way that is destabilizing to the entire region,” Gates told reporters after meeting with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

Gates said that the Bush administration would proceed with the “understanding that this needs to be done carefully and not leave Iraq in chaos.” The remark is extraordinary, since it essentially concedes what is generally recognized throughout the world but never officially acknowledged in Washington—that American imperialism is facing a catastrophic defeat in Iraq and is now seeking to salvage what it can.

A key element in the arms deal is the agreement by Israel to the supply of weapons such as AIM-9X air-to-air missiles for Saudi and Egyptian fighter aircraft. In 1986, when a similar arms deal was announced—for similar political reasons, namely to bolster the Gulf states at the height of the Iran-Iraq War—the Israeli government opposed the deal and, using its allies in the US Congress, prevailed on the Reagan administration to drop some weapons systems from the aid package.

Deputy Secretary of State Nicholas Burns told reporters in a conference call that the Israeli cabinet decided Sunday to drop its longstanding opposition to the sale of high-tech weapons to the Arab states. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert declared, “We understand the need of the United States to support the Arab moderate states, and there is a need for a united front between the US and us regarding Iran.”

In what amounts to a quid pro quo, the Bush administration agreed to raise the annual military subsidy to Israel from the current $2.4 billion a year to $3 billion, and extend the support through 2017.

A major factor in the shift by Israel is the debacle of Olmert’s war last summer against Hezbollah, which laid waste to much of southern Lebanon but failed either to cripple the Shiite militia or demonstrate Israeli military dominance. This was followed by the seizure of power in Gaza by Hamas, another radical Islamic party allied with Iran, albeit more loosely than Hezbollah.

The Iranian defense minister, brigadier general Mostaffa Mohammad Najjar, pointed to the influence of the US military-industrial complex, saying the US government was “trying to create a false arms race in order to keep their weapons factories up and running.” This is certainly an element in the decision, since the armaments industry remains one of the last bastions of support for the Bush administration.

Democratic congressmen who are closest to the Zionist lobby, including House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Tom Lantos, issued statements questioning the deal, largely on the grounds that it threatened to undermine Israeli security. But Rice reassured such critics, saying that the administration was “responsive to everyone’s concerns that there not be any shift in the military balance between the parties in the region.”

Such comments only underscore the insoluble contradictions in the Bush administration’s foreign policy. By destroying the regime of Saddam Hussein, the most powerful Arab state outside of Egypt, the US has smashed the military balance in the region and set in motion events that it cannot control.

In keeping with the pattern ever since it took office, the Bush administration is responding to the problems created by its program of military aggression by escalating the level of violence. In the face of the debacle in Iraq, it is preparing for a war with Iran that could engulf the entire Middle East.

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2007/aug2007/mide-a01.shtml
 
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