A new Pressler law?
BY linking aid to Pakistan to an annual presidential certificate, the new bill in the US Senate reminds one of the Pressler Amendment. Named after Senator Larry Pressler, the 1985 amendment to the foreign aid act made all US aid to Pakistan dependent subject to a certificate from the president, who was asked to certify that Islamabad was not engaged in a nuclear programme for military purposes. So long as the US-armed, US-funded mujahideen battled the Soviets in Afghanistan, the presidents continued to issue the desired certificate every year. However, once the Soviets pulled out, all aid to Pakistan, including the delivery of the F-16s Pakistan had already paid for, froze because President Bush Sr stopped certification in October 1990. The new bill, already passed by the House of Representatives, is not ââ¬â like the Pressler Amendment ââ¬â Pakistan-specific; instead, it also includes Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan. With Iraq in a complete mess and little possibility of a victory in Afghanistan, the Democratic-dominated Congress seems to be rebuking President George Bush for the utter failure of his Middle East policy. We are, however, concerned with the billââ¬â¢s implications for Pakistan should it finally get through the Senate and have the presidentââ¬â¢s assent.
Bracketing Pakistan with Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan is anomalous and shows the danger of generalisation in a situation that calls for a cool-headed study of the political realities in the countries concerned. Afghanistan has virtually no government, its entire security responsibility devolving on foreign forces. Saudi Arabia is a monarchy where even the facade of democracy does not exist. Pakistan, in spite of the aberration of its army chief also being the head of state, has more than mere symbols of democracy. Political parties are relatively free to operate, within certain limits the press is free ââ¬â thanks to the late Mohammad Khan Junejo ââ¬â and the electronic media enjoys a degree of freedom that even foreign diplomats in Pakistan compare favourably with that in all established democracies. The problem in Pakistan lies with the governmentââ¬â¢s failure to pursue the war on terror as a national commitment rather than as something that is the militaryââ¬â¢s sole prerogative. Thus, the absence of a broad national consensus on the fundamentals of foreign policy and the war on terror, enable aid-givers to apply pressures when they like.
Examined closely, the draft bill is not a disaster, for it recognises Pakistan ââ¬Åas an important partnerââ¬Â in the war on terror and grants the president the powers to forge a ââ¬Åstrategic partnershipââ¬Â with Islamabad provided he certifies each year that Pakistan is doing all it can to prevent the Taliban from operating in this country. Evidently, Pakistanââ¬â¢s view fails to get across to Congressmen, which is a failure of our diplomacy. Our security forces have suffered a minimum of 700 dead, prompting the US Homeland Security Department to acknowledge that the war on terror has been ââ¬Åcostlyââ¬Â for Pakistan. Yet, as Ambassador Mahmoud Ali Durrani put it, there is nothing more that Islamabad can do for ââ¬Åwe are already standing on our headââ¬Â. Pakistan should remain unruffled by such pressure tactics. It must be guided by its own interests which cannot be secured by reliance on brute force alone. If the Bush administration had not relied entirely on force, it would not have had 150,000 American troops trapped in Iraq with over 3,000 dead. The basic challenge for the Musharraf government is to move towards democracy and avoid the mistake of having the existing assemblies re-elect President Musharraf for another term.
http://www.dawn.com/2007/01/26/ed.htm#1
BY linking aid to Pakistan to an annual presidential certificate, the new bill in the US Senate reminds one of the Pressler Amendment. Named after Senator Larry Pressler, the 1985 amendment to the foreign aid act made all US aid to Pakistan dependent subject to a certificate from the president, who was asked to certify that Islamabad was not engaged in a nuclear programme for military purposes. So long as the US-armed, US-funded mujahideen battled the Soviets in Afghanistan, the presidents continued to issue the desired certificate every year. However, once the Soviets pulled out, all aid to Pakistan, including the delivery of the F-16s Pakistan had already paid for, froze because President Bush Sr stopped certification in October 1990. The new bill, already passed by the House of Representatives, is not ââ¬â like the Pressler Amendment ââ¬â Pakistan-specific; instead, it also includes Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan. With Iraq in a complete mess and little possibility of a victory in Afghanistan, the Democratic-dominated Congress seems to be rebuking President George Bush for the utter failure of his Middle East policy. We are, however, concerned with the billââ¬â¢s implications for Pakistan should it finally get through the Senate and have the presidentââ¬â¢s assent.
Bracketing Pakistan with Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan is anomalous and shows the danger of generalisation in a situation that calls for a cool-headed study of the political realities in the countries concerned. Afghanistan has virtually no government, its entire security responsibility devolving on foreign forces. Saudi Arabia is a monarchy where even the facade of democracy does not exist. Pakistan, in spite of the aberration of its army chief also being the head of state, has more than mere symbols of democracy. Political parties are relatively free to operate, within certain limits the press is free ââ¬â thanks to the late Mohammad Khan Junejo ââ¬â and the electronic media enjoys a degree of freedom that even foreign diplomats in Pakistan compare favourably with that in all established democracies. The problem in Pakistan lies with the governmentââ¬â¢s failure to pursue the war on terror as a national commitment rather than as something that is the militaryââ¬â¢s sole prerogative. Thus, the absence of a broad national consensus on the fundamentals of foreign policy and the war on terror, enable aid-givers to apply pressures when they like.
Examined closely, the draft bill is not a disaster, for it recognises Pakistan ââ¬Åas an important partnerââ¬Â in the war on terror and grants the president the powers to forge a ââ¬Åstrategic partnershipââ¬Â with Islamabad provided he certifies each year that Pakistan is doing all it can to prevent the Taliban from operating in this country. Evidently, Pakistanââ¬â¢s view fails to get across to Congressmen, which is a failure of our diplomacy. Our security forces have suffered a minimum of 700 dead, prompting the US Homeland Security Department to acknowledge that the war on terror has been ââ¬Åcostlyââ¬Â for Pakistan. Yet, as Ambassador Mahmoud Ali Durrani put it, there is nothing more that Islamabad can do for ââ¬Åwe are already standing on our headââ¬Â. Pakistan should remain unruffled by such pressure tactics. It must be guided by its own interests which cannot be secured by reliance on brute force alone. If the Bush administration had not relied entirely on force, it would not have had 150,000 American troops trapped in Iraq with over 3,000 dead. The basic challenge for the Musharraf government is to move towards democracy and avoid the mistake of having the existing assemblies re-elect President Musharraf for another term.
http://www.dawn.com/2007/01/26/ed.htm#1