Turkish Politics & Internal Affairs
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passo_del_bosniako
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How Turkey held the EU for ransom
Shopping in a Turkish bazaar is never wise for the novice.
The EU learned that lesson the hard way when it discovered the carefully crafted refugee deal it believed it had sold to Turkish leaders in the run-up to Monday’s summit turned out to be little more than the beginning of the negotiation.
Turkey made Europe a counter offer early Monday that six months ago would have prompted EU negotiators to get up and walk out. To European eyes, the proposal Ankara put on the table read more like a ransom note: €3 billion in refugee aid in addition to the €3 billion already pledged, full-scale visa liberalization for Turkish citizens in the EU by June, an acceleration of Turkey’s application to join the bloc as well as a pledge to resettle many of the Syrian refugees Turkey takes in.
Turkey’s message to Europe was clear: You need us more than we need you.
That Europe is not just considering the Turkish proposal, but is likely to end up accepting most, if not all of it, is testament to the desperation of the Union and its largest member, Germany, to secure a deal to limit the flow of refugees and end a crisis that is testing EU solidarity like nothing in its history.
Angela Merkel, who sees a sweeping agreement with Turkey as the only viable way out of the quagmire, tried into the early hours of Tuesday to cajole her fellow leaders into accepting the framework. In the end, they agreed to delay a decision until the next regular EU summit, scheduled for next week.
What worried some in the room is that accepting the Turkish terms would set a dangerous precedent, signaling that the bloc’s core democratic principles are up for sale. Giving Ankara what it wants, just as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has been tightening his grip on power, turning Turkey into what many consider a dictatorship, could do irreparable harm to the EU’s credibility, critics argue.
And yet for Europe, the likely alternative — the collapse of Europe’s open borders and public trust in its institutions — would be even worse.
Speaking after the summit, Merkel stressed that given the war in Syria and the “geostrategic” situation, a deal with Turkey is “absolutely in Europe’s interest.”
Convincing the rest of Europe won’t be easy.
Cooperation, not sanctions
It was only on Friday that Turkish authorities seized control of the country’s largest newspaper, Zaman, dispersing protestors with tear gas. Such an action would normally prompt censure from Brussels.
Europe’s dry official commentary at the end of the summit: “The EU heads of state or government also discussed with the Turkish prime minister the situation of the media in Turkey.”
Instead of weighing sanctions, the EU is considering accelerating Turkey’s negotiations for EU membership. That process, which has been stalled for years, normally requires a candidate country meet basic standards on everything from the independence of its judiciary to press freedom. Acceding to Turkey’s demand that the EU open talks in five key areas linked to its membership bid would force the Union to ignore Turkey’s record on human rights, intimidation of the media and manipulation of the judiciary.
“We certainly can do all of that. The only question is what it will do to the EU,” one official involved in the deliberations said.
The irony is that Erdoğan likely has little intention of joining the EU. Membership in the EU is simply not compatible with his strongman style. But by forcing European countries to invite Turkey back to the table, he can show his people that Turkey is still accepted by the West and slap down domestic critics who say otherwise. Winning visa-free travel to Europe would offer further affirmation of Turkey’s place in the first world.
European officials tried to sell the summit as a success, arguing that the commitments Turkey was willing to make in terms of taking back refugees and helping to shut down human smuggling would amount to a major “breakthrough.”
“This is a real game-changer,” European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said afterwards. “We will make clear that the only viable way to come to Europe is through legal channels.”
In some respects, Turkey’s new offer goes further than the original plan it had discussed with the EU, particularly concerning the numbers of refugees Ankara would take back and the measures it would adopt to deter human smuggling.
But the price is higher than anyone in Brussels thought they’d have to pay.
Best laid plans
Just last week, a parade of European officials, led by Council President Donald Tusk, visited Turkey to lay the groundwork for a deal.
Under his blueprint, Turkey would have agreed to take back refugees intercepted in the Aegean, including Syrians, as well as some of the refugees now stranded in Greece. In return, the EU would release more of the €3 billion in aid it pledged last fall to help Turkey take care of the refugees.
Berlin believed that the deal, combined with other recent measures, such as a beefing up of coast guard patrols and the involvement of NATO ships in the effort, would help choke the flow of refugees.
politico.eu
---------------------
Good job!
Shopping in a Turkish bazaar is never wise for the novice.
The EU learned that lesson the hard way when it discovered the carefully crafted refugee deal it believed it had sold to Turkish leaders in the run-up to Monday’s summit turned out to be little more than the beginning of the negotiation.
Turkey made Europe a counter offer early Monday that six months ago would have prompted EU negotiators to get up and walk out. To European eyes, the proposal Ankara put on the table read more like a ransom note: €3 billion in refugee aid in addition to the €3 billion already pledged, full-scale visa liberalization for Turkish citizens in the EU by June, an acceleration of Turkey’s application to join the bloc as well as a pledge to resettle many of the Syrian refugees Turkey takes in.
Turkey’s message to Europe was clear: You need us more than we need you.
That Europe is not just considering the Turkish proposal, but is likely to end up accepting most, if not all of it, is testament to the desperation of the Union and its largest member, Germany, to secure a deal to limit the flow of refugees and end a crisis that is testing EU solidarity like nothing in its history.
Angela Merkel, who sees a sweeping agreement with Turkey as the only viable way out of the quagmire, tried into the early hours of Tuesday to cajole her fellow leaders into accepting the framework. In the end, they agreed to delay a decision until the next regular EU summit, scheduled for next week.
What worried some in the room is that accepting the Turkish terms would set a dangerous precedent, signaling that the bloc’s core democratic principles are up for sale. Giving Ankara what it wants, just as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has been tightening his grip on power, turning Turkey into what many consider a dictatorship, could do irreparable harm to the EU’s credibility, critics argue.
And yet for Europe, the likely alternative — the collapse of Europe’s open borders and public trust in its institutions — would be even worse.
Speaking after the summit, Merkel stressed that given the war in Syria and the “geostrategic” situation, a deal with Turkey is “absolutely in Europe’s interest.”
Convincing the rest of Europe won’t be easy.
Cooperation, not sanctions
It was only on Friday that Turkish authorities seized control of the country’s largest newspaper, Zaman, dispersing protestors with tear gas. Such an action would normally prompt censure from Brussels.
Europe’s dry official commentary at the end of the summit: “The EU heads of state or government also discussed with the Turkish prime minister the situation of the media in Turkey.”
Instead of weighing sanctions, the EU is considering accelerating Turkey’s negotiations for EU membership. That process, which has been stalled for years, normally requires a candidate country meet basic standards on everything from the independence of its judiciary to press freedom. Acceding to Turkey’s demand that the EU open talks in five key areas linked to its membership bid would force the Union to ignore Turkey’s record on human rights, intimidation of the media and manipulation of the judiciary.
“We certainly can do all of that. The only question is what it will do to the EU,” one official involved in the deliberations said.
The irony is that Erdoğan likely has little intention of joining the EU. Membership in the EU is simply not compatible with his strongman style. But by forcing European countries to invite Turkey back to the table, he can show his people that Turkey is still accepted by the West and slap down domestic critics who say otherwise. Winning visa-free travel to Europe would offer further affirmation of Turkey’s place in the first world.
European officials tried to sell the summit as a success, arguing that the commitments Turkey was willing to make in terms of taking back refugees and helping to shut down human smuggling would amount to a major “breakthrough.”
“This is a real game-changer,” European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said afterwards. “We will make clear that the only viable way to come to Europe is through legal channels.”
In some respects, Turkey’s new offer goes further than the original plan it had discussed with the EU, particularly concerning the numbers of refugees Ankara would take back and the measures it would adopt to deter human smuggling.
But the price is higher than anyone in Brussels thought they’d have to pay.
Best laid plans
Just last week, a parade of European officials, led by Council President Donald Tusk, visited Turkey to lay the groundwork for a deal.
Under his blueprint, Turkey would have agreed to take back refugees intercepted in the Aegean, including Syrians, as well as some of the refugees now stranded in Greece. In return, the EU would release more of the €3 billion in aid it pledged last fall to help Turkey take care of the refugees.
Berlin believed that the deal, combined with other recent measures, such as a beefing up of coast guard patrols and the involvement of NATO ships in the effort, would help choke the flow of refugees.
politico.eu
---------------------
Good job!
passo_del_bosniako
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Well, they kinda have no choice in this one. Funny thing is all thing is of their own (US-EU) making. If they jumped on any of three turkish initatives in past 5 years regarding Syria ( from NFZ, limited NFZ, small northern Safe Zone), there would be no refugee crisis, certanly not of this huge magnitude destabilizing EU itself. Now, something must give..
Solomon2
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UN rights expert calls on Turkey to reverse seizure of independent media group
Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression David Kaye. UN Photo/Jean-Marc Ferré
8 March 2016 – An independent United Nations human rights expert today called on the Government of Turkey to relinquish State control over Feza Media Group, which includes the Zaman newspaper.
The Government seized the Media Group on Friday following court action linked to national security, a move the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, David Kaye, called an “extraordinary threat to free media and pluralism.”
In a statement today, Mr. Kaye reminded the Turkish Government and courts that they are bound by international law and standards.
“Court decisions should be in strict conformity with the rights to freedom of expression and should not impose restrictions that unduly restrict the freedom of press and media,” he said.
Mr. Kaye added that he finds it difficult to see how this seizure “meets the international standard that a restriction must be provided by law and necessary to protect a legitimate government interest.”
He called on the Turkish Government and judiciary to ensure “an immediate, fair and impartial appeal procedure” and to reverse the decision.
The UN expert said his upcoming visit to Turkey, scheduled for November 2016, will be an opportunity to address such issues as the independence of the media, the safety of journalists, activists and academics, as well as the measures taken to ensure public debate in the country.
Independent experts or special rapporteurs are appointed by the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a country situation or a specific human rights theme. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are they paid for their work.
Last month, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein expressed concern about actions of security forces in Turkey and an “alarming number” of journalists and other media operatives convicted or awaiting trials. He reiterated that anti-terrorism legislation should not be used as a means to curtail freedom of opinion or expression.
passo_del_bosniako
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I do follow. Well, EU isnt in position to destroy anyone at this point considering that its fighting for its own survival. This refugee crisis came at the worst time for EU and its largly beyond their control. And everybody knows it. Merkel and co know it, Turkey knows it and Putin knows it (hence the massiv and indiscriminate bombing campaign). Turkey has all the leverage here.
It doesnt metter what media is saying. Also which media. Politico as neoliberall mouthpeace will of course attack such deal as we seen here. But german pro-merkel papers will sing another tune for sure.
As for Greece, there is no connection there. Greece was facing a complete financial meldown, they counndt let that heppen. But also it was an opportunity for EU (Germany) to finaly whip the greeks into shape and put a leash on them. So... believe me, Turkey or any other country doesnt want to be in its place, no amount of money is worth it.
T-123456
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Nerden nereye,i remembered the old days.
Solomon2
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Creative despotism
KERIM BALCI — PUBLISHED ABOUT 17 HOURS AGO
The writer is editor-in-chief of Turkish Review and was a columnist for Zaman and Today’s Zaman.
IT is no secret that my name appears on the list of journalists Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan wants to see behind bars, and I won’t hide my own expectations that he will suffer that end. So, despite my intrinsic optimism about the future of my country’s democracy, I am writing this article in pre-emptive exile, self-imposed so as to avoid imprisonment.
The fact that I personally, and my media group, publisher of Zaman, Turkey’s largest circulating daily until last week, gave full support to President Erdogan’s political line between 2004 and 2011 further complicates my position. I have been trying to de-convince the same foreign journalists, academics and policymakers I once skilfully convinced that Erdogan was the kind of leader we all longed for, one who would oversee the establishment of a working democracy that synthesised a deeply religious society with a firmly established secular regime.
When the so-called Arab Spring started, I had claimed that there was only one spring in the region — that of Turkey under Erdogan. Now, I face a single, difficult question: what went wrong?
It all started in the early 2000s when Star Media Group, already appropriated by the state’s Savings Deposit and Insurance Fund (TMSF) due to bankruptcy and financial fraud, was sold to Ethem Sancak, a businessman with close ties to the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. The acquisition of the Sabah-ATV group followed the same tactic. The TMSF took over the group in 2007 due to bankruptcy; the group was sold to Çalik Holding for $1.1 billion, almost all the money being arranged by personal involvement of the then-prime minister Erdogan, mobilising state-run banks and Qatari funds.
The Turkish media has realised that the worst is yet to come.In 2013, the group was sold, this time to Kalyon Group. In late 2013, the largest graft investigation in Turkish history suggested why the Kalyon Group, never previously involved in the media, was interested in paying hundreds of millions of dollars for an unprofitable investment: it had all been set up by Erdogan’s government — or at least so the prosecutors claimed.
As Turkey’s media outlets became converted into pro-government mouthpieces, the government adopted other strategies to trivialise opposition media and silence opposition voices. The Dogan Media group was cowed by a series of tax fines that amounted to $3bn; the group reached an agreement with the government by paying a portion of the fines and selling its Milliyet and Vatan dailies to a government-friendly businessman.
Meanwhile, the favour of the Ciner Media group was bought through juicy private-public projects, and its loyalty guaranteed by a party commissar appointed to flagship Haberturk TV. Dogus Group’s NTV followed suit. In all cases, such takeovers precipitated a wave of redundancies, as journalists unwilling to toe the party line found themselves personae non grata.
Uncooperative media groups were punished by other means. Opposition TV channels were taken off air through blocks on satellite, cable and digital platforms (all controlled by the government, directly or indirectly). Their correspondents were denied accreditation at press conferences.
All these factors led to around 1,500 opposition journalists finding themselves out of work by the end of 2015, with the majority of them the subject of one or more court cases on claims of defamation of the president, or spying for a foreign country.
In late 2015, the government tried a new approach. A few days before the Nov 1 elections, the opposition Ipek Media Group was literally taken over, along with its owner Ipek Holding — together worth some $10bn — over claims that the group was aiding a terrorist organisation. Overnight, the group’s Bugun TV and Bugun daily were converted into pro-government media organs.
The same mechanism was employed in the takeover of the Zaman Media Group, home to the Zaman and Today’s Zaman dailies, Aksiyon weekly and Cihan News Agency, and owner of Turkey’s sole media distribution company, recently. The group employs over 700 journalists and about 3,000 delivery operatives. The takeover will have repercussions for other opposition media organs, which used to rely on Cihan News Agency for content and Cihan Media Distribution Company for distribution. The future of the international editions of Zaman, published on a franchising agreement with the parent group, is also uncertain.
While many people abroad still think of Erdogan as the kind of powerful Muslim leader the Muslim world yearned for, the Turkish media has already started to realise that the worst is yet to come. I, on the other hand, will continue to fight for the future of Turkish democracy, trying to raise awareness in the world that every dictator is bad, but a religious dictator is worse, as he corrupts not only politics, but also religion.
The writer is editor-in-chief of Turkish Review and was a columnist for Zaman and Today’s Zaman.
Published in Dawn, March 16th, 2016
KERIM BALCI — PUBLISHED ABOUT 17 HOURS AGO
The writer is editor-in-chief of Turkish Review and was a columnist for Zaman and Today’s Zaman.
IT is no secret that my name appears on the list of journalists Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan wants to see behind bars, and I won’t hide my own expectations that he will suffer that end. So, despite my intrinsic optimism about the future of my country’s democracy, I am writing this article in pre-emptive exile, self-imposed so as to avoid imprisonment.
The fact that I personally, and my media group, publisher of Zaman, Turkey’s largest circulating daily until last week, gave full support to President Erdogan’s political line between 2004 and 2011 further complicates my position. I have been trying to de-convince the same foreign journalists, academics and policymakers I once skilfully convinced that Erdogan was the kind of leader we all longed for, one who would oversee the establishment of a working democracy that synthesised a deeply religious society with a firmly established secular regime.
When the so-called Arab Spring started, I had claimed that there was only one spring in the region — that of Turkey under Erdogan. Now, I face a single, difficult question: what went wrong?
It all started in the early 2000s when Star Media Group, already appropriated by the state’s Savings Deposit and Insurance Fund (TMSF) due to bankruptcy and financial fraud, was sold to Ethem Sancak, a businessman with close ties to the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. The acquisition of the Sabah-ATV group followed the same tactic. The TMSF took over the group in 2007 due to bankruptcy; the group was sold to Çalik Holding for $1.1 billion, almost all the money being arranged by personal involvement of the then-prime minister Erdogan, mobilising state-run banks and Qatari funds.
The Turkish media has realised that the worst is yet to come.
As Turkey’s media outlets became converted into pro-government mouthpieces, the government adopted other strategies to trivialise opposition media and silence opposition voices. The Dogan Media group was cowed by a series of tax fines that amounted to $3bn; the group reached an agreement with the government by paying a portion of the fines and selling its Milliyet and Vatan dailies to a government-friendly businessman.
Meanwhile, the favour of the Ciner Media group was bought through juicy private-public projects, and its loyalty guaranteed by a party commissar appointed to flagship Haberturk TV. Dogus Group’s NTV followed suit. In all cases, such takeovers precipitated a wave of redundancies, as journalists unwilling to toe the party line found themselves personae non grata.
Uncooperative media groups were punished by other means. Opposition TV channels were taken off air through blocks on satellite, cable and digital platforms (all controlled by the government, directly or indirectly). Their correspondents were denied accreditation at press conferences.
All these factors led to around 1,500 opposition journalists finding themselves out of work by the end of 2015, with the majority of them the subject of one or more court cases on claims of defamation of the president, or spying for a foreign country.
In late 2015, the government tried a new approach. A few days before the Nov 1 elections, the opposition Ipek Media Group was literally taken over, along with its owner Ipek Holding — together worth some $10bn — over claims that the group was aiding a terrorist organisation. Overnight, the group’s Bugun TV and Bugun daily were converted into pro-government media organs.
The same mechanism was employed in the takeover of the Zaman Media Group, home to the Zaman and Today’s Zaman dailies, Aksiyon weekly and Cihan News Agency, and owner of Turkey’s sole media distribution company, recently. The group employs over 700 journalists and about 3,000 delivery operatives. The takeover will have repercussions for other opposition media organs, which used to rely on Cihan News Agency for content and Cihan Media Distribution Company for distribution. The future of the international editions of Zaman, published on a franchising agreement with the parent group, is also uncertain.
While many people abroad still think of Erdogan as the kind of powerful Muslim leader the Muslim world yearned for, the Turkish media has already started to realise that the worst is yet to come. I, on the other hand, will continue to fight for the future of Turkish democracy, trying to raise awareness in the world that every dictator is bad, but a religious dictator is worse, as he corrupts not only politics, but also religion.
The writer is editor-in-chief of Turkish Review and was a columnist for Zaman and Today’s Zaman.
Published in Dawn, March 16th, 2016
blackeyes90
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TodayKurds in Northern Syrian Linked 3 Cantons and Declared Federation USA and Syrian Goverment made it clear that they will not recognice Kurdish Federation. At This Point Peace Talks are useless. There is no hope for peace. After the Failed Peace Talks Turkish Army should destroy this Puppet State
Sources ;
Suriyeli Kürtler federasyon ilan etti, Şam 'tanımıyoruz' dedi - BBC Türkçe
Kurdish-controlled areas declare federation in Syria's north – media reports — RT News
Sources ;
Suriyeli Kürtler federasyon ilan etti, Şam 'tanımıyoruz' dedi - BBC Türkçe
Kurdish-controlled areas declare federation in Syria's north – media reports — RT News
BordoEnes
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The US already told them they would not recognized or acknowledge it. And without them they are practically powerless. They even back paddled a bit by stating it will be a federation under the rule of Damascus. Lel. Not only that but Arabic and Turkmen tribes have state that they are fiercly against this. Future doesnt look to bright for this self-proclaimed federate state.
blackeyes90
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yes and past told us countless time that balance of power can be always change on their side.We need the Crush them immidietly and furthermore if in diar need we must aligned with Assad if we have to.I prefer Assad over a Federation or ISIS or any kind of kurdish State
Yellow-place
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They are not Syrian Kurds. They are a small, transformed and root-less part of Kurds. They also attack to real Kurds.
passo_del_bosniako
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YPG overstepped. With hardly 24h since the announcement tribe clans in Hasakah, Deirez zor, Raqqa, Eastern Aleppo have formed the Clan Army of Al-Sharqiyah in response to it. They made them self a target for everyone in Syria, the regime and rebels alike.
More then half of therir KIA were turkish citizens. They jailed syrian kurdish activists who opposed them and destroyed almost all syrian kurd military org who refused to join em.
More then half of therir KIA were turkish citizens. They jailed syrian kurdish activists who opposed them and destroyed almost all syrian kurd military org who refused to join em.
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blackeyes90
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i saw no report of Clan Army of Al-Sharqiyah can you elaborate or share a news link about this? Thanks
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