United Liberation Front of Assam, one of the most powerful militant organisations

[Mohammad Ali Akanda]

The United Liberation Front of Assam, one of the most powerful militant organisations operating in the northeast region, was established in 1979 when antiforeigners agitation launched by the All Assam Students' Union reached its peak in the state.
The front was formed by Paresh Baruah along with associates including Rajiv Raj Konwar alies Arabinda Rajkhowa, Golap Baruah alies Anup Chetia, Samiran Gogoi alies Pradip Gogoi and Bhadreshwar Gohain on 7 April 1979, at the Rang Ghar pavilion of the Ahom Kings located in Sibsagar to establish a Sovereign, Socialist Assam through an armed struggle.

The front remained dormant till 1986, except recruiting its cadres between late 1983 to early 1984. Soon after establishing contacts with Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in the year 1986 for training and procuring arms, ULFA went on a fund rising spree through a train of extortion from a circle of traders, businessmen, tea gardens, both Indian and foreign owned, and others. It also set up camps in Tinsukhia and Dibrugarh districts of the state. ULFA maintained close links with the Assam Gana Parishad (AGP), which came to power from 1985 - 90. Its influence was visible in all the state government departments and even the state police department was full of ULFA sympathizers. In view of the growing nexus between AGP government and ULFA and the latter's increasing militant activities in the state, New Delhi imposed President's Rule on November 7. The entire State of Assam was declared a "disturbed area. ULFA was banned under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 and Indian army launched Operation Bajrang.

From the early 1990s, the front embarked on a more aggressive campaign to further its goal by targeting security forces, blasting rail links, killing political opponents and weakening basic infrastructures. On July 1991, ULFA militants abducted 14 people, including an engineer, a national of (the erstwhile) Soviet Union. Throughout the 1990s, the front resorted to many activities and was able to give the government and the security forces a hard time. Despite launching a number of combing operations against the front by the Indian army in the last 13 years, it remains strong and active in the state. ULFA continues to haunt decision-makers in Guwahati and New Delhi.

Objectives

The objective of this freedom fighter is to bring about unity of the national liberation struggles of the oppressed nations and nationalities all over the world. It aims at forming joint united national liberation struggles with the class struggle of the working people inside the colonial countries. It also aims to include in this front the genuine communist parties of the countries where capitalism has been warm welcome in the name of socialist rule.

ULFA aims at forming an independent Assam through liberation war against the colonial rulers in Delhi. It aims at the formation of the United Front jointly with other freedom fighters with the following objectives:

* United Front inside the motherland (Unity of national liberation struggles of all the indigenous nations and nationalities of Assam).
* Unity taking northeastern region as the base (for historical, geographical, political reasons).
* United Front taking India as the base (those nations that oppose world colonialism, seek genuine liberation of the people, and recognise the Indian State machinery as their enemy).
* Taking the world as a whole. Support to the national liberation struggles of the oppressed nations and nationalities all over the world. ii. Establishing contact with the genuine communist parties that seek change of the political system inside their countries, where capitalism is being tried to be instituted in the name of socialist rule.

Strength

According to the Indian Army sources, the total strength of ULFA is around 3,000, while various other sources put the figure ranging from 40,000 to 60,000. A military wing of the ULFA, the Sanjukta Mukti Fouj (SMF) was formed on 16 March 1996. SMF has three full-fledged battalions: the 7th, 8th and the 709th. Their allocated spheres of operation are as follows:

* 7th Bn (HQ-Sukhini) is responsible for defence of General Head Quarter (GHQ).
* 8th Bn - Nagaon, Morigaon, Karbi Anglong
* 9th Bn Golaghat, Jorhat, Sibsagar
* 11th Bn Kamrup, Nalbari
* 27th Bn Barpeta, Bongaigaon, Kokrajar
* 28th Bn Tinsukia, Dibrugarh
* 709th Bn Kalikhola

 

[Maddy]

Man! Arn't you guys obsessed with Indian militant organisations. Is this wat you think 24/7 and perhaps even daydream about?

Come on guys!!! Dont you have anything better to post.

 

[kidwaibhai]

i think this is a very intellegent post after all this is one of the aspects of indian strategic affairs and should be discussed in this forum by all means.

 

[Adux]

This is glorification of miltant organization bend upon inciting violence in a united nations recongnized nation, but then again they are just bugs and please read about my mallu land crusaders organization

 

[akzaman]

Profile of Insurgency in North East India

Isha Khan

ULFA
Formation: Asom Sanjukta Mukti Morcha or the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) was formed on April 7, 1979 by Bhimakanta Buragohain, Rajiv Rajkonwar alias Arabinda Rajkhowa, Golap Baruah alias Anup Chetia, Samiran Gogoi alias Pradip Gogoi, Bhadreshwar Gohain and Paresh Baruah at the Rang Ghar in Sibsagar to establish a "sovereign socialist Assam" through an armed struggle.

War Cry: Joi Ai Asom

Leadership:

Arabinda Rajkhowa is the 'Chairman' of ULFA. 'Vice Chairman' Pradip Gogoi was arrested on April 8, 1998 , and is currently in judicial custody at Guwahati. 'General Secretary' Anup Chetia is under detention in the Bangladeshi Dhaka after being arrested on December 21, 1997. The outfit's founding member and ideologue Bhimakanta Buragohain, 'Publicity Secretary' Mithinga Daimary and 'Assistant Secretary' Bolin Das were arrested during the military operations in Bhutan in December 2003. Earlier, 'Cultural Secretary' Pranati Deka was arrested at Phulbari in the West Garo Hills district of Meghalaya.

Other leaders are: Bhimkanta Buragohin, Pradip Gogoi alias Samiran Gogoi, Mithinga Daimari, Pranati Deka and Ramu Mech ,Mithinga Daimary (real name Dipak Das),The cultural secretary of the Ulfa, Pranati Deka hails from Nalbari district. She is the wife of the group's finance secretary Chitrabon Hazarika. She was first arrested from a Mumbai hospital in 1996. Later, she was released on bail in 1998 only to be arrested again at Phulbari, Meghalaya in 2003 while trying to escape.

The ULFA has a clearly partitioned political and military wing. Paresh Barua heads the military wing as the outfit's 'commander-in-chief'. Following the military operations in Bhutan in December 2003, most of its top leadership reportedly operates from unspecified locations. According to reports, ULFA is in the process of relocating its camps in Myanmar, Mon district of Nagaland, Garo hills of Meghalaya and Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal Pradesh.

Areas of Activity and Influence

The ULFA's organisational structure is divided into four zones:

East Districts(Purb Mandal)
West Districts(Paschim Mandal)
Central Districts(Madhya Mandal)
South Districts(Dakshin Mandal)


Sanjukta Mukti Fouj (SMF):

A military wing of the ULFA, the Sanjukta Mukti Fouj (SMF) was formed on March 16, 1996 . SMF has three full-fledged battalions (Bn): the 7th, 28th and 709th. The remaining battalions exist only on paper - at best they have strengths of a company or so. Their allocated spheres of operation are:

7th Bn (HQ- Sukhni) Responsible for defence of GHQ
8th Bn Nagaon, Morigaon, Karbi Anglong
9th Bn Golaghat, Jorhat, Sibsagar
11th Bn Kamrup, Nalbari
27th Bn Barpeta, Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar
28th Bn Tinsukia, Dibrugarh
709th Bn Kalikhola

Links and camps:

The ULFA sought shelter in the forests on the Indo-Bhutan border from the early 1990s and established several camps in the forest areas of southern Bhutan. Over the years, it reportedly developed linkages with several officers and personnel of the Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) and Police - which ensured, among other things, a steady flow of rations, logistical support as well as aid and contacts for money laundering. The ULFA's Bhutan set-up had a reported strength of around 2000 cadres spread across the outfit's 'General Head Quarters', it's 'Council Head Quarters', a 'Security Training Camp' and a well-concealed 'Enigma Base'. Numbering around 13 in all, the major camps of the ULFA in Bhutan included:

1. Mithundra
2. Gobarkunda
3. Panbang
4. Diyajima
5. Pemagatsel Complex
i. Khar
ii. Shumar
iii. Nakar
6. Chaibari
7. Marthong
8. Gerowa
9. Sukhni (Merungphu): 'General HQ'
10. Melange
11. Phukaptong: 'Council HQ'
12. Dalim-Koipani (Orang)
13. Neoli Debarli

Most camps and other establishment of the ULFA were in Sandrup Jongkhar, a district in southern Bhutan that borders Assam's Nalbari district. The RBA is reported to have destroyed all the outfit's camps and observation posts during the military operations launched in December 2003.

In 1986, ULFA first established contacts with the then unified National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) of Myanmar for training and arms. ULFA linked up with the Kachins through the 'good offices' of the Naga rebels. It learnt the rudiments of insurgent tactics from the Kachins (who reportedly charged Rupees 100,000 per trainee). Subsequently, links were established with Pakistan 's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Afghan Mujahideen. Reports indicate that at least 200 ULFA activists received training in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Bangladesh authorities arrested its leader Anup Chetia on December 21, 1997 . He is currently under detention at the high-security Dhaka Central Jail. The main charges against Chetia include illegal entry into Bangladesh, possession of two forged Bangladeshi passports, possession of an unauthorised satellite telephone and illegal possession of foreign currency of countries as diverse as the US, UK, Switzerland, Thailand, Philippines, Spain, Nepal, Bhutan, Belgium, Singapore and others. Two other accomplices, identified as Babul Sharma and Laxmi Prasad, were also arrested along with Chetia.

ULFA gradually expanded its network to include operational control of activities and the receipt and shipment of arms in transit before they finally entered India. Owing to greater vigil along the known routes of ULFA arms flow, the group has, in recent times, been making attempts to set up bases in Meghalaya, especially in the West Garo Hills to coordinate the transit of arms.

ULFA has for long maintained close linkages with the Pakistan's ISI which procured several passports for Paresh Baruah and other ULFA cadres. Several ULFA cadres have also received arms training from the ISI at various training centres in Pakistan, close to the Afghanistan border. ULFA had also announced its support for Pakistan during the Kargil war. They described the Pakistani intruders - primarily Pakistani Army regulars and Afghan mercenaries - as 'freedom fighters'.

Reports indicate that the ULFA's mouthpiece, ULFA's a website newsletter Swadhinata also known as 'Freedom', receives editorial support from ISI inside Pakistan. It was in 'Freedom' that the ULFA first supported the Pakistanis during the Kargil war. The ISI has provided ULFA cadres with arms training, safe havens, funds, arms and ammunition. Training has been given at camps in Pakistan and Bhutan.

At least 300 ULFA cadres were also trained at Rawalpindi and other locations in Pakistan. The training included courses in the use of rocket launchers, explosives and assault weapons. Paresh Baruah has been regularly visiting Karachi since 1992-93. He is also reported to have met Osama bin Laden in 1996 during a visit to Karachi.

The ULFA leader was reportedly taken to a camp on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, where he not only received assurance of military help in the form of arms and ammunition, but also assurances of co-operation and logistical support of all international organisations owing allegiance to bin Laden, including the International Jehad Council, the Tehrik-ul-Jehad, Harkat-ul-Jehadi-e-Islami (HuJI), apart from the Al Qaeda.

The ISI has also trained ULFA terrorists in counter intelligence, disinformation and use of sophisticated weapons and explosives. Pakistan has facilitated the visits of Paresh Baruah and other ULFA leaders to Singapore , Thailand and other countries, and a channel for the transfer of funds and arms has been created. The ISI largesse enabled ULFA to buy arms in Cambodia, paying for these in hard currency routed through Nepal. The ISI also 'introduced' ULFA to LTTE transporters who, for a fee, undertook to transport arms from Southeast Asia into Myanmar. In April 1996, Bangladesh seized more than 500 AK-47 rifles, 80 machineguns, 50 rocket launchers and 2,000 grenades from two ships off Cox's Bazaar. Four Tamils were among those arrested

Co-operation between various terrorist organisations in India's north-east and foreign groups was formalised with the formation of the Indo-Burmese Revolutionary Front (IBRF) in 1989. The IBRF was made up initially of the NSCN-K, ULFA, United Liberation Front of Bodoland, Kuki National Front (KNF) (all from India) and Chin National Front ( Myanmar). Paresh Baruah is reported to have paid a substantial sum of money to the Kachins for the first large consignment of weapons from Thailand.

Manerplaw in lower Myanmar on the border with Thailand is the stronghold of the rebel Karen National Union which, in 1993, is reported to have delivered, from the Cambodian arms market, AK-56 rifles, machine guns, rocket-propelled guns and anti-tank rifles to the ULFA. The organisation's cadres have identified an arms dealer as an ethnic Kachin and wife of an assassinated Manipuri rebel Themba Song. The Communist Party of Burma is known to have gifted some weapons, mainly Chinese-made M10 rifles, to ULFA and Naga terrorist organisations.

Arrested ULFA cadres have claimed that Baruah used to smuggle heroin, procured in Myanmar into Assam as part of "a personal operation". According to surrendered ULFA cadres, the ULFA terrorists had also crossed over into China via Bhutan and established contact with the Chinese Army.

The group, on the basis of these contacts, had a rendezvous with a Chinese ship on the high seas in March 1995 during which a weapons' consignment was transferred to them. A further consignment ultimately landed up in Bhutan in 1999, though it was actually acquired in 1997. ULFA also runs profitable narcotics business in Myanmar and Thailand. A close nexus between ULFA and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had also been reported. The LTTE is reported to have trained various ULFA cadres in explosives handling.

ULFA as a Revolutionary Organization:

United Liberation Front of Assam, ULFA, a revolutionary political organisation was born on the lawns of the historic Rang Ghar of Sibsagar on 7th April 1979.

ULFA'S aims & objects :

To liberate Assam , (a land of 78,529 square K.M.), through Armed national liberation struggle from the clutches of the illegal occupation of India and to establish a sovereign Independent Assam.

ULFA represents:

ULFA represents, as its name implies, not only the Assamese nation but also the entire independent minded struggling peoples, irrespective of different race-tribe-caste-religion and nationality of Assam. The struggle for national liberation of Assam never is a separatist or secessionist movement. Assam was never a part of India at any point of time in history. The fact is independent Assam has been occupied by India , and deploying occupation forces they are oppressing our peoples and persecuting them. ULFA itself and all freedom fighters of Assam are neither planning nor conspiring to break up India! We are not conducting any armed operation inside India . Freedom fighters of Assam are only trying to overthrow Indian colonial occupation from Assam.

The armed struggle for self-defence: The people of Assam are confronting with various problems. Among those, the National identity problem is basic. The communal riot that was followed by the partition of India and Pakistan was responsible for the influx of foreigners from the Indian sub-continent in large scale and thereby caused a real threat to the demographic composition of Assam. India has all along encouraged this influx because of a population base having ethnic affinity with main land India is always favourable to their long term security perspective. This is one of India 's major aspects of colonial occupation of Assam.

In economic sphere, India has been engaged in large-scale exploitation. Despite its rich resources, Assam remains one of the most backward states. Therefore, the question of real threat to the national identity of the people of Assam under the colonial occupation and exploitation of India has become the basic problem. As a whole, the problem has become a question of life and death to the people of Assam.

The people of Assam confronted with the aforesaid problems such as influx of foreigners and massive exploitation of its natural resources and determined as national identity problem after summing up them. Against the gross injustice for sheer survival as a nation, as a people and as individuals, the people of Assam many times launched democratic and unarmed peaceful movement. However, India ruthlessly suppressed and crushed them ignoring the value of democratic movement. Though the people of Assam and leadership of the struggle have a strong stand for peaceful and amicable solution of the conflict, India has always been trying to force a military solution.

Indian military operation in Assam:

The main intention of this operation is to suppress the legitimate aspiration of the people of Assam , and their basic and fundamental human rights i.e., national self-determination. There are endless lists of gross human rights violations during this period by Indian occupation forces. They have killed hundreds of innocent people, hundred more have disappeared in their custody and many of our womenfolk have been raped while many more hundreds have been severely tortured to become handicapped. It is the reflection of direct consequence of colonial repressive policy of India. Today, Assam is an occupied country under Indian's martial law and an undeclared war inside Assam is running on. Any thing may happen at any time inside this war theatre. Colonial India 's this repressive policy compel to the freedom fighters of Assam to take up arms for self-defence. So, armed national liberation struggle of Assam is a democratic struggle for the survival of a Nation.

ULFA commander Paresh Barua:

One of the 'most wanted' north-east terrorist leader, the 45-yr-old ULFA 'commander-in-chief' Paresh Barua is a versatile radical who has been successful in evading Indian forces for long despite non-stop efforts by the latter. Wanted for a series of robberies, killings and extortions, he is believed to be currently based in Bangladesh or Bhutan. Trained in guerrilla war by ISI, Kachin Independent Army (KIA) of Myanmar and NSCN, he can handle all kinds of weapons, travels on forged passports and identity cards and lives on money obtained from extortion or robbery.

Also known as Paban Barua and Pradip Barua. He, he is 173 cms in height, has black hair and black eyes, a scar on the palm of his right hand. On May 10, 1985 he and some others raided a bank in Guwahati and shot the manager and stole a sum of Rs 27, 549.62 in cash. Often dubbed as 'braveheart' by many ULFA sympathisers, he has had brush with death several times, including in Dec 2000 when he was seriously wounded in a factional gun-battle in the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. But there is other side of Barua story too. Born on May 1, 1957 , he is a very good football player, can speak a number of languages including English, Bengali, Hindi, Naga and Singpho and of course Assamese, his mother tongue.

Other Insurgent Outfits in North East India

Arunachal:

National Liberation Front of Arunachal: Koj Tara Dragon Force (ADF)

Assam:

United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) aresh Baruah, Arbinda Rajkhoa,
Anup Chetia, Daimari, Pradip Gogoi
National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB)
United People's Democratic Solidarity (UPDS)
Bodo Liberation Tiger Force (BLTF)
Dima Halim Daogah (DHD)
Karbi National Volunteers (KNV)
Rabha National Security Force (RNSF)
Koch-Rajbongshi Liberation Organisation (KRLO)
Hmar People's Convention- Democracy (HPC-D)
Karbi People's Front (KPF)
Barak Valley Youth Liberation Front (BVYLF)
United Liberation Front of Barak Valley

Manipur:

United National Liberation Front (UNLF)
People's Liberation Army (PLA)
People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK)
Manipur People's Liberation Front (MPLF)
Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP)
Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL)
Manipur Liberation Tiger Army (MLTA)
Iripak Kanba Lup (IKL)
People's Republican Army (PRA)
Kangleipak Kanba Kanglup (KKK)
North East Minority Front (NEMF)
Kuki National Front (KNF)
Kuki National Army (KNA)
Kuki Revolutionary Army (KRA)
Kuki National Organisation (KNO)

Mizoram:

Hmar People's Convention (HPC)
Hmar People's Convention- Democracy (HPC-D)
Hmar Revolutionary Front (HRF)
Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA)
Zomi Revolutionary Volunteers (ZRV)
Indigenous People's Revolutionary Alliance(IRPA)
Kom Rem People's Convention (KRPC)
Chin Kuki Revolutionary Front (CKRF)
Bru National Liberation Front

Meghalaya:

Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC)
Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC)
People's Liberation Front of Meghalaya (PLF-M)
Hajong United Liberation Army (HULA)

Nagaland:

National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) - NSCN(IM)
National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang) - NSCN (K)
Naga National Council-NNC (Adino)

Tripura:

National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT): Biswamohan Debbarma,
Nayanbashi Jamatia
All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) : Ranjit Debbarma
Tripura Tribal Volunteer Force (TTVF)
Tripura Liberation Force (TLF)
All Tripura Volunteer Force (ATVF)
Tripura National Army (TNA)
Borok National Council of Tripura (BNCT)

West Bengal:

Kamtapuri Liberation Organisation (KLO)
http://www.globalpolitician.com/articleshow.asp?ID=2392&cid=6&sid=20

 

[Maddy]

i sometimes wonder if you are BOT, trying to see how long we can stand your moronic posts before having a nervous breakdown. I think you should start a new thread and keep posting in there, untill you personally profiled every ULFA cadet.

Do think anyone is even bothered to read the long previously posted article that you have put up? Would you by any chance engage yourself in a logical discussion or just Google for ULFA and bring the trash here?

 

[BanglaBhoot]

I hope Mr. Zaman continues to post these articles till you all start to choke on it .....

 

[Bull]

Well the article he posted clearly shows ULFA as a terror organisation armed and trained by the ISI with bases in neighbouring nations. Lol i bet he didnt read it before he posted it.

 

[Bull]

I hope Mr. Zaman continues to post these articles till you all start to choke on it .....

Lol...we are not going to choke on this, bandwidth might.

 

[con]

I hope Mr. Zaman continues to post these articles till you all start to choke on it .....

It is not Indian who are choking...rather these terrorists and their delusional supporter are the one choking. They have been fighting for ages... result they are where they started.

So post as you like. Munshi and gang will sleep and dream better ,but it does not change the reality. Sadly...

 

[Adux]

I hope Mr. Zaman continues to post these articles till you all start to choke on it .....

quite an internet warrior arent you, you are going to choke me with articles...lol..How old are you nitwit?
Every terrorist movement, the one you stated that started from 1970's and 1980's etc havent even achieved a single piece of real estate. Other than getting even the international community against them and loosing public support

 

[akzaman]

T. Muivah, General Secretary, NSCN :‘Solution can be possible only when the Indian government respects the reality of the Nagas’


The ceasefire in the Naga hills still holding, he was here at the invitation of the Government to find a way to end the decades-old insurgency. Thuingaleng Muivah, the M in the I-M faction of the NSCN, the dominant Naga insurgent outfit, speaks to Shekhar Gupta, Editor-in-Chief of The Indian Express, on NDTV 24x7’s Walk the Talk programme. Excerpts from the interview


• What does it feel like now to be guest of the Government of India, you were fighting them, hiding from them for four decades?

We have been accorded hospitality and are thankful to them for that. But the greater question is that the issue is political and they have to appear to understand us.

• But do you think some understanding has developed now?

Yes, because they have recognised the uniqueness of history, a very significant step taken from the Indian side.


• But are you happy now that the fighting is over?

It is hard to say that the fighting is over. Despite the declaration of ceasefire, fighting is going on there because Indian armed forces used to attack our camps. So, sometimes it is difficult to predict.


• But it’s very little compared with what it was then.

Yes, yes, that’s right.


• Where do you see the talks going now? One feels you have been disappointed or bored or tired.

It has now taken more than seven years and it is time for us to have substantial understanding between us, which is still not there.


• So you are getting the seven-year itch as they say in a marriage. How have you found dealing with Indian officials and politicians?

Well, some are quite sensible and very understanding but that is not the case with all of them. We claim that they have understood much better now because we have made our stand sufficiently clear to them and it is for them to make their own decision now.


• But are you disappointed? As you have said sometimes, ‘I am disappointed, I am going away’.

I am not that disappointed but after talking for so many years if nothing substantial comes up, no one will be happy.


• So it’s not that you are going away in anger.

No, this is not the case.


• But you are going away?

Yes, we need to go out because we have had sufficient time here.


• So where are you headed now?

I will be heading to Europe.


• Summer-time is a good time to go to Europe if you can’t go to Nagaland.

Yes, but I went to Nagaland last year.


• It must be a strange feeling to have earlier fought the Indian Armed forces and now being under their protection.

Yes, of course. This is a fact now. There is an understanding and practically, there is no point for me to be apprehensive.


• You are one of the most protected people in Delhi. Even the most protected people can go out for a walk but not you. Do you think that by this time, you should have felt more secure personally. Who are your enemies?

The Government of India is taking special care of us and sees to it that nothing happens to us. That is very kind of them and it shows their concern.


• So, tell me your experiences about dealing with your negotiators? How much distance remains to be covered?

Well, it is hard to say. But you know it’s a long time now since we started talking and it is a fact that they have come to understand the uniqueness of Naga history. Our history is very clear.


• What is that uniqueness of your history, if you could tell me in brief.

Well, Nagas and Nagaland were never conquered by any alien nation, including India. It is the first point of our uniqueness. Secondly, Nagas are the first settlers of Nagaland and we fought against the British for 48 years and they occupied a small portion, which is another uniqueness. And when it was imminent that the British were to leave Indian Nagaland, our men told them that any arrangement without consultation with the Nagas will not be acceptable to them...they were sufficiently aware of their political rights and then they went on to meet Mahatma Gandhi who gave his commitment in no uncertain terms that Nagas have every right to be independent.


• But Mahatma Gandhi had a way of saying it. He said there will be a place where you can enjoy the glow of of freedom which he could have said to any commitment in India.

He said Nagas have a right to be independent because he knew the history of Nagas and he had respect for history.


• What is the way out now, given the realities of today’s world that cartographical changes are impractical.

Historical facts are to be taken into consideration first. Because of the changes in demography, facts of history cannot be dismissed altogether. We declared our independence on 14th August 1947, one day before India did. And when in 1950, the Union of India was formed for the first time in history, Nagas were also invited to become a part but Nagas refused. This historical fact cannot be ignored under any circumstance and that is the reason why Nagas were never a part of the Indian Union, either by conquest or consent.


• What is your ideal solution?

Solution can be possible only when the Indian government respects the reality of the Nagas.

• According to you, what are the five points which if the Government of India accepts there can be peace and tranquility?

We have tried to understand the leaders of India and we have come closer because there must be a solution. So the positive steps we have been taking are substantial.


• Tell me some of those steps.

It was a slogan of the Nagas—nothing to do with the Indians because they were never a part of the Indian Union; nothing short of complete sovereignty; nothing short of complete independence. These were the slogans of Naga people and they were not wrong.


• Now what has changed?

Here we have to understand the importance of interdependence, we cannot be inimical to India and vice-versa. Then what should be the meeting point, we have to understand. And if we can appreciate the difficulties on the part of the Indian Government, that has to be the first step.


• But you do appreciate that?

Yes, we appreciate that but the Indian Government should understand our difficulties. That is what they have not yet done. So the problem is not with us but with them still.


• So your difficulties are that whatever settlement takes place there has to be some feeling of autonomy, sovereignty?

No, no. Here, the question is this: Since the Government of India has recognised the uniqueness of Naga history, on the basis of that if we seek a solution, naturally there will be a solution.


• Forty years in the bush, fighting, training in China, I think five years spent in China in three spells. You are one of the oldest veterans in the art of guerrilla warfare. Aren’t you tired?

Well, tiredness is a different question. But upholding the just cause of the people is always first and foremost. One has to safeguard that so that the problem can be solved.


• But you are a young man for your age. I shall not mention it, may be you can.

Thank you, thank you. I think I am still strong enough.


• Pushing 70? Right?

Here, the question is that if there are any means to settle the problem with peace why not go for that. And there is nothing wrong.


• The fascinating thing about you is that you are not only one of the most experienced guerrilla fighters of the world, you are also among the best educated. You have a post-graduation in political science from Gauhati University. And in your fighting years, you had education and re-education, you were almost a socialist revolutionary first when you went to China. Tell me a little bit about your trek to China.

Then, I was just 20 years old.

• That was in 1964.

China was, at that time, one of the most respected nations of the world and how could a child be sent there to talk to great people there?


• And this is when India and China had just had the war and Nehru had just died in 1964.

You are right, you are right. At last, I accepted the order from the government and I went there. Along with me, 133 cadets went and it took more than three months. The commander, my friend, was General Thinosielie.


• Tell me a little bit of your days in Beijing. What happened, why did you first go? You met Chou En-lai...

I have great respect for Chinese leaders and the Chinese people. I see in them greatness and so I have admiration for them. They tried to understand our point of view and that is in a way inspiring. Because great people like Chou En-lai had the patience to listen to us and we were able to make our position very clear to them when they understood us. Of course, they were very happy.


• Tell me about your first meeting with Chou En-lai

Yes, he is a big man, admired all over the world. He had the patience to listen to us. And I admired that kind of attitude. Great men behave that way and it is a great lesson for us. He would support the revolutionary cause.


• Scato Swu, remember him, he was the president of provisional government for some time, then became a Member of Parliament.

I respect him.


• I was once driving with him during the 1982 elections and I asked him that in 1962, the Indian Army had left the North-East, the Chinese were here who were your friends, then why did you not take over? And he said something very interesting. He said some of us thought of our experiences in China, we thought of the lack of religious freedom and the way the Tibetan culture had been squashed. And we thought Nagas are wise people and may be in future it’s better to make peace with India on self-respecting terms. Do you agree with that?

That might have been his reasoning but I feel, I would have rather preferred the kind of conclusion that would have been drawn from own experiences.


• And what is that?

Everything has its end and changes would be there.


• Do you think rebellion is having its end now? Is it leading to politics?

No, that is not the case. It depends on the nature of the issue. If exploitation is justified, we have to go on fighting.


• But in today’s situation, do you think you are heading toward peace and politics or towards fighting in the bush?

So long as India believes in military might to solve the problem, there can be no meeting point. We can go on fighting. But in 1994, three generals declared that a military solution was no longer possible. It was a political issue, which could be solved through political means. If the Government of India has realised the futility of military might, we have to accept that. We have to come forward and talk.


• And are you getting the sense that the Indian Government is more positive, more practical and more understanding now?

So far as they believe in a political solution, you are right. But how far can that be proved from the Indian side. So it is still a big issue.


• So right now you are not pessimistic?

I am not pessimistic but there is no point for me to be optimistic always.


• So when you go overseas, when do you see yourself coming back and resuming the process? Or can the process carry on even when you are outside?

Yes, it can. But it depends to what extent the Government of India is prepared to understand the Nagas and respect the reality of our history. That will decide. On our part, we will take any possible step to come closer and get the problem solved through peaceful means. But if big brothers like India will depend on the big stick, of course, we will not accept that.


• Well, it’s always that one who wields the big stick must also speak softly. Does the Government of India speak softly with you?

Sometimes softly, but sometimes they change their tone.


• And what do they say to you?

Sometimes, in a manner of threatening, they would talk.


• Even now?

Not now, in the beginning. So we had to lash out. We had to retaliate saying we have our history, you have your history. It is good if we respect each other.


• Nobody underrates the Naga soldiers. Even in the Indian army, the Naga regiment is very highly rated. During the Kargil war, the Nagas fought very well.

May be so. But politically speaking, if they don’t have regard for the rights of the Naga people and the positive steps taken by them, there will be no meeting point. If they start imposing their Constitution on us, we will not accept that. We can accept a negotiated settlement, but we will not accept any kind of imposition, today or tomorrow.


• Once you are negotiating, why should there be any imposition? Do you think what you accept will be acceptable to all tribes and sub-tribes of Nagas?

Sure, we believe that.


• You were not seen as an outsider by the Nagas as you come from Manipur...

No, no.


• When I covered the North-East, one really struggled because there were so many languages in Nagaland. So do you tell the Government of India, mafarimo (never mind), let’s move on to the future.

Yes, that’s why you are finding me here. Because we don’t bring guns here and that’s a change but the Indian government may not appreciate that.


• I am sure they do appreciate that and I am sure it leads to real change in the future...

Let’s hope so but let’s not be presumptuous.


• Let me also tell you that none of us can be fighting for 40 years and still be fit and tough like you.

If anybody forces me, I can still go further because I don’t come here to surrender my rights.
URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=72984

 

[akzaman]

North-east hunger strikers warned

By Subir Bhaumik BBC News, Calcutta

The tribes people are protesting against the construction of a dam
The government in India's Himalayan state of Sikkim has threatened to move against tribes people who have been on a hunger strike for 40 days.The tribes people have been protesting against the proposed construction of a dam for a hydro-electric project.

It is proposed to be located at Dzongu, which is designated as special reserve for indigenous Lepcha tribes people in the state, close to the Chinese border. The dam will be one of the many to be constructed on the Teesta river. Large dams have recently become a subject of controversy in India.

A Sikkimese organisation, Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT), has been sponsoring the hunger strike to oppose the proposed construction of 280mw Panan hydro-electric project at Dzongu in northern Sikkim. "Either they should withdraw the fast or we will be compelled to move against them," Sikkim Chief Secretary N Chingapa told local journalists.

Worsened
The Lepchas and the Bhutias are the indigenous tribes of the erstwhile princely state of Sikkim that was merged into India under controversial circumstances in 1975. But ethnic Nepalis now constitute the majority in the state. Doctors say the condition of two of those on fast, Dawa Lepcha and Tenzing Lepcha, has worsened and they have been admitted to a hospital.

The ACT has written to Sikkim Chief Minister Pawan Chamling asking for an independent quasi-judicial committee to review all hydro-electric projects including those proposed in the Lepcha reserve of Dzongu. It has also demanded that all activities related to the Panan project in Dzongu, including land acquisition, be kept in abeyance.

But the Sikkim government says it will go ahead with the implementation of the mega hydroelectric power projects in North Sikkim, including those proposed in the Lepcha reserve. "We will not compromise with the development process in North Sikkim. Once the projects are operational, they will meet the power needs of the state and generate a revenue of two billion rupees per annum," Mr Chamling told journalists. He also claimed that the majority of people from the Dzongu area is in favour of the power projects.

"The good of the community would not be held hostage by a few disgruntled persons," the chief minister said, alleging that opposition parties were using the innocent Lepchas to further their vested interests.

Mr Chamling asked the ACT members to withdraw their hunger strike and accept the government's offer for a dialogue on the issue. But the ACT has filed an application before the supreme court appointed Central Empowered Committee (CEC), asking for an immediate stay on the environmental clearance granted to the Panan project.

The CEC has asked for the Sikkim government's comments on allegations made by the ACT that the project will destroy the ecology of the Khangchendzonga National Park.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6927284.stm

 

[alamgir]

NORTH EAST INDIA THE FORGOTTEN REGION
By: IZZY PUDAITE


The Seven Rainbow States that makes up the North Eastern part of India can best be described as Asia in miniature. India?s North East is a part of a great tropical rainforest that stretches from the foot-hills of the Himalayas to the tip of the Malaysian Peninsulas and the mouth of the Mekong river as it flows into the Gulf of Tonkin.
The North East Region is a place where the Brown and the Yellow people (races) meet and mingle. And the people inhabiting the Seven states of this region are all of Mongoloid descent, and are completely different from the Conventional Indian in physical appearance and outlook. Culturally and linguistically, the affinity of the people of this region is more with their brothers and sisters of the South East Asian Region and the rest of Asia. There is nothing Indian about this region and its people except of the fact that is a part of the Republic of India.
History has been a mute witness to the fact that New Delhi doesn?t give much heed and importance to the region, as long as it remains a part of the Indian Union A Buffer state just good enough to keep China The Dragon at bay. This Step Motherly treatment meted out to Our beloved North East can be ascertained from the fact that even if a dozens are killed in the North East Region, New Delhi is silent, doesn?t a damned and is least bothered. While on the other hand, a single loss of life in Jammu and Kashmir and it makes it to the headlines of the major Newspapers across the Country, and often led to a hue and cry in the Parliament. A truly forgotten and uncared for is our beloved North East!

When other States are making rapid strides toward progress and development in all spheres of life. The North East Region is still what it was a few decades ago A Stagnant Pool. The Central Government is not doing enough to develop the region and to bring it on par with the other states of the Indian mainland. Time and again, New Delhi has often cited the presence of Many Revolutionary Groups in the region as one of the main reason for not releasing adequate funds to the region. For instance, The Manipur State Budget is less than the annual budget of one single department under the Andhra Pradesh Government. This glaring fact only goes to show that the Central Government is not at all interested in the development of the region, but it is no doubt interested in the genuine exploitation of the Regions Natural Resources. Where is the Right to Equality enshrined in the Constitution of India???

The Central Government- irrespective of the Political Party in power, have always looked down upon the people of region and is not at all interested in their welfare. The Government at Delhi is more concerned about the "Oil-Fields of Assam than the all around development of the North East and its people. The Indian Govt should try and overcome the Insurgent Groups operating in the region through good will and development of the region and genuine concern for its people. And not through the use of brutal and excessive force, ill-conceived adhoc policies mean only to oppress and intimidate the people of this region. The imposition of the Draconian Law The Armed Forces Special Act in few states of the North East Region is a testimony enough to this fact.

Only when the People Republic of China makes an unlawful intrusion into the North East Region, and claims a part of it as its own -Will the Babus and aging politicians, and the Mandarins in New Delhi?s corridor of power sit up and take notice and starts showing a genuine interest in the North East Region. The Root cause for Insurgency in this region lies in New Delhi Step Motherly Treatment and apparent lack of concern for the North East and its people.

Having taken a clue from their old Colonial Master The Britishers. New Delhi is effectively putting in practice the policy of "Divide and Rule" among the various communities of the Region through its Research and Analysis Wing ( R.A.W). No wonder the North Easterners have always been give a R.A.W Deal by the Central Govt. Even the brain behind the bloody Kuki/Naga Ethnic Clash was R.A.W. it was all the handiwork of R.A.W. This only goes to show that A North Easterners Life doesn?t mean a thing to the Central Government.The Ignorant attitude of the Mainland India towards the region as a whole can be gauged from the fact that there are still some Indians who think that Mizoram, Nagaland, and Manipur are Independent Countries. Ignorance is indeed a Crime! And many High Headed North Indians fins it hard to accept us as India?s with all its privileges and facilities. No wonder, we are often referred to on the basis of our physical appearances CHINKIS, mainly in the Northern Part of India.

Fifty Years we have been under the Indian Union, and there is still not much development that we could boast of. It might have been better had we been a part of CHINA, Who Knows?? We might have been able to reap the benefits of the Shangai Boom and Chinas growing economy!
The arrogant North Indians takes pride in calling us CHINKIS, which I believe is a word meant to refer people with small eyes or people of any mongoloid descent. The word CHINKIS, seems to have been taken off from C-H-I-N-A". Maybe its time, we North Easterners shed our Indianess and replace the Indian Constitution with Chairman Mao?s Red Book.

In a region where Jacky Chan is more famous than Hrithik Roshan, and where Ahn Jung Hwan is more idolized than Tendulkar. And where Rock Music is more popular than Bhajans or Ghazals. The North East India is truly a region different from the mainland Indian and its most valued asset is:- Its Uniqueness.

No wonder as the Crow flies, the Region is closer to Hanoi than New Delhi and it wont be an exaggeration to add here that even Beijing is not really far away.

You can reach the author at concrn_ctzn@yahoo.com

 

[akzaman]

NSCN (I-M) sticks to Nagalim demand

ix months after they came to India for talks, Naga leaders feel the UPA government is avoiding a resolution of the core issue of integration of Naga-inhabited areas, without which they say there could be “no solution at all” to the Naga problem, reports PTI. Right now with the peace talks making no apparent progress, NSCN(I-M) General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and his colleagues are planning to pack their bags for Amsterdam next week. Muivah parried questions whether they were thinking of quitting the talks process.

Suggesting a federal relationship between the Naga state and India, he told PTI in an interview that the government “seems to be willing to avoid it... if this issue is not resolved, there can be no solution at all”.

The top NSCN(I-M) leader, however, said Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and UPA Chairperson were “sincere” and “some” among the Group of Ministers negotiating with them were “serious and sensible. We have respect for them. But how far they can get their way through is yet to be seen”.

Asked whether they would quit the peace talks in case of a failure to arrive at a solution on the issue, Muivah said “we have not received any positive response from the government. But from our side, we have made our position very clear on all issues. No issue has been left unclear. So, it is for the government to give us a response”.

Observing that Centre wanted a consensus among the people of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh to resolve the integration issue, he said this “amounts to having the fate of Naga people being decided by them. It is an insult to the Nagas and we will never accept this”. Muivah, however, said the NSCN(I-M) was “willing” to talk to the people’s representatives from these three states to explore an understanding on the integration issue.

“But so long as the government is backing them, they will not say yes” to the talks and the government would use it “as a pretext not to resolve the issue”, he said.

“We are not demanding any piece of land that belongs to the people of these three states. The areas we seek are those where the Nagas have settled historically”, he said.

The NSCN(I-M) said the “uniqueness” of Naga history had to be understood by all those conducting the negotiations.

“The Nagas were neither conquered by the British, nor by Indians. Even Mahatma Gandhi had said the Nagas are free to decide their own fate whether to join India or not. But the then government warned to crush our movement within a few days. But look we have fought for five decades now”, he said.
http://assamtribune.com/