Dillinger
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Sri Lanka imposes curfew after Buddhist-Muslim clashes
- Thread starter Roybot
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Gibbs
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No football - Oh how I wish we could have you tied to a football post before asking Beckam to use a football to repeatedly target your nuts to hone his free-kick skills !
But I suppose that would be too cruel......to the football !
And mate, I'm sorry for commenting about the Internal Affairs of Sri Lanka...I shouldn't have, it was not my place to do so !
No bro.. We need constructive dialog on these issues does'nt matter if you're Lankan or not
P.S: Football only matter with the semi finals coming up.. Not a fan..
My money on Brazil, Argentina, The Germans and the dark horses Belgium
ExtraOdinary
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Gibbs
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Dude who are you kidding ? The whole country knows who is behind the BBS.. And they are so arrogant they dont even hide it.. Refer to my post #19
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/17/w...e-erupts-in-sri-lanka.html?smid=fb-share&_r=0
ALUTHGAMA, Sri Lanka — In some of the worst religious violence in Sri Lanka in decades, three people have been killed and 78 injured in riots between Buddhists and Muslims in this southwestern coastal town after months of rising tensions, officials said Monday.
The riots on Sunday followed a protest march by a hard-line Buddhist group, Bodu Bala Sena, which is led in part by monks. Its name roughly translates as “Buddhist Power Force.” Shops and homes in the area, many of them owned by Muslims, were set ablaze and vandalized in violence that continued throughout the night. Mobs shouting anti-Muslim slogans and hurling gas bombs and stones advanced on a Muslim part of the village of Welipitiya, where men were protecting a mosque.
Three mosques and several Muslim prayer houses were set on fire, according to unofficial reports. “They fought us face to face for two hours,” said M. Hussein, a Muslim man involved in the fighting on Sunday night. “The police didn’t show up until after people were dead.” Police teams eventually appeared in the early morning hours of Monday to transport the dead and injured, Mr. Hussein said.
Muslim residents said Monday that their lives had changed forever.
“They finished the Muslims in this area,” said M. Farina, who added that the police watched impassively Sunday evening as Buddhist mobs attacked Muslim shops and homes.
The Sri Lankan justice minister, Rauff Hakeem, denounced his own government’s inaction.
“The law and order machinery completely failed,” said Mr. Hakeem, who is the leader of the country’s largest Muslim party and confirmed the number of dead and injured. “For 72 hours, we begged the government to prevent this rally from taking place on Sunday for fear of riots.”
“I am ashamed,” he added. “I couldn’t protect my people.”
Local tensions, which have been building for months, began to bubble over Thursday after a fight between a Muslim youth and a Buddhist monk. That clash led to the protest march Sunday, which degenerated into riots. The police imposed curfews in Aluthgama and the adjoining town of Beruwala to prevent violence from spreading, but the clampdown had little effect on violent mobs.
On a visit to Bolivia, President Mahinda Rajapaksa of Sri Lanka wrote on Twitter late Sunday night that the government would not allow anyone to take the law into his own hands.
“I urge all parties concerned to act in restraint,” he wrote. He said the police would bring the perpetrators to justice.
Buddhist radicalism has been increasing in Sri Lanka just as it has in Myanmar, which has experienced a surge in attacks by the Buddhist majority on the minority Muslim community.
Many in Sri Lanka believe that the Bodu Bala Sena has the quiet backing of Mr. Rajapaksa as well as his brother, Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, although the Rajapaksas have denied any link. Previous attacks by the Bodu Bala Sena have gone unpunished, and hard-line monks have been able to operate largely with legal impunity.
The Rajapaksas are hoping to consolidate the Sinhalese majority vote, which is about 75 percent of the country, by demonizing minority Muslims and Tamils, said Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, the executive director of the Center for Policy Alternatives, a nonpartisan policy institute in the capital, Colombo.
The presidential election is not scheduled until 2016, but there is speculation that Mr. Rajapaksa will call elections far earlier.
Allowing religious rioting is often an effective political ploy in South Asia, home to a wide mix of religions. But it is a dangerous one, since passions can quickly get out of hand and voters can sometimes punish incumbents if the law-and-order situation deteriorates badly.
“When you let this genie out of the bottle, sometimes you can’t get it back in again,” Mr. Saravanamuttu said. “The Rajapaksas have very short-term political goals, and they are doing whatever it takes to remain in power.”
Bodu Bala Sena - Buddhist Power force
Azizam
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No football - Oh how I wish we could have you tied to a football post before asking Beckam to use a football to repeatedly target your nuts to hone his free-kick skills !
But I suppose that would be too cruel......to the football !
And mate, I'm sorry for commenting about the Internal Affairs of Sri Lanka...I shouldn't have, it was not my place to do so !
I will start watching as soon as I get some rest. Right now I haven't slept at night for few weeks. I am like a vampire who sleeps in afternoons.
It's totally fine with you commenting about internal affairs and I don't have a right to restrict you from it. After all that is also an element of this forum.
Also I apologize for the rude comments.
The picture you posted is quite old as I know and it has a negative impact on MR so why would he support it while knowing that his foes will definitely use it against him? For instance, even a little incident in Sri Lanka goes all around Western media and they also combine it with the civil war to further damage MR's image. I don't find the logic behind it. Or maybe as what happens with every dictator, MR also started to go nuts after some time enjoying absolute power.
Also if MR has few brain cells, he should ban BBS terrorists.
Last edited:
Gibbs
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@Azizam , @HeinzG , @Saradiel
Monks,Mobs,Military:The Triple”M”Strategy of Bodu Bala Sena to Capture State Power. « dbsjeyaraj.com
DR DAYAN JAYATILLEKA
There are scarier things, worse things, than Black July ’83. Aluthgama signaled the possibility of such things.
The sequence of events, the lethal violence, the horror of Aluthgama were reminiscent of July ’83 –and to go by Tarzie Vittachchi’s Emergency ’58, the anti-Tamil riots of that year. That is the element of dark continuity, which we must never forget in our haste to define the present as the worst of times. But there is also the element of discontinuity which makes Aluthgama potentially far more dangerous.
If we are to fight this phenomenon successfully, it is necessary to correctly identify the beast. So far it has been misidentified as the scarier mask of the ruling clan, the dark avatar of Sinhala Buddhism or the instrument of neoliberal capitalism. It may be all of these or some of these, but these are not the most important or dangerous aspects of its present-day manifestation, the BBS, and the Aluthgama outbreak.
What is most significant about Aluthgama was the speech by the BBS’ Galagodaatte Gnanasara, the main demagogue but not the main strategist of that formation (the latter role is played by the far senior figure of Ven Kirame Wimalajothi). A careful listening tells me that the BBS project aims at nothing less than state power itself. The discourse signals nothing less than the intention to dictate to the state itself and in that sense, to capture the state. The BBS demagogue claims ownership of the state and the right order how it must behave. The claim of ownership is of course, not personal. Nor is it organizational i.e. limited to the BBS. The claim is not that circumscribed. The claim of ownership of the state is made in ethno religious terms, that of Sinhala Buddhism. That however, is a disguise. The real claim is that a definite social stratum is the legitimate owner of the state and should therefore be able to prescribe the state’s policy and practice. The aim and claim is to direct the state. The stratum on behalf of which the BBS stakes this claim is the Sinhala Buddhist clergy.
This is new. It may be the case that the Rajapaksas (singular or plural) extended patronage to the BBS. It might even be that certain elements of the state apparatuses thought to do with the BBS what Pakistan’s ISI did in the 1990s with and for the Taliban. In some senses we have been here before, and Galagodaatte Gnanasara is the new Elle Gunawansa while Kirama Wimalajothi is the new Madihe Pannaseeha. Whatever the provenance and patronage though, the phenomenon has metastasized.
In Aluthgama we witnessed a dangerous replay of July ‘83 in the sense that there was a situation of dual power. Who controls the situation: the state apparatuses or the Sinhala Buddhist ‘street’? However, the BBS posed a further question in Aluthgama: who controls the state itself and its direction; its actions? The legitimate state authorities or the monks? Even more serious was the contestation of legitimacy itself: who is more legitimate, the elected civilian power or the monkhood?
What the BBS aims to do is to control the State. This is a qualitative escalation from the decades-long role of the hawkish Buddhist clergy of being a lobby, pressure group and spoiler (Sinhala only in ’55-’56, the BC Pact ‘57, the APC proposals and Annexure ’84). Galagodaatte Gnanasara’s speech signals the new objective of laying claim to control of the State and indeed the new self-image of being such a controlling force or a contender for State power (as distinct from electoral office). Gnanasara directly addresses and appeals to the armed forces and police over the heads of the constitutional political power. He warns the political power by reminding it that the armed forces and police are Sinhala.
The strategy is simple: the sociological (ethno-linguistic, ethno-religious) composition of the state apparatus is sought to be used to leverage the state to act not merely in the interests of a leading role for the Sinhala Buddhists, but a more explicit role which ranges from outright domination up to (or down to) exclusive monopoly of power, economic presence and existential space. The BBS discourse is not merely one of Sinhala Buddhist rulership but of a model of society and politics most charitably described as apartheid but more accurately described as enslavement –with its accompaniment, existential dread and terror.
The agency of control of the state—the aspirant directors of the state—are the Buddhist monks, of which the BBS is the vanguard.
The three dead Muslims, killed it would seem by gunshots in a drive-by indicate that a new phenomenon, an armed militia may be in play. This Ku Klux Klan doesn’t even have to wear sheets and hoods! Of course, the BBS project is to transform the armed forces and police themselves into militias of the Sinhala Buddhist monkhood.
Can the project succeed? It is six decades or more since the rot set in; six decades or more in which this has been incubating. The ideology and consciousness showed heightened levels of toxicity with the rhetoric (beamed live on national TV) at the funeral of Rev Soma. The egg is now beginning to hatch and the monster is showing the top of its scaly head. The monster is not simply that of racism, religious chauvinism, neoliberal capitalism, neo-imperialist conspiracy or Rajapaksaism. It is (as I described it a year ago) ethno-religious fascism and its project is the installation of a social and political order that is theocratic fascism. It is the fascist character that makes it lay claim to the state.
This is way beyond a tactic to gain marginal electoral advantage on the part of the Rajapaksas. The derisive references to President Rajapaksa in Galagodaatte Gnansara’s Aluthgama ‘discourse’ were utterly significant. A social shift has taken place in this country and the BBS hopes to translate it into a power shift. Aluthgama was a testing ground. The BBS’ strategy is a coalition of the Three Ms: Monks, Mobs and Military.
Plan A would be rule by these three forces, under the dominance of the monks: theocratic fascism.
Plan B would be the installation of military rule backed by the Buddhist clergy: a Sinhala Buddhist coup and junta.
Plan C may be a Manchurian Candidate scenario: the installation as the country’s leader of a personality who can be counted on to approximate Plan A.
The triggering of anti-Muslim but also anti-minority rioting throughout the country, a military ouster of the Northern PC, a replay of the assassination of SWRD Bandaranaike by a monk in 1959, a situation of chaos and anarchy, may all be part of the plan to seize power or install its preferred ruler.
How to beat back the BBS? It is pointless debating the merits of one or another strategy. It is far more realistic to activate or encourage resistance from as many points as possible. The basis can be a clash of interests with the BBS or a clash of values. A purely values-based or ideas-based resistance to the BBS, though necessary and laudable, would be insufficiently broad and deep. An interest-based strategy is far more likely to succeed though it is not necessary that everyone subscribe to such a platform. After Gnanasara’s speech and the violence in Aluthgama, there is a clear conflict of interest between the ruler(s) and the BBS, which presents itself as a contender for the role of who should direct the state and whom the State apparatus should obey. There is always a contradiction between the Boss and whoever wants to be, thinks he is or should be the boss. The Rajapaksas are a status quoist power; the BBS is a radically revisionist force. The former also have a far greater resonance among the populace at large.
Leon Trotsky famously said that in the struggle against fascism he would be willing to unite with the Devil’s grandmother. While all political parties and rulers (most certainly including the Rajapaksas) have contributed directly or indirectly to the problem and are thereby part of it, they are also potentially part of the solution. Having been enablers of the BBS, the Rajapaksas are objectively the most readily available potential counterweight and counterbalance to the BBS and cannot realistically be ignored. However a Realist strategy of counterbalancing by existing power centers is not the only legitimate one. A broad Left front of which the JVP is the leading and main force (while drawing in the FSP, the IUSF et al) is another track of what must surely be a multi-track strategy against fascism.
The officer corps of the Sri Lankan military, the bureaucracy, the judiciary, the corporate sector, the trade unions, the student unions, the professionals, the political parties, the media, the intelligentsia, the international system (including Sri Lanka’s friends) should all be made aware of how destructive the BBS project is to their interests and should be motivated to oppose and defeat it. The most effective weapons to stop the March of the BBS are an intelligent patriotism, a reasoned appeal to Sinhala interests and a more authentic, generously inclusive and pluralist Buddhism.
Monks,Mobs,Military:The Triple”M”Strategy of Bodu Bala Sena to Capture State Power. « dbsjeyaraj.com
DR DAYAN JAYATILLEKA
There are scarier things, worse things, than Black July ’83. Aluthgama signaled the possibility of such things.
The sequence of events, the lethal violence, the horror of Aluthgama were reminiscent of July ’83 –and to go by Tarzie Vittachchi’s Emergency ’58, the anti-Tamil riots of that year. That is the element of dark continuity, which we must never forget in our haste to define the present as the worst of times. But there is also the element of discontinuity which makes Aluthgama potentially far more dangerous.
If we are to fight this phenomenon successfully, it is necessary to correctly identify the beast. So far it has been misidentified as the scarier mask of the ruling clan, the dark avatar of Sinhala Buddhism or the instrument of neoliberal capitalism. It may be all of these or some of these, but these are not the most important or dangerous aspects of its present-day manifestation, the BBS, and the Aluthgama outbreak.
What is most significant about Aluthgama was the speech by the BBS’ Galagodaatte Gnanasara, the main demagogue but not the main strategist of that formation (the latter role is played by the far senior figure of Ven Kirame Wimalajothi). A careful listening tells me that the BBS project aims at nothing less than state power itself. The discourse signals nothing less than the intention to dictate to the state itself and in that sense, to capture the state. The BBS demagogue claims ownership of the state and the right order how it must behave. The claim of ownership is of course, not personal. Nor is it organizational i.e. limited to the BBS. The claim is not that circumscribed. The claim of ownership of the state is made in ethno religious terms, that of Sinhala Buddhism. That however, is a disguise. The real claim is that a definite social stratum is the legitimate owner of the state and should therefore be able to prescribe the state’s policy and practice. The aim and claim is to direct the state. The stratum on behalf of which the BBS stakes this claim is the Sinhala Buddhist clergy.
This is new. It may be the case that the Rajapaksas (singular or plural) extended patronage to the BBS. It might even be that certain elements of the state apparatuses thought to do with the BBS what Pakistan’s ISI did in the 1990s with and for the Taliban. In some senses we have been here before, and Galagodaatte Gnanasara is the new Elle Gunawansa while Kirama Wimalajothi is the new Madihe Pannaseeha. Whatever the provenance and patronage though, the phenomenon has metastasized.
In Aluthgama we witnessed a dangerous replay of July ‘83 in the sense that there was a situation of dual power. Who controls the situation: the state apparatuses or the Sinhala Buddhist ‘street’? However, the BBS posed a further question in Aluthgama: who controls the state itself and its direction; its actions? The legitimate state authorities or the monks? Even more serious was the contestation of legitimacy itself: who is more legitimate, the elected civilian power or the monkhood?
What the BBS aims to do is to control the State. This is a qualitative escalation from the decades-long role of the hawkish Buddhist clergy of being a lobby, pressure group and spoiler (Sinhala only in ’55-’56, the BC Pact ‘57, the APC proposals and Annexure ’84). Galagodaatte Gnanasara’s speech signals the new objective of laying claim to control of the State and indeed the new self-image of being such a controlling force or a contender for State power (as distinct from electoral office). Gnanasara directly addresses and appeals to the armed forces and police over the heads of the constitutional political power. He warns the political power by reminding it that the armed forces and police are Sinhala.
The strategy is simple: the sociological (ethno-linguistic, ethno-religious) composition of the state apparatus is sought to be used to leverage the state to act not merely in the interests of a leading role for the Sinhala Buddhists, but a more explicit role which ranges from outright domination up to (or down to) exclusive monopoly of power, economic presence and existential space. The BBS discourse is not merely one of Sinhala Buddhist rulership but of a model of society and politics most charitably described as apartheid but more accurately described as enslavement –with its accompaniment, existential dread and terror.
The agency of control of the state—the aspirant directors of the state—are the Buddhist monks, of which the BBS is the vanguard.
The three dead Muslims, killed it would seem by gunshots in a drive-by indicate that a new phenomenon, an armed militia may be in play. This Ku Klux Klan doesn’t even have to wear sheets and hoods! Of course, the BBS project is to transform the armed forces and police themselves into militias of the Sinhala Buddhist monkhood.
Can the project succeed? It is six decades or more since the rot set in; six decades or more in which this has been incubating. The ideology and consciousness showed heightened levels of toxicity with the rhetoric (beamed live on national TV) at the funeral of Rev Soma. The egg is now beginning to hatch and the monster is showing the top of its scaly head. The monster is not simply that of racism, religious chauvinism, neoliberal capitalism, neo-imperialist conspiracy or Rajapaksaism. It is (as I described it a year ago) ethno-religious fascism and its project is the installation of a social and political order that is theocratic fascism. It is the fascist character that makes it lay claim to the state.
This is way beyond a tactic to gain marginal electoral advantage on the part of the Rajapaksas. The derisive references to President Rajapaksa in Galagodaatte Gnansara’s Aluthgama ‘discourse’ were utterly significant. A social shift has taken place in this country and the BBS hopes to translate it into a power shift. Aluthgama was a testing ground. The BBS’ strategy is a coalition of the Three Ms: Monks, Mobs and Military.
Plan A would be rule by these three forces, under the dominance of the monks: theocratic fascism.
Plan B would be the installation of military rule backed by the Buddhist clergy: a Sinhala Buddhist coup and junta.
Plan C may be a Manchurian Candidate scenario: the installation as the country’s leader of a personality who can be counted on to approximate Plan A.
The triggering of anti-Muslim but also anti-minority rioting throughout the country, a military ouster of the Northern PC, a replay of the assassination of SWRD Bandaranaike by a monk in 1959, a situation of chaos and anarchy, may all be part of the plan to seize power or install its preferred ruler.
How to beat back the BBS? It is pointless debating the merits of one or another strategy. It is far more realistic to activate or encourage resistance from as many points as possible. The basis can be a clash of interests with the BBS or a clash of values. A purely values-based or ideas-based resistance to the BBS, though necessary and laudable, would be insufficiently broad and deep. An interest-based strategy is far more likely to succeed though it is not necessary that everyone subscribe to such a platform. After Gnanasara’s speech and the violence in Aluthgama, there is a clear conflict of interest between the ruler(s) and the BBS, which presents itself as a contender for the role of who should direct the state and whom the State apparatus should obey. There is always a contradiction between the Boss and whoever wants to be, thinks he is or should be the boss. The Rajapaksas are a status quoist power; the BBS is a radically revisionist force. The former also have a far greater resonance among the populace at large.
Leon Trotsky famously said that in the struggle against fascism he would be willing to unite with the Devil’s grandmother. While all political parties and rulers (most certainly including the Rajapaksas) have contributed directly or indirectly to the problem and are thereby part of it, they are also potentially part of the solution. Having been enablers of the BBS, the Rajapaksas are objectively the most readily available potential counterweight and counterbalance to the BBS and cannot realistically be ignored. However a Realist strategy of counterbalancing by existing power centers is not the only legitimate one. A broad Left front of which the JVP is the leading and main force (while drawing in the FSP, the IUSF et al) is another track of what must surely be a multi-track strategy against fascism.
The officer corps of the Sri Lankan military, the bureaucracy, the judiciary, the corporate sector, the trade unions, the student unions, the professionals, the political parties, the media, the intelligentsia, the international system (including Sri Lanka’s friends) should all be made aware of how destructive the BBS project is to their interests and should be motivated to oppose and defeat it. The most effective weapons to stop the March of the BBS are an intelligent patriotism, a reasoned appeal to Sinhala interests and a more authentic, generously inclusive and pluralist Buddhism.
Gibbs
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@Azizam
Machun you still think Gota has nothing to do with this ?
Three Muslims Arrested; BBS Chief Resigns: No Arrest Of “Mob” | Colombo Telegraph
Machun you still think Gota has nothing to do with this ?
Three Muslims Arrested; BBS Chief Resigns: No Arrest Of “Mob” | Colombo Telegraph
PlanetWarrior
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Monks, Mullahs, Pandits, Priests, Rabbis..they are all the same. Will start my own religion soon. 
As for the soccer ...did you watch how the ref played for Germany in the Germany vs Porta match !!
As for the soccer ...did you watch how the ref played for Germany in the Germany vs Porta match !!
Gibbs
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Campaign for Justice @Camp4justice 34m
Relief distribution as brothers pic.twitter.com/mdq6AumLhj
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hussain0216
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Muslims owe you nothing, your a hindu, your buddist cousins slaughtering you is your problem, your not human enough for even hindu india to care about, why the hell would've anyone else
there attacks on innocent muslim populations is important to 1.7 billion muslims, 57 muslim countries etc
the Sri lankans will need to control the buddistextremists or it will pick up a range of eenemies
waz
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8:00 AM - 17 Jun 2014 · DetailsFlag media
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Good to see the Monks reaching out.
These BBS thugs are a disgrace to the name of the great Buddah.
Abu Zolfiqar
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vast majority of Sri Lankans in general are the most peaceful people in the world..i've always had a good memories chatting and hanging with them
such types of incidents are fcked up and bad for communal harmony. The South Asian sub continent is no stranger anymore to communal type incidents. Its very unfortunate
Gibbs
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Dhamma, the Dickwella way! | DailyFT - Be Empowered
IN contrast to gory scenes a few miles away in Aluthgama, the Chief Incumbent Priests of eight Buddhist temples in and around Dickwella led by Dickwella Shasana Bala Mandalaya President Ven. Godellewela Rathananda in an exemplary move spent two hours on Monday night at the Muhiyibdeen Jumma Mosque at Yonakpura, Dickwella.
The act of solidarity was to strengthen communal ties and avert any fears of an extremist uprising in the area as an aftermath of the unfortunate incidents in Aluthgama and Beruwala.
The decision to visit the mosque was made on Monday morning at an emergency meeting held at the Dickwella Pradeshiya Sabha on the instructions of Minister of Youth Affairs and Skills Development Dullas Alahapperuma.
The delegation of Buddhist monks accompanied by all the members of the Dickwella Pradeshiya Sabha led by Chairman Krishali Muthukumarana, Officer-in-Charge of the Dickwella Police Station Lasantha Dadallage and other Government officials were warmly welcomed by the Moulavi of the Muhiyideen Jumma Mosque Mohamed Akbar Mohamed Shamil and the Muslim community.
Addressing those gathered, the venerable clergy said that the root cause of the incidents in Aluthgama and Beruwala were due to ill-informed and misguided masses and that the people of Dickwella should be vigilant of persons who would try to instigate communal disharmony in their town.
The people of Dickwella and its surroundings are known to each other and have lived in harmony by respecting each other’s beliefs and customs. They assured that there had been no animosity between the communities in the past and nor would animosity arise in the future.
Dickwella Pradeshiya Sabha Chairman Krishali Muthukumarana said that all the members of the PS irrespective of their political affiliations would ensure that no communal hatred was instigated among the constituents of the area.
IN contrast to gory scenes a few miles away in Aluthgama, the Chief Incumbent Priests of eight Buddhist temples in and around Dickwella led by Dickwella Shasana Bala Mandalaya President Ven. Godellewela Rathananda in an exemplary move spent two hours on Monday night at the Muhiyibdeen Jumma Mosque at Yonakpura, Dickwella.
The act of solidarity was to strengthen communal ties and avert any fears of an extremist uprising in the area as an aftermath of the unfortunate incidents in Aluthgama and Beruwala.
The decision to visit the mosque was made on Monday morning at an emergency meeting held at the Dickwella Pradeshiya Sabha on the instructions of Minister of Youth Affairs and Skills Development Dullas Alahapperuma.
The delegation of Buddhist monks accompanied by all the members of the Dickwella Pradeshiya Sabha led by Chairman Krishali Muthukumarana, Officer-in-Charge of the Dickwella Police Station Lasantha Dadallage and other Government officials were warmly welcomed by the Moulavi of the Muhiyideen Jumma Mosque Mohamed Akbar Mohamed Shamil and the Muslim community.
Addressing those gathered, the venerable clergy said that the root cause of the incidents in Aluthgama and Beruwala were due to ill-informed and misguided masses and that the people of Dickwella should be vigilant of persons who would try to instigate communal disharmony in their town.
The people of Dickwella and its surroundings are known to each other and have lived in harmony by respecting each other’s beliefs and customs. They assured that there had been no animosity between the communities in the past and nor would animosity arise in the future.
Dickwella Pradeshiya Sabha Chairman Krishali Muthukumarana said that all the members of the PS irrespective of their political affiliations would ensure that no communal hatred was instigated among the constituents of the area.
Saradiel
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I hope this BBS will be banned with all their organizers going to jail. They have been a nuisance for the SL defence establishment and internal stability for like 2 years...
@Gibbs, I dont think Gota control BBS. The BBS actions cannot be controlled by Gota....I guess Gota might have intended to control it initially but it has gone out of control....anyway no surprise there..
@Gibbs, I dont think Gota control BBS. The BBS actions cannot be controlled by Gota....I guess Gota might have intended to control it initially but it has gone out of control....anyway no surprise there..
