Russia loses its position in India

[The Ronin]

It is no secret that in recent years Russia has been losing its position at India defence market.

This is explained by the Indian Government’s intent to diversify arms suppliers, in particular, the United States, Ukraine, South Korea and other. Also, Russian military defence technology is falling behind and them service suffers a lot.

In this regard, Russia began an active information campaign to discredit the other partners of India in military-technical cooperation. Among these military-technical partners, Ukrainian defence industry complex occupies a special place. Adding to informational hysteria around the military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and India is Russia’s attempt to influence the strategic relations between the two countries. The attempt to remove Ukraine from the Indian armaments market is the Kremlin’s last chance to remain there.

By that time, can say with confidence that the quality of Russian military equipment is inferior to the American one. Russia loses key tenders to the Americans in India. Thus, the Indians gave the preference to the American combat helicopters AH-64E “Apache”, over the Russian Mi-28. The Russians lost the competition for the delivery of heavy transport helicopters: Mi-26 to the American CH-47F “Chinook”. American Boeing P-8 Poseidon replaced Russian Tu-142; transport aircraft IL-476 lost to the American C-17 “Globemaster”.



The Indian-Russian Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft project is at risk of failure. Over eight years, even the final aircraft design contract has not been signed. The Indians are not satisfied with the weak engines, they have claims to the fighter’s radar and stealth. The Indian side inclines to closing this project, purchasing American F-35 fighter instead of the Russian one. If India leaves the project, Russia will have to reduce next-generation aircraft production due to lack of funds.



The Kremlin is not able to meet the demands of the Indian leadership in the defense industry. The collapse of deals, the lack of components, the transfer of India’s critical military technology within the domestic production program “Make in India” leads to a decrease in the share of Russian weapons in the Indian market.

Besides, Russia is an unreliable partner for India. In December 2015, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India represented an expert opinion on the operation of Russian Su-30MKI fighters. According to the auditor’s report, 126 out of 210 fighter jets – operated by Indian pilots – are on the ground as a result of malfunction. According to the Indian Ministry of Defense, six aircraft were lost since the beginning of operation.



In August 2016 it became known that Russia sold defective fighter jets to India: aircraft MiG-29K and MiG-29KUB, deliveries of which started in 2014. According to the audit, 62% of Russian engines are non-serviceable.



These cases indicate that the Russian import substitution program has failed. Russia uses components from NATO countries and the EU to build almost all types of military equipment. With the introduction of sanctions, Russian specialists are not able to resolve their own problems, because they do not have the necessary components.

In addition, Russia expects to press Ukraine in India in order to compensate for its own losses. After all, India remains Ukraine’s largest trading partner in the field of military-technical cooperation. In the period from 2015 to 2017, Ukraine fulfilled contracts totaling about $ 400 million. Including An-32 aircrafts repair for the Indian Air Force and gas turbine power plants for warships.

Only UkrOboronProm SE “Zorya-Mashproekt”, in the past three years, supplied products totaling over $ 200 million, providing Indian ships with power plants.

It is worth noting that within the framework of the agreements signed with India’s corporations, Ukraine is struggling to win the tenders within the “Make in India” program to receive orders from the Indian government in the field of aircraft manufacturing and repair, armored vehicles modernization, marine engineering maintenance, and UAV production and supply.



Ukrainian company “SpetsTechnoExport” has successfully fulfilled the contract with “HAL” corporation from 2013 for the supply of beam holders. In December 2017, they received an application for the conclusion of a contract for the beam holders supply from the State Enterprise “Vizar”, and in February 2018 – Ministry of Defense of India request for the products mentioned, totaling over $ 3 million.

It is noteworthy that it was in the framework of this contract that an information campaign against Ukraine was launched. The media repeatedly published unverified and unconfirmed information about the alleged failure of the company to fulfill the contract. The anti-Ukrainian campaign reached its peak during the active phase of negotiations with foreign contractors on the conclusion of a new contract for the supply of Ukrainian beam holders.

This can be seen as a manifestation of dishonest and unfair competition from the third party – the Russian Federation.

Russia has been losing its position in India defence market and now is doing its utmost to reverse the trend.

http://defence-blog.com/army/russia-loses-position-india.html

 

[MultaniGuy]

Interesting article. I wouldn't be surprised if Russia sells defence equipment to Pakistan as India tilts towards USA.

 

[PaklovesTurkiye]

....

Signs of breach are visible in India-Russia relations....

What a coincidence....

Pakistan and US are also accusing each other of mistrust in relationship...

Moreover, the recent interview by Russian Sputnik of anti Pakistan baloch militant also didn't go down well in India....Militant blamed India for anti Pakistan activities...Indians were fuming about that.

https://thediplomat.com/2018/03/has-russia-lost-patience-with-india/

 

[MultaniGuy]

....

Signs of breach are visible in India-Russia relations....

What a coincidence....

Pakistan and US are also accusing each other of mistrust in relationship...

Moreover, the recent interview by Russian Sputnik of anti Pakistan baloch militant also didn't go down well in India....Militant blamed India for anti Pakistan activities...Indians were fuming about that.

https://thediplomat.com/2018/03/has-russia-lost-patience-with-india/

Could you post the Diplomat article. I have reached my five article limit.

 

[PaklovesTurkiye]

Could you post the Diplomat article. I have reached my five article limit.

Has Russia Lost Patience With India?
Russian attempts to punish perceived Indian transgressions could have serious impact on their relationship.

By Rajesh Soami
March 02, 2018

Although clouds have been gathering for the past few years around the relationship between Russia and India, recent events suggest that things may have come to a head sooner than expected. Russian attempts to court Pakistan, India`s hostile western neighbor, in the last two weeks support such a conclusion.

First, on February 17, a rebel leader from Balochistan province in Pakistan, who had been residing in exile in Moscow for the last 18 years, switched sides. Dr. Jumma Marri Baloch has long been one of the major leaders of the movement in the western province of Balochistan to free itself from Pakistan. He reportedly designed the flag of the “free Balochistan” separatist movement. In his reconciliation interview with a Russian media outlet, Marri blamed India for hijacking the indigenous Baloch revolt. As the drama unfolded in Moscow, one may wonder whether it was a not so subtle a message to Delhi about Russian ability to embarrass India if such a need arises.

The next week, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov welcomed his Pakistani counterpart, Khawaja Asif, to Moscow for a four-day trip. Moscow stated it was ready to help Pakistan increase its anti-terror capabilities — this can be read as a euphemism for providing arms to Islamabad.

Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
Neither of these two developments will go down well with New Delhi. Considering that the first cannot be undone, one wonders what could possibly have gone so wrong for Moscow to take such a step.

China’s rise, together with economic atrophy in Russia, has prompted a realigning of relations between Moscow and New Delhi. A weaker Russia has been cozying up to a wealthy China. In fact, after the West slapped economic sanctions on Russia, there was only one direction Moscow could go. The last of the Russia-China border disputes were resolved in 2004 and relations have been on an upswing since. While Russia has been having the best phase of its relationship with China, India has moved in the opposite direction.

Strong economic, diplomatic, and increasing military support from China to Pakistan is an irritant for India. India and China also have a long and disputed border in the Himalayas. A standoff in the border region between the two countries last summer threatened to blow into a military showdown but that disaster scenario was averted. Nevertheless, hostile rhetoric by Beijing during the dispute is seen as increasing assertiveness on the back of China’s newfound power and stature in world affairs. India is furthermore wary of Chinese moves around its neighborhood, primarily Beijing’s use of its economic heft.

Adding two and two together, New Delhi may be doubtful of Russia coming to its support in case of serious problems with its northeastern neighbor. The growing strength of China and increasing Russian reliance on Beijing means that Moscow may have neither the will nor the means to help India in the future. To break the perceived China-Pakistan encirclement of India, New Delhi has been happy to find allies elsewhere.

India has built excellent ties with Japan. Strategic convergence has also brought India closer to the United States. Recently Australia joined the three countries in a much publicized quadrilateral grouping. The objective of the so-called Quad is to cooperate in exercising and increasing influence of the four powers across Asia, from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific Ocean. The developing larger geostrategic picture in Asia pits land powers, Russia and China, against maritime powers. Indian friendship with Russia was an anomaly in the slow evolution of this competition. Unfortunately for Asia, this seems to be changing now as India tilts more and more toward the U.S.-led alliance.

India and Russia, to their credit, have been trying to increase their bilateral trade for the last two decades in order to develop a more positive relationship. They have achieved only partial success. One-way movement of armaments continues to be the major component of economic activity. India is the biggest market of foreign arms in the world; Russia has traditionally been among its largest suppliers. Recently though, India has increasingly looked to the United States and Israel for weapons. A string of military contracts has gone to the two Western suppliers, disappointing Moscow.

Russia has shown a willingness to accept the changes in the rules of the game. In 2010, when then-President Dmitry Medvedev visited India, he expressed Russian willingness to compete with other suppliers in the Indian market provided the contracts were transparent and fair. But exasperation has gotten the better of Moscow at times. Senior Russian officials have also criticized Indian procurement methods and reacted to decisions with disdain.

The government of India is hard-pressed to cater to Russian interests. The armed forces, particularly the Air Force, have been seeking to diversify their base by procuring Western weaponry. The intelligentsia, though, is tired of expensive imports and is keen on spinning up indigenous development. To add to New Delhi’s woes, Western officials are now also pressuring their Indian counterparts for lucrative armament contracts. The election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency and his push toward selling American products abroad is unlikely to ease this pressure.

A new generation of leaders in India are aware of their own strengths and wish to play the game on their own terms. The fact that the booming Indian economy is already twice the size of the Russian economy is not lost on them. Moreover, the explosive expansion in private media, in the previous decades, has led to intense focus on every defense deal that the government makes.

Recently the saga of joint development of a fifth-generation fighter aircraft has cropped up as a sticking point between India and Russia. After initially agreeing to jointly design and develop the futuristic aircraft, New Delhi is having second thoughts about it. The complaints range from inadequate work share to lack of technology transfer. The aircraft is said to lack stealth features while its engine may lack thrust. The Indian Air Force (IAF) has made up its mind against the project, which it deems too costly.

Much to the surprise and anger of Moscow, the IAF has asked for a classified briefing on the F-35 from Lockheed Martin. If India does not have funds to spare for the Russian planes, how can it possibly muster funds for the F-35? This is the question that is being asked. The Indian pilots, meanwhile, want to know why they should pay for a plane that the Russian air force itself is unwilling to fly.

In order to convince the Indians about the viability of the program, the Russian Defense Ministry ordered 12 planes on February 8. It has also deployed them in Syria to counter the media narrative against the fighters. The advanced planes are not needed in the Syrian conflict, where the Russian air force’s primary role is to bomb insurgents, but Moscow has taken a leaf out of the book of Western players. Both Rafale and Eurofighter have been used in Syria and Libya despite not being needed in the primarily uncontested bombing roles. But IAF has remained distant to the planes, claiming them to be too similar to the Sukhoi 30, which India already has in its arsenal.

Russia has threatened to go ahead with another partner for the fifth-generation fighter aircraft if India is unable to make up its mind on the long-delayed project. The invitation to the Pakistani foreign minister seems to have flown after the leaking of IAF’s desire to have a look at the F-35.

India has benefited immensely from Russian friendship. Strategic projects such as the BrahMos cruise missile and nuclear submarines have been a success mainly due to Russian help or partnership. A short-sighted policy could endanger Indian defense preparedness in the long run and make it dependent on the West, which might be even less inclined to share technology. On the other hand, Russian highhandedness could also push India more toward the West, with which it has greater strategic coherence now. Moscow also perhaps needs to understand the Indian government’s limitations in pushing a product to its defense forces. India has been unable to sell indigenous products to its own army or air force. In such a scenario, it is highly unlikely that it will achieve the same with Russian products.

Moreover, India continues to be a big market for Russian arms despite the occasional hiccups. New Delhi is nowhere close to attaining self-sufficiency in armament production and will continue to be dependent on foreign manufacturers for its needs for decades. According to SIPRI, Russia supplied India with 68 percent of its weapons imports, compared to 14 percent from the United States and 8 percent from Israel, between 2012 and 2016. This suggests that Russia continues to maintain its hold on the Indian arms market despite some contracts going the other way.

With China decreasing its imports of Russian arms, the loss of Indian market would hurt Russian industry even more. Even if Moscow manages to replace India with Pakistan, it is unlikely that Islamabad would buy Russian arms in the same quantity as India, owing to its much smaller economy.

In geostrategic terms, an India-Russia split would harden the periphery versus core competition that is taking shape. Trump’s pressure on Pakistan at a time Russia is inviting it in with open arms could also lead to a change in its outlook. While India would be locked out of Central Asia, Russia would also end up becoming even more dependent on China. It is tough to say which state may end up with the worse of the bargain.

Rajesh Soami is a PhD candidate in the School of International Relations at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi.

https://thediplomat.com/2018/03/has-russia-lost-patience-with-india/

 

[MultaniGuy]

Has Russia Lost Patience With India?
Russian attempts to punish perceived Indian transgressions could have serious impact on their relationship.

By Rajesh Soami
March 02, 2018

Although clouds have been gathering for the past few years around the relationship between Russia and India, recent events suggest that things may have come to a head sooner than expected. Russian attempts to court Pakistan, India`s hostile western neighbor, in the last two weeks support such a conclusion.

First, on February 17, a rebel leader from Balochistan province in Pakistan, who had been residing in exile in Moscow for the last 18 years, switched sides. Dr. Jumma Marri Baloch has long been one of the major leaders of the movement in the western province of Balochistan to free itself from Pakistan. He reportedly designed the flag of the “free Balochistan” separatist movement. In his reconciliation interview with a Russian media outlet, Marri blamed India for hijacking the indigenous Baloch revolt. As the drama unfolded in Moscow, one may wonder whether it was a not so subtle a message to Delhi about Russian ability to embarrass India if such a need arises.

The next week, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov welcomed his Pakistani counterpart, Khawaja Asif, to Moscow for a four-day trip. Moscow stated it was ready to help Pakistan increase its anti-terror capabilities — this can be read as a euphemism for providing arms to Islamabad.

Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
Neither of these two developments will go down well with New Delhi. Considering that the first cannot be undone, one wonders what could possibly have gone so wrong for Moscow to take such a step.

China’s rise, together with economic atrophy in Russia, has prompted a realigning of relations between Moscow and New Delhi. A weaker Russia has been cozying up to a wealthy China. In fact, after the West slapped economic sanctions on Russia, there was only one direction Moscow could go. The last of the Russia-China border disputes were resolved in 2004 and relations have been on an upswing since. While Russia has been having the best phase of its relationship with China, India has moved in the opposite direction.

Strong economic, diplomatic, and increasing military support from China to Pakistan is an irritant for India. India and China also have a long and disputed border in the Himalayas. A standoff in the border region between the two countries last summer threatened to blow into a military showdown but that disaster scenario was averted. Nevertheless, hostile rhetoric by Beijing during the dispute is seen as increasing assertiveness on the back of China’s newfound power and stature in world affairs. India is furthermore wary of Chinese moves around its neighborhood, primarily Beijing’s use of its economic heft.

Adding two and two together, New Delhi may be doubtful of Russia coming to its support in case of serious problems with its northeastern neighbor. The growing strength of China and increasing Russian reliance on Beijing means that Moscow may have neither the will nor the means to help India in the future. To break the perceived China-Pakistan encirclement of India, New Delhi has been happy to find allies elsewhere.

India has built excellent ties with Japan. Strategic convergence has also brought India closer to the United States. Recently Australia joined the three countries in a much publicized quadrilateral grouping. The objective of the so-called Quad is to cooperate in exercising and increasing influence of the four powers across Asia, from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific Ocean. The developing larger geostrategic picture in Asia pits land powers, Russia and China, against maritime powers. Indian friendship with Russia was an anomaly in the slow evolution of this competition. Unfortunately for Asia, this seems to be changing now as India tilts more and more toward the U.S.-led alliance.

India and Russia, to their credit, have been trying to increase their bilateral trade for the last two decades in order to develop a more positive relationship. They have achieved only partial success. One-way movement of armaments continues to be the major component of economic activity. India is the biggest market of foreign arms in the world; Russia has traditionally been among its largest suppliers. Recently though, India has increasingly looked to the United States and Israel for weapons. A string of military contracts has gone to the two Western suppliers, disappointing Moscow.

Russia has shown a willingness to accept the changes in the rules of the game. In 2010, when then-President Dmitry Medvedev visited India, he expressed Russian willingness to compete with other suppliers in the Indian market provided the contracts were transparent and fair. But exasperation has gotten the better of Moscow at times. Senior Russian officials have also criticized Indian procurement methods and reacted to decisions with disdain.

The government of India is hard-pressed to cater to Russian interests. The armed forces, particularly the Air Force, have been seeking to diversify their base by procuring Western weaponry. The intelligentsia, though, is tired of expensive imports and is keen on spinning up indigenous development. To add to New Delhi’s woes, Western officials are now also pressuring their Indian counterparts for lucrative armament contracts. The election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency and his push toward selling American products abroad is unlikely to ease this pressure.

A new generation of leaders in India are aware of their own strengths and wish to play the game on their own terms. The fact that the booming Indian economy is already twice the size of the Russian economy is not lost on them. Moreover, the explosive expansion in private media, in the previous decades, has led to intense focus on every defense deal that the government makes.

Recently the saga of joint development of a fifth-generation fighter aircraft has cropped up as a sticking point between India and Russia. After initially agreeing to jointly design and develop the futuristic aircraft, New Delhi is having second thoughts about it. The complaints range from inadequate work share to lack of technology transfer. The aircraft is said to lack stealth features while its engine may lack thrust. The Indian Air Force (IAF) has made up its mind against the project, which it deems too costly.

Much to the surprise and anger of Moscow, the IAF has asked for a classified briefing on the F-35 from Lockheed Martin. If India does not have funds to spare for the Russian planes, how can it possibly muster funds for the F-35? This is the question that is being asked. The Indian pilots, meanwhile, want to know why they should pay for a plane that the Russian air force itself is unwilling to fly.

In order to convince the Indians about the viability of the program, the Russian Defense Ministry ordered 12 planes on February 8. It has also deployed them in Syria to counter the media narrative against the fighters. The advanced planes are not needed in the Syrian conflict, where the Russian air force’s primary role is to bomb insurgents, but Moscow has taken a leaf out of the book of Western players. Both Rafale and Eurofighter have been used in Syria and Libya despite not being needed in the primarily uncontested bombing roles. But IAF has remained distant to the planes, claiming them to be too similar to the Sukhoi 30, which India already has in its arsenal.

Russia has threatened to go ahead with another partner for the fifth-generation fighter aircraft if India is unable to make up its mind on the long-delayed project. The invitation to the Pakistani foreign minister seems to have flown after the leaking of IAF’s desire to have a look at the F-35.

India has benefited immensely from Russian friendship. Strategic projects such as the BrahMos cruise missile and nuclear submarines have been a success mainly due to Russian help or partnership. A short-sighted policy could endanger Indian defense preparedness in the long run and make it dependent on the West, which might be even less inclined to share technology. On the other hand, Russian highhandedness could also push India more toward the West, with which it has greater strategic coherence now. Moscow also perhaps needs to understand the Indian government’s limitations in pushing a product to its defense forces. India has been unable to sell indigenous products to its own army or air force. In such a scenario, it is highly unlikely that it will achieve the same with Russian products.

Moreover, India continues to be a big market for Russian arms despite the occasional hiccups. New Delhi is nowhere close to attaining self-sufficiency in armament production and will continue to be dependent on foreign manufacturers for its needs for decades. According to SIPRI, Russia supplied India with 68 percent of its weapons imports, compared to 14 percent from the United States and 8 percent from Israel, between 2012 and 2016. This suggests that Russia continues to maintain its hold on the Indian arms market despite some contracts going the other way.

With China decreasing its imports of Russian arms, the loss of Indian market would hurt Russian industry even more. Even if Moscow manages to replace India with Pakistan, it is unlikely that Islamabad would buy Russian arms in the same quantity as India, owing to its much smaller economy.

In geostrategic terms, an India-Russia split would harden the periphery versus core competition that is taking shape. Trump’s pressure on Pakistan at a time Russia is inviting it in with open arms could also lead to a change in its outlook. While India would be locked out of Central Asia, Russia would also end up becoming even more dependent on China. It is tough to say which state may end up with the worse of the bargain.

Rajesh Soami is a PhD candidate in the School of International Relations at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi.

https://thediplomat.com/2018/03/has-russia-lost-patience-with-india/

Thanks.

 

[Riz]

Oh no.. no way... Russians need indian money and technology to beat USA, how come they become friends of Pakistan .. Mr. 56 inch chest will never allow russians to sell weapons to a bagger state... Billions of Fekus will suicide instead of watching that dirty day...

 

[MultaniGuy]

Has Russia Lost Patience With India?
Russian attempts to punish perceived Indian transgressions could have serious impact on their relationship.

By Rajesh Soami
March 02, 2018

Although clouds have been gathering for the past few years around the relationship between Russia and India, recent events suggest that things may have come to a head sooner than expected. Russian attempts to court Pakistan, India`s hostile western neighbor, in the last two weeks support such a conclusion.

First, on February 17, a rebel leader from Balochistan province in Pakistan, who had been residing in exile in Moscow for the last 18 years, switched sides. Dr. Jumma Marri Baloch has long been one of the major leaders of the movement in the western province of Balochistan to free itself from Pakistan. He reportedly designed the flag of the “free Balochistan” separatist movement. In his reconciliation interview with a Russian media outlet, Marri blamed India for hijacking the indigenous Baloch revolt. As the drama unfolded in Moscow, one may wonder whether it was a not so subtle a message to Delhi about Russian ability to embarrass India if such a need arises.

The next week, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov welcomed his Pakistani counterpart, Khawaja Asif, to Moscow for a four-day trip. Moscow stated it was ready to help Pakistan increase its anti-terror capabilities — this can be read as a euphemism for providing arms to Islamabad.

Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access. Just $5 a month.
Neither of these two developments will go down well with New Delhi. Considering that the first cannot be undone, one wonders what could possibly have gone so wrong for Moscow to take such a step.

China’s rise, together with economic atrophy in Russia, has prompted a realigning of relations between Moscow and New Delhi. A weaker Russia has been cozying up to a wealthy China. In fact, after the West slapped economic sanctions on Russia, there was only one direction Moscow could go. The last of the Russia-China border disputes were resolved in 2004 and relations have been on an upswing since. While Russia has been having the best phase of its relationship with China, India has moved in the opposite direction.

Strong economic, diplomatic, and increasing military support from China to Pakistan is an irritant for India. India and China also have a long and disputed border in the Himalayas. A standoff in the border region between the two countries last summer threatened to blow into a military showdown but that disaster scenario was averted. Nevertheless, hostile rhetoric by Beijing during the dispute is seen as increasing assertiveness on the back of China’s newfound power and stature in world affairs. India is furthermore wary of Chinese moves around its neighborhood, primarily Beijing’s use of its economic heft.

Adding two and two together, New Delhi may be doubtful of Russia coming to its support in case of serious problems with its northeastern neighbor. The growing strength of China and increasing Russian reliance on Beijing means that Moscow may have neither the will nor the means to help India in the future. To break the perceived China-Pakistan encirclement of India, New Delhi has been happy to find allies elsewhere.

India has built excellent ties with Japan. Strategic convergence has also brought India closer to the United States. Recently Australia joined the three countries in a much publicized quadrilateral grouping. The objective of the so-called Quad is to cooperate in exercising and increasing influence of the four powers across Asia, from the Indian Ocean to the Pacific Ocean. The developing larger geostrategic picture in Asia pits land powers, Russia and China, against maritime powers. Indian friendship with Russia was an anomaly in the slow evolution of this competition. Unfortunately for Asia, this seems to be changing now as India tilts more and more toward the U.S.-led alliance.

India and Russia, to their credit, have been trying to increase their bilateral trade for the last two decades in order to develop a more positive relationship. They have achieved only partial success. One-way movement of armaments continues to be the major component of economic activity. India is the biggest market of foreign arms in the world; Russia has traditionally been among its largest suppliers. Recently though, India has increasingly looked to the United States and Israel for weapons. A string of military contracts has gone to the two Western suppliers, disappointing Moscow.

Russia has shown a willingness to accept the changes in the rules of the game. In 2010, when then-President Dmitry Medvedev visited India, he expressed Russian willingness to compete with other suppliers in the Indian market provided the contracts were transparent and fair. But exasperation has gotten the better of Moscow at times. Senior Russian officials have also criticized Indian procurement methods and reacted to decisions with disdain.

The government of India is hard-pressed to cater to Russian interests. The armed forces, particularly the Air Force, have been seeking to diversify their base by procuring Western weaponry. The intelligentsia, though, is tired of expensive imports and is keen on spinning up indigenous development. To add to New Delhi’s woes, Western officials are now also pressuring their Indian counterparts for lucrative armament contracts. The election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency and his push toward selling American products abroad is unlikely to ease this pressure.

A new generation of leaders in India are aware of their own strengths and wish to play the game on their own terms. The fact that the booming Indian economy is already twice the size of the Russian economy is not lost on them. Moreover, the explosive expansion in private media, in the previous decades, has led to intense focus on every defense deal that the government makes.

Recently the saga of joint development of a fifth-generation fighter aircraft has cropped up as a sticking point between India and Russia. After initially agreeing to jointly design and develop the futuristic aircraft, New Delhi is having second thoughts about it. The complaints range from inadequate work share to lack of technology transfer. The aircraft is said to lack stealth features while its engine may lack thrust. The Indian Air Force (IAF) has made up its mind against the project, which it deems too costly.

Much to the surprise and anger of Moscow, the IAF has asked for a classified briefing on the F-35 from Lockheed Martin. If India does not have funds to spare for the Russian planes, how can it possibly muster funds for the F-35? This is the question that is being asked. The Indian pilots, meanwhile, want to know why they should pay for a plane that the Russian air force itself is unwilling to fly.

In order to convince the Indians about the viability of the program, the Russian Defense Ministry ordered 12 planes on February 8. It has also deployed them in Syria to counter the media narrative against the fighters. The advanced planes are not needed in the Syrian conflict, where the Russian air force’s primary role is to bomb insurgents, but Moscow has taken a leaf out of the book of Western players. Both Rafale and Eurofighter have been used in Syria and Libya despite not being needed in the primarily uncontested bombing roles. But IAF has remained distant to the planes, claiming them to be too similar to the Sukhoi 30, which India already has in its arsenal.

Russia has threatened to go ahead with another partner for the fifth-generation fighter aircraft if India is unable to make up its mind on the long-delayed project. The invitation to the Pakistani foreign minister seems to have flown after the leaking of IAF’s desire to have a look at the F-35.

India has benefited immensely from Russian friendship. Strategic projects such as the BrahMos cruise missile and nuclear submarines have been a success mainly due to Russian help or partnership. A short-sighted policy could endanger Indian defense preparedness in the long run and make it dependent on the West, which might be even less inclined to share technology. On the other hand, Russian highhandedness could also push India more toward the West, with which it has greater strategic coherence now. Moscow also perhaps needs to understand the Indian government’s limitations in pushing a product to its defense forces. India has been unable to sell indigenous products to its own army or air force. In such a scenario, it is highly unlikely that it will achieve the same with Russian products.

Moreover, India continues to be a big market for Russian arms despite the occasional hiccups. New Delhi is nowhere close to attaining self-sufficiency in armament production and will continue to be dependent on foreign manufacturers for its needs for decades. According to SIPRI, Russia supplied India with 68 percent of its weapons imports, compared to 14 percent from the United States and 8 percent from Israel, between 2012 and 2016. This suggests that Russia continues to maintain its hold on the Indian arms market despite some contracts going the other way.

With China decreasing its imports of Russian arms, the loss of Indian market would hurt Russian industry even more. Even if Moscow manages to replace India with Pakistan, it is unlikely that Islamabad would buy Russian arms in the same quantity as India, owing to its much smaller economy.

In geostrategic terms, an India-Russia split would harden the periphery versus core competition that is taking shape. Trump’s pressure on Pakistan at a time Russia is inviting it in with open arms could also lead to a change in its outlook. While India would be locked out of Central Asia, Russia would also end up becoming even more dependent on China. It is tough to say which state may end up with the worse of the bargain.

Rajesh Soami is a PhD candidate in the School of International Relations at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi.

https://thediplomat.com/2018/03/has-russia-lost-patience-with-india/

Let India go with USA. USA does not care about its allies.

Oh no.. no way... Russians need indian money and technology to beat USA, how come they become friends of Pakistan .. Mr. 56 inch chest will never allow russians to sell weapons to a bagger state... Billions of Fekus will suicide instead of watching that dirty day...

True that the Pakistani economy is smaller than the Indian economy.

That is why we need to fix our country.

 

[duhastmish]

India is loosing or not that’s a different story.

But why does Pakistan need to go American or Russian equipment when they get superior Chinese arms at much less price.

This forum is Chinese jhanda brag why this shift all of sudden.
Did they loose trust or realised chini sell unreliable cheap under performing replicas?

 

[Count Dracula]

So your relationship with another country depends upon India's relationship with the said country. lmao, tells a lot. Doesnt it. India-Russia partnership is slipping down, yay lets jump. What if India reins it in, then what? You will be badmouthing russia then? The fact that your foreign policy revolves around India is hilarious if not pathetic. what a joke.

 

[Chhatrapati]

India is loosing or not that’s a different story.

But why does Pakistan need to go American or Russian equipment when they get superior Chinese arms at much less price.

This forum is Chinese jhanda brag why this shift all of sudden.
Did they loose trust or realised chini sell unreliable cheap under performing replicas?

You are not supposed to ask that question and don't call Chinese chini. Apparently, they think it's racist towards em.

I've been hearing this Russia - India relation going bitter I'm waiting for it.

 

[Lil Mathew]

Interesting article. I wouldn't be surprised if Russia sells defence equipment to Pakistan as India tilts towards USA.

Last week's news about India Russia ...

India aims to conclude S-400 deal with Russia during Nirmala Sitharaman's Moscow visit

India, Russia discuss support mechanism for INS Vikramaditya

India and Russia Ink First Offshore Collaboration to Build Bangladesh's First NPP

It's a reality that Pakistan & Russia's relationships are getting better... But you have to spend (money) much more ...

 

[My-Analogous]

It is no secret that in recent years Russia has been losing its position at India defence market.

This is explained by the Indian Government’s intent to diversify arms suppliers, in particular, the United States, Ukraine, South Korea and other. Also, Russian military defence technology is falling behind and them service suffers a lot.

In this regard, Russia began an active information campaign to discredit the other partners of India in military-technical cooperation. Among these military-technical partners, Ukrainian defence industry complex occupies a special place. Adding to informational hysteria around the military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and India is Russia’s attempt to influence the strategic relations between the two countries. The attempt to remove Ukraine from the Indian armaments market is the Kremlin’s last chance to remain there.

By that time, can say with confidence that the quality of Russian military equipment is inferior to the American one. Russia loses key tenders to the Americans in India. Thus, the Indians gave the preference to the American combat helicopters AH-64E “Apache”, over the Russian Mi-28. The Russians lost the competition for the delivery of heavy transport helicopters: Mi-26 to the American CH-47F “Chinook”. American Boeing P-8 Poseidon replaced Russian Tu-142; transport aircraft IL-476 lost to the American C-17 “Globemaster”.



The Indian-Russian Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft project is at risk of failure. Over eight years, even the final aircraft design contract has not been signed. The Indians are not satisfied with the weak engines, they have claims to the fighter’s radar and stealth. The Indian side inclines to closing this project, purchasing American F-35 fighter instead of the Russian one. If India leaves the project, Russia will have to reduce next-generation aircraft production due to lack of funds.



The Kremlin is not able to meet the demands of the Indian leadership in the defense industry. The collapse of deals, the lack of components, the transfer of India’s critical military technology within the domestic production program “Make in India” leads to a decrease in the share of Russian weapons in the Indian market.

Besides, Russia is an unreliable partner for India. In December 2015, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) of India represented an expert opinion on the operation of Russian Su-30MKI fighters. According to the auditor’s report, 126 out of 210 fighter jets – operated by Indian pilots – are on the ground as a result of malfunction. According to the Indian Ministry of Defense, six aircraft were lost since the beginning of operation.



In August 2016 it became known that Russia sold defective fighter jets to India: aircraft MiG-29K and MiG-29KUB, deliveries of which started in 2014. According to the audit, 62% of Russian engines are non-serviceable.



These cases indicate that the Russian import substitution program has failed. Russia uses components from NATO countries and the EU to build almost all types of military equipment. With the introduction of sanctions, Russian specialists are not able to resolve their own problems, because they do not have the necessary components.

In addition, Russia expects to press Ukraine in India in order to compensate for its own losses. After all, India remains Ukraine’s largest trading partner in the field of military-technical cooperation. In the period from 2015 to 2017, Ukraine fulfilled contracts totaling about $ 400 million. Including An-32 aircrafts repair for the Indian Air Force and gas turbine power plants for warships.

Only UkrOboronProm SE “Zorya-Mashproekt”, in the past three years, supplied products totaling over $ 200 million, providing Indian ships with power plants.

It is worth noting that within the framework of the agreements signed with India’s corporations, Ukraine is struggling to win the tenders within the “Make in India” program to receive orders from the Indian government in the field of aircraft manufacturing and repair, armored vehicles modernization, marine engineering maintenance, and UAV production and supply.



Ukrainian company “SpetsTechnoExport” has successfully fulfilled the contract with “HAL” corporation from 2013 for the supply of beam holders. In December 2017, they received an application for the conclusion of a contract for the beam holders supply from the State Enterprise “Vizar”, and in February 2018 – Ministry of Defense of India request for the products mentioned, totaling over $ 3 million.

It is noteworthy that it was in the framework of this contract that an information campaign against Ukraine was launched. The media repeatedly published unverified and unconfirmed information about the alleged failure of the company to fulfill the contract. The anti-Ukrainian campaign reached its peak during the active phase of negotiations with foreign contractors on the conclusion of a new contract for the supply of Ukrainian beam holders.

This can be seen as a manifestation of dishonest and unfair competition from the third party – the Russian Federation.

Russia has been losing its position in India defence market and now is doing its utmost to reverse the trend.

http://defence-blog.com/army/russia-loses-position-india.html

India lost her key and that is Russia, they shared those technologies that west never offer to India. So now Indian have no options left and now India can't say west that Russian offered more advance gears and she lost that card

 

[MultaniGuy]

India is loosing or not that’s a different story.

But why does Pakistan need to go American or Russian equipment when they get superior Chinese arms at much less price.

This forum is Chinese jhanda brag why this shift all of sudden.
Did they loose trust or realised chini sell unreliable cheap under performing replicas?

Nobody said Chinese military equipment is superior to Russian and American tech you idiot in this forum.

However Chinese military equipment is good enough.

 

[Hamza913]

Did they loose trust or realised chini sell unreliable cheap under performing replicas?

I'm sorry but has Hindustan managed to make a 5th gen fighter? No? Then shut it. They are far better producers than you.