Reclaiming Pakistan's Frontier!

[RabzonKhan]

MOD EDIT: Old FATA thread here: http://www.defence.pk/forums/pakistans-war/8947-fata-situation.html


Editorial: Reclaiming the Frontier Region cities

June 12, 2009

Over 70 terrorists have been reported killed after security forces attacked Taliban positions with artillery and helicopter gunships in the Janikhel area of the Bannu region on Wednesday. The punishment suffered by the Taliban is heavy and it is the government that is now on the “retaliatory” offensive, making the Taliban believe that every action of theirs will be met with counter-action. The government’s revenge is for the Taliban’s abduction of the young cadets of Razmak College. There is also the message in it that the Frontier Region, as opposed to FATA, is no longer an area of free run for the warlords and their minions.

The army’s attack on the Janikhel-Bakakhel stronghold has also killed a Taliban commander. There is news too that 23 more terrorists were killed in the various areas of Swat, Malakand and Dir, while their commander Waliullah has surrendered to the army. The people of Dir have rallied behind the army and are determined to punish the Taliban for killing innocent people while they were praying in the local mosque. The people of FR Bannu also know that this time the operation in the wake of the abduction of the Razmak boys is completely justified and that a decisive battle against them has to be fought. They have moved from the FR area to Bannu city or gone to the more secure areas in the FATA region.

The same Bannu Cantonment where the army seemed to hunker down and not reply to the Taliban atrocities not long ago is now the take-off pad for the gunships that are punishing the terrorists sent in by the union of warlords presided over by Baitullah Mehsud. The interesting thing is that Mehsud himself is reported to have met the boys and said that the decision to abduct them was made by some lower commanders. Be that as it may, the terrorist warriors from South and North Waziristan and other areas under their control are finally getting a taste of military confrontation with Pakistan. This time Islamabad has reacted to the ascendancy of the Taliban in Bannu, Kohat, Hangu and onwards in Dera Ismail Khan. This has made the current operation an uphill task. The Taliban have been destroying schools — boys’ and girls’ both — taking people for ransom and above all making the local population believe that Pakistan was gone from the area forever.

This string of cities lining the border of the NWFP with the FATA agencies has gradually fallen under the tutelage of Baitullah Mehsud and his local commanders. If the idea was to gradually subsume the tribal areas into the NWFP through showcasing the provincial administration there, just the opposite has happened. These cities have been tribalised again and are subject to the lawlessness that one never associated with them. The embarrassing fact is that the local civil servants here have been working at the behest of the Taliban and have de facto recognised the authority of Baitullah’s Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Furthermore, the Punjabi jihadi militias have gone from the plains of South Punjab and joined the Taliban at Darra Adam Khel, thus complicating the map of the battle that Pakistan now has to join.

Responding late has its disadvantages but the current operation had to come only after national reaction to what the Taliban were doing had become coherent. The main factor that held back the national consensus was the “Islamic” and “Sharia” aspects of the Taliban appeal. The nation did not react as much to the inhuman violence of the Taliban as to the violation of the edicts of Islam after the NWFP went into negotiations with the TNSM cleric Sufi Muhammad. Once an all-Pakistan reaction came to the fore the local populations living under the savage control of the warlords became convinced that what they were experiencing was not Islamic utopia but sheer terrorism. The military operation has now inclined them to resist and fight their erstwhile masters.

The idea is to first pacify the FR areas before going into the den of the TTP in South Waziristan. We must re-establish the authority of the NWFP administration in these cities because they will serve as the hinterland of the coming war. We already know that the various groups of the Taliban are uniting in the face of what they think is the endgame phase. They hope that Pakistan will go politically soft as the battle proceeds. They know that this is the only way they can win against one of the best armies in the world. But this war has to be fought to the end — the end of the Taliban menace — for which a forceful and enduring national consensus has to be maintained.

 

[AgNoStiC MuSliM]

50 killed as FR Bannu operation intensifies
​

Friday, June 12, 2009

By our correspondent

BANNU: Security forces on Thursday intensified operation in Frontier Region (FR) Bannu and targeted the militants’ positions with jet fighters, gunship choppers and artillery in Janikhel and Zaidi Akbar Khan areas, killing 50 more combatants.

Also, security forces in a convoy on Bannu-Miramshah road and Bannu city opened fire on a man for violating curfew, killing him on the spot. Official sources said more than 150 militants had been killed in the three-day military offensive.

Security forces shelled the suspected hideouts of the militants in Janikhel and Zaidi Akbar Khan with artillery from Bannu Cantt while gunship choppers and jet fighters also straffed the insurgents’ locations in these areas.

The gunship helicopters and jetfighters also bombed the Taliban hideouts in the precincts of Sra Dargah and Haved police station while massive shelling was carried out in Zaidi Akbar Khan area.

At least, 50 militants were killed in the daylong military offensive in the restive semi-tribal region, the sources said. Security personnel also targeted a cart-towed by a horse when it took fright and ran towards the convoy after seeing the booming vehicles of security forces near cattle market in Bannu city.

The sources added that a rocket shell fired by the militants from unknown location landed in the fields in Abadkhel area. The shell caused no loss of life or damage to property. The Bannu police also recovered another shell from the fields in Kachkot Asad Khan area.

The military launched the operation on Tuesday morning after expiry of the deadline for Janikhel and Bakakhel tribal leaders to hand over the militants wanted by the government for kidnapping of students and teachers of Razmak Cadet College.

A few shops opened when curfew was relaxed from 9:00 am to 3:00 pm on Thursday, enabling the residents to buy food items. However, most of the trade centres, markets and bazaars remained closed despite the curfew relaxation announced by security forces. Meanwhile, people continued migrating to safer places in Peshawar, Rawalpindi and other cities from troubled Janikhel, Bakakhel and other areas of FR Bannu.

50 killed as FR Bannu operation intensifies

 

[AgNoStiC MuSliM]

Cleric among 33 killed in Orakzai air strikes​

Friday, June 12, 2009

By Mushtaq Yusufzai & Syed Hasan Mahmud

PESHAWAR/KALAYA: Pakistan Air Force (PAF) jet fighters on Thursday started bombing suspected locations of Taliban militants in the Orakzai tribal agency and the adjoining Hangu district, killing 33 people, including Sunni Supreme Council chief Maulana Muhammad Amin and his nephew, and injuring 29 others.

The local officials, however, put the death toll in the two restive regions at 50, including women and children.The sudden and heavy bombing by the PAF aircraft in the two troubled areas forced thousands of families to migrate towards relatively safer places in Hangu and Kohat districts.

The warplanes targeted militants’ positions in Mushti Bazaar, Mushti Mela, Ferozkhel, Sheikhan, Dabori, Ghiljo, Khadeezai, Shahuwam and Sultanzai.Twenty-six people were reportedly killed and 13 others seriously injured in the daylong bombing in these villages of Orakzai Agency.

The warplanes also targeted a madrassa run by prominent cleric and leader of Sunni Supreme Council of Hangu and Orakzai Agency Maulana Mohammad Amin at Shahuwam bazaar in Orakzai. Besides six other people, the Maulana himself and his nephew Hafiz Rashid Ahmad were killed and a few others seriously injured. Maulana Amin had reportedly close links with militants.

Later, the local clerics held an emergency meeting and decided to close all Madrassas in Hangu district as a protest. Similarly, all trade and commercial centres as well as government offices were closed after the incident.

The Sunni Supreme Council announced a complete strike for today (Friday) and asked the people to keep their business closed. The planes also targeted an alleged training centre of militants in Khapanga area of Lower Kurram Agency. The camp was reportedly run by local militant commander, Ismail Shah.

Military officials said Maulana Amin had close links with the Taliban militants. An Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) statement issued here said 40 terrorists were present in the Madrassa during the attack. It said 13 of the terrorists died, which the local administration confirmed. The ISPR spokesman also denied bombing Madrassas and mosques and killing of innocent people. He said the places, which the warplanes pounded, were hideouts of the militants.

Our correspondent from Wana adds: Meanwhile, 10 persons, including six militants and four soldiers, were killed in an exchange of fire near Seplatoi Fort in South Waziristan Agency. Official sources said around 400 militants attacked the paramilitary Frontier Corps (FC) Seplatoi Fort with rocket launchers and other heavy weapons in the wee hours of Thursday. The troops repulsed militants’ attack and exchange of fire continued for a few hours.

According to sources, six militants and four soldiers were killed while seven militants and five soldiers sustained injuries in the exchange of fire. Other reports said 11 militants were killed in the encounter.

Cleric among 33 killed in Orakzai air strikes

 

[AgNoStiC MuSliM]

Pardon the liberty I took with moving your post around and creating a new thread Rabzon, but it seems that we may be finally seeing a decisive shift in this war for Pakistan - a shift directed right at the heart of the evil haunting Pakistan

 

[SecularHumanist]

Baitullah Mehsud’s stronghold bombed in South Waziristan

WANA: Pakistani warplanes bombed a stronghold of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) leader Baitullah Mehsud in the South Waziristan tribal region on Saturday, witnesses and intelligence officials were reported as saying by Reuters.

The air strike came amid mounting expectations that the army will launch an offensive in the region – long regarded as a hotbed of Taliban and al-Qaeda activity, as the army enters the final stages of another offensive in the Swat valley, further to the northwest and closer to Islamabad.

‘Four fighter jets bombed parts of Makeen early on Saturday but we don’t know about the extent of damage or any casualties,’ said Mohammad Khan, a shopkeeper in the village at the heart of Mehsud territory.

DAWN.COM | Provinces | Baitullah Mehsud?s stronghold bombed in South Waziristan

 

[RabzonKhan]

Pakistan to boost offensive against Taliban: US official

June 14, 2009

WASHINGTON: Islamabad plans to ratchet up its offensive against the Taliban in South Waziristan Agency, US defence officials said on Friday, confirming rumours so far denied by the Pakistan Army. In addition to the major offensive Islamabad launched in late April to dislodge the hold of Taliban terrorists in the Swat valley, the country is planning “a separate campaign in South Waziristan”, a senior US defence official told reporters, speaking on condition of anonymity. The agency is a stronghold for Baitullah Mehsud, the head of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Mehsud’s movement has claimed responsibility for the twin suicide bombings at Pakistani mosques on Friday, and also for the major attack on Peshawar’s luxury Pearl Continental hotel on Tuesday. The TTP will be the primary target, the official said. afp

 

[RabzonKhan]

ANALYSIS: Internal war

Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi
June 14, 2009

Pakistan faces a deadly internal war that threatens its future as an effective and coherent nation-state. This threat from extremist Taliban groups entrenched in the tribal areas and their affiliates in mainland Pakistan. The terror attacks in Peshawar, Lahore and Nowshera last week clearly showed that terrorist groups will resort to any method to fulfil their agenda of paralysing the Pakistani state and government and establishing a territorial domain as a base for their operations in Pakistan and abroad.

The situation has deteriorated to such an extent that the people are faced with three choices: challenge these groups straight on; comply with their dictates; or face death threats.

The sudden spurt in Taliban violence in urban centres is a retaliatory move against the military action in Swat, Dir and Buner, as well as limited operations in Hangu and South Waziristan. The Taliban have extended the scope of conflict by taking it to the cities, hoping that the government and the army would not be able to pursue the war simultaneously on different fronts.

During the last week, the Taliban focused on Peshawar, resorting to excessive violence in the NWFP capital to disrupt civil life and discredit state institutions and functionaries. They want to destabilise the ANP provincial government because it has extended full support to the federal government and the army for undertaking military operations in Swat and elsewhere in the province.

The ANP agreed to tough action against the Taliban after the Swat peace deal was subverted by Sufi Muhammad’s attempt to arrogate to himself the right to manage the new judicial system, and Fazlullah and other Taliban leaders interpreted the agreement as the caving-in of the provincial government. They moved out into adjoining areas to establish their firm control on the region at the expense of local administration. Having entrenched themselves in the Swat valley, the Taliban could not comply with an agreement that would have restricted their activities and helped local and provincial administrations assert their primacy.

Among the several terror attacks on Peshawar last week, the city’s only five-star hotel was hit by a massive truck-bomb on June 9. Two days later, a police check post in the city was attacked, followed by a suicide bombing at the same place. Security forces exchanged fire with terrorists after the incident. On the same day, the motorcade of a provincial minister was attacked in Darra Adam Khel; the minister narrowly escaped, his security personnel were killed.

The Taliban are targeting Peshawar because of its proximity to the tribal areas; they can travel easily between Peshawar and the tribal areas. Other cities close to the tribal areas have also been facing varying degrees of Taliban pressure and violence. Most Taliban operating in and around Peshawar are familiar with the city and can undertake their missions even if they do not have local facilitators.

Another high profile suicide attack took place on June 12, when a mosque in Nowshera was targeted. The same day, a suicide bomber assassinated Mufti Naeemi, a well-known Islamic scholar in Lahore who was known for anti-Taliban views.

The killing of a recognised Islamic scholar shows that the Taliban are no longer restricting their attacks to government installations and personnel. They are targeting all those who openly oppose them.

Mufti Naeemi’s assassination may also cause Islamic sectarian tensions, which have been on the rise in the recent past, especially in areas like Dera Ismail Khan. These incidents appear to be intended to inflame sectarian tensions and thus create a host of new administrative problems, which in turn will divert the government’s attention away from Swat and the tribal areas.

The roots of the current spurt in Taliban violence can be traced to the decision of the federal government and the army in April to counter the Taliban efforts to expand their operations to urban centres. By mid-April, it had become quite clear that the Taliban wanted to paralyse state institutions and processes, and that the Taliban were willing to use violence and coercion to achieve this objective. Their activities also encouraged mainland Pakistan-based hardliners and militant groups to identify with the Taliban; these affiliates began to function as Islamic vigilantes in Pakistan’s urban centres.

The Swat operation is the first major success of the army in dislodging the Taliban, although military presence will have to be maintained to ensure that the Taliban do not return. Operations in the adjoining areas of Buner and Dir have also been successful. The army is now pursuing a similar operation in Bannu and Hangu. A limited operation has also been undertaken in South Waziristan.

Success in Swat and the adjoining areas cannot be consolidated unless the federal government and the army take comprehensive and firm action in South and North Waziristan, strongholds of the Taliban and Al Qaeda, and also of the foreign fighters said to be located there. Military action in Waziristan would require more planning and greater effort than Swat, but Pakistan cannot neutralise the Taliban threat unless it takes action in the tribal areas.

The Taliban’s attacks show their organisation, determination and enough connections with local militants to challenge the government in mainland Pakistan. This is being done to show that the Taliban have the capacity to hit back. Further, the Taliban think that if security forces get bogged down in securing the cities, they would not be able to pursue counter-insurgency operations. The Taliban also expected that the people, scared by bombings, would pressure the government to stop military action. Their hope did not materialise as the recent bombings have further alienated Pakistanis from the Taliban. Citizens are demanding tough action terrorists and their patrons.

The exceptions are the Islamic parties, a section of religious leaders sharing the Taliban perspective on Islam and Imran Khan’s PTI, which opposes military action. However, these people are in a minority and have very limited electoral support.

The military operation in the Swat area has created an extremely serious humanitarian problem as over 2.5 million people have been displaced from their homes. As the government and societal groups undertake relief work in refugee camps, pro-Taliban elements are exploiting the refugee issue to blame the government and the army for creating this problem.

The outcome of the present internal war will determine the future of Pakistan as a viable nation-state. The mainstream and regional parties that get around 90 percent of the vote in general elections support this operation. Pakistan does not have the option of stopping the operation or not undertaking similar action in the tribal areas. The success of these operations and tackling their humanitarian aspect will further weaken opposition to the army’s efforts to assert the primacy of the Pakistan state.

Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst

 

[peter chamberlin]

Rarely is the situation in Pakistan's Frontier Region as it seems. It is natural to be skeptical of all news that penetrates the various news filters of Pakistan and the West. News of resumed Predator strikes in S. Waziristan today, throws new light on a retracted Dawn editorial about the war effort. If Pakistan is sincere about eliminating the terrorist threat, then it must convince Obama of its sincerity, if it wants to keep American Special Forces and CIA shock troops at bay. I have reprinted the deleted editorial below, with commentary from my web site, Therearenosunglasses’s Weblog

Scepticism about the ‘war,’ deleted from Dawn
[Obviously scepticism about the Army's actions and intentions extend all the way to Washington. Suspicion that the Army only intends to eliminate some of the militant terrorists who plague the region is the reason for the resumption of the "counter-productive" Predator attacks in S. Waziristan. SEE: U.S. drone kills 3 in S. Waziristan, Obama is Calling Kayani’s Big Bluff]

Scepticism about the ‘war’

http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-c...t-the-war-qs-01

By Hajrah Mumtaz
Sunday, 14 Jun, 2009 | 10:49 AM PST |

Even as the Pakistan army claims progress against the militants in the north-western areas of the country, there are reports that people – while being firmly against the Taliban and their ilk – are sceptical of the government’s and the army’s commitment to the long-term battle. That is, of course, to eradicate issues of extremism and militancy for good, invest in the development of the areas first rampaged by the likes of Fazlullah and Mangal Bagh and then ravaged by the military operation against them, and perhaps most importantly, revisit the country’s notion of the strategic depth of Afghanistan, which has proved so very disastrous.

One may well ask why this scepticism exists. The people of Pakistan have always stood firmly behind the army in times of turbulence. Historically, as is evident in our literature, song and academic curricula, we glorify fighting for the sake of the country’s territorial integrity, refer to fallen soldiers as ‘martyrs’, and believe implicitly in the validity of the ideological concept of the nation. The last time Pakistan was involved in a major conflict – 1971 – there was little indication of any such scepticism. This, despite the fact that the ‘war’ was being fought against what was then a part of the country — a fully-paid up member of the idea of Pakistan. Then, the spin doctors managed to convince us that the war was valid and being won – right up to the day the country woke up to headlines that announced the secession of East Pakistan. Now, even as the Taliban and their band are reportedly being driven back, there is general discontent and quiet murmurings about the will, both political and military, to win the battle. And the murmurs have to be quiet, at least for the moment: in the context of this country, doubting the commitment of the army amounts to a form of blasphemy – especially at a point when soldiers are dying.

So what has changed?

For one thing, the amount and nature of information available to the citizenry. Back then, there were only newspapers (for the literate minority) and not very many of those; there was the radio and PTV, but those were in the control of the state. There were no on-the-spot, ‘live from the refugee camp’ reports. So people learned mainly what the state wanted them to learn. Now, television channels aplenty are accessible regardless of literacy rates, most of them independently owned and operated. And there’s also the internet from where one can access a host of information and commentary from local and international sources. True, the news about the army’s successes in X division or Y agency comes mainly from the ISPR. But concurrently, thanks to the access to information, people are learning to connect the dots. And when one starts to extrapolate from the gaps in what the government and the army are telling us, one does indeed find grounds for scepticism.

First, there’s the issue of the IDPs. It had become clear for quite some time that the Swat issue was not going to be solved by cutting deals, and that a military operation was going to become inevitable. That would, quite clearly, lead at the very least to thousands of civilians being forced to flee their areas, if not millions as proved to be the case. It is abundantly evident to the whole country that no effective contingency plan was formulated for either the safe passage of non-combatants from the conflict zones, or for their accommodation while the battles raged, or for their rehabilitation if and when their villages and towns are considered safe. The suffering of these people is in close-up on our television screens; many people are asking themselves what they’d be feeling in the same situation, had they been driven out of their homes and then abandoned.

Then, there’s the failure to either arrest or take out any of the TTP’s top commanders, when just a few weeks ago the government was in the process of negotiating with them. These men were giving interviews on television, gathering for lunch at government-run venues. Now that they are the enemy, why can’t we find them? If the state and its institutions, including the army, do not know where they are, that represents a colossal failure of intelligence and therefore implies incompetence of the intelligence networks. And if their whereabouts are known, the fact that they are still free holds very disturbing implications.

A similarly worrying implication is inherent in the fact that while the head-money on some of the militants’ leaders has recently been increased, such as for Muslim Khan, others are apparently exempt. The glaring example in this regard is Baitullah Mehsud, for whom not even head-money has been announced although he is blamed for a string of attacks in Pakistan – including the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

The lack of success so far in taking out key Taliban targets also raises the disturbing possibility that the agencies – that were in no small part responsible for this mess in the first place – continue to view at least some of the militants as potential strategic partners. There has been no evidence that a shift has taken place in either the notion of ‘strategic depth’, or the concept of ‘good’ (read ‘our’) and ‘bad’ Taliban.

Then, there are other bits and bobs of news that are perhaps not directly connected to the battle against the Taliban, but certainly bode ill for the fight against extremism in general. Abdul Aziz of Lal Masjid notoriety and Hafiz Saeed of the Jamaatud-Dawa (the reincarnated form of the banned Lashkar-i-Taiba) were recently declared free by courts that cited the lack of evidence. Certainly, one would wish no court to declare the guilt of anyone without citing proper evidence – the due processes of the law must be followed. But the question is: why was the prosecution’s evidence so deficient? Why were the cases not properly built so that justice could be served to these men, whose links with extremist organisations are virtually undisputable? It seems incredible that such men walk free in a country where others are kept incarcerated for years on the flimsiest of excuses – as long as the government wants it so.

And in a similar manner, it is also evident that no serious attempts have been made to dismantle the jihadi/militant infrastructure in areas outside the NWFP and Fata, notably southern Punjab, from where groups such as the Jaish-i-Mohammadi reportedly continue to operate with impunity.

These are just some of the factors that lead a politically aware person to question the long-term success of the ‘war’ currently under way. And contrary to popular belief, the people of this country are, thanks to the twists of history, very politically aware indeed. It is time for the top brass of the state and the army to realise that they are accountable to the public – and that the public will not be taken in by spin forever.

 

[waraich66]

Rarely is the situation in Pakistan's Frontier Region as it seems. It is natural to be skeptical of all news that penetrates the various news filters of Pakistan and the West. News of resumed Predator strikes in S. Waziristan today, throws new light on a retracted Dawn editorial about the war effort. If Pakistan is sincere about eliminating the terrorist threat, then it must convince Obama of its sincerity, if it wants to keep American Special Forces and CIA shock troops at bay. I have reprinted the deleted editorial below, with commentary from my web site, Therearenosunglasses’s Weblog

Scepticism about the ‘war,’ deleted from Dawn
[Obviously scepticism about the Army's actions and intentions extend all the way to Washington. Suspicion that the Army only intends to eliminate some of the militant terrorists who plague the region is the reason for the resumption of the "counter-productive" Predator attacks in S. Waziristan. SEE: U.S. drone kills 3 in S. Waziristan, Obama is Calling Kayani’s Big Bluff]

Scepticism about the ‘war’

http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect/dawn-c...t-the-war-qs-01

By Hajrah Mumtaz
Sunday, 14 Jun, 2009 | 10:49 AM PST |

Even as the Pakistan army claims progress against the militants in the north-western areas of the country, there are reports that people – while being firmly against the Taliban and their ilk – are sceptical of the government’s and the army’s commitment to the long-term battle. That is, of course, to eradicate issues of extremism and militancy for good, invest in the development of the areas first rampaged by the likes of Fazlullah and Mangal Bagh and then ravaged by the military operation against them, and perhaps most importantly, revisit the country’s notion of the strategic depth of Afghanistan, which has proved so very disastrous.

One may well ask why this scepticism exists. The people of Pakistan have always stood firmly behind the army in times of turbulence. Historically, as is evident in our literature, song and academic curricula, we glorify fighting for the sake of the country’s territorial integrity, refer to fallen soldiers as ‘martyrs’, and believe implicitly in the validity of the ideological concept of the nation. The last time Pakistan was involved in a major conflict – 1971 – there was little indication of any such scepticism. This, despite the fact that the ‘war’ was being fought against what was then a part of the country — a fully-paid up member of the idea of Pakistan. Then, the spin doctors managed to convince us that the war was valid and being won – right up to the day the country woke up to headlines that announced the secession of East Pakistan. Now, even as the Taliban and their band are reportedly being driven back, there is general discontent and quiet murmurings about the will, both political and military, to win the battle. And the murmurs have to be quiet, at least for the moment: in the context of this country, doubting the commitment of the army amounts to a form of blasphemy – especially at a point when soldiers are dying.

So what has changed?

For one thing, the amount and nature of information available to the citizenry. Back then, there were only newspapers (for the literate minority) and not very many of those; there was the radio and PTV, but those were in the control of the state. There were no on-the-spot, ‘live from the refugee camp’ reports. So people learned mainly what the state wanted them to learn. Now, television channels aplenty are accessible regardless of literacy rates, most of them independently owned and operated. And there’s also the internet from where one can access a host of information and commentary from local and international sources. True, the news about the army’s successes in X division or Y agency comes mainly from the ISPR. But concurrently, thanks to the access to information, people are learning to connect the dots. And when one starts to extrapolate from the gaps in what the government and the army are telling us, one does indeed find grounds for scepticism.

First, there’s the issue of the IDPs. It had become clear for quite some time that the Swat issue was not going to be solved by cutting deals, and that a military operation was going to become inevitable. That would, quite clearly, lead at the very least to thousands of civilians being forced to flee their areas, if not millions as proved to be the case. It is abundantly evident to the whole country that no effective contingency plan was formulated for either the safe passage of non-combatants from the conflict zones, or for their accommodation while the battles raged, or for their rehabilitation if and when their villages and towns are considered safe. The suffering of these people is in close-up on our television screens; many people are asking themselves what they’d be feeling in the same situation, had they been driven out of their homes and then abandoned.

Then, there’s the failure to either arrest or take out any of the TTP’s top commanders, when just a few weeks ago the government was in the process of negotiating with them. These men were giving interviews on television, gathering for lunch at government-run venues. Now that they are the enemy, why can’t we find them? If the state and its institutions, including the army, do not know where they are, that represents a colossal failure of intelligence and therefore implies incompetence of the intelligence networks. And if their whereabouts are known, the fact that they are still free holds very disturbing implications.

A similarly worrying implication is inherent in the fact that while the head-money on some of the militants’ leaders has recently been increased, such as for Muslim Khan, others are apparently exempt. The glaring example in this regard is Baitullah Mehsud, for whom not even head-money has been announced although he is blamed for a string of attacks in Pakistan – including the assassination of Benazir Bhutto.

The lack of success so far in taking out key Taliban targets also raises the disturbing possibility that the agencies – that were in no small part responsible for this mess in the first place – continue to view at least some of the militants as potential strategic partners. There has been no evidence that a shift has taken place in either the notion of ‘strategic depth’, or the concept of ‘good’ (read ‘our’) and ‘bad’ Taliban.

Then, there are other bits and bobs of news that are perhaps not directly connected to the battle against the Taliban, but certainly bode ill for the fight against extremism in general. Abdul Aziz of Lal Masjid notoriety and Hafiz Saeed of the Jamaatud-Dawa (the reincarnated form of the banned Lashkar-i-Taiba) were recently declared free by courts that cited the lack of evidence. Certainly, one would wish no court to declare the guilt of anyone without citing proper evidence – the due processes of the law must be followed. But the question is: why was the prosecution’s evidence so deficient? Why were the cases not properly built so that justice could be served to these men, whose links with extremist organisations are virtually undisputable? It seems incredible that such men walk free in a country where others are kept incarcerated for years on the flimsiest of excuses – as long as the government wants it so.

And in a similar manner, it is also evident that no serious attempts have been made to dismantle the jihadi/militant infrastructure in areas outside the NWFP and Fata, notably southern Punjab, from where groups such as the Jaish-i-Mohammadi reportedly continue to operate with impunity.

These are just some of the factors that lead a politically aware person to question the long-term success of the ‘war’ currently under way. And contrary to popular belief, the people of this country are, thanks to the twists of history, very politically aware indeed. It is time for the top brass of the state and the army to realise that they are accountable to the public – and that the public will not be taken in by spin forever.

Nonsense

Army is strongest pillar of our nation and this is first time whole nation is supporting army action.

We dont need any certifate of performance from US or their president .

IDPs problem could further increase ,it is prime responsibility of GOP and NGOs and politicians to solve it but it may take five more years to rehabilitate them ,Army at time cant fight on multiple fronts.

Our GOP is financially weak ,they need to get foriegn aid ASAP.

 

[Ratus Ratus]

Rarely is the situation in Pakistan's Frontier Region as it seems. It is natural to be skeptical of all news that penetrates the various news filters of Pakistan and the West. News of resumed Predator strikes in S. Waziristan today, throws new light on a retracted Dawn editorial about the war effort. If Pakistan is sincere about eliminating the terrorist threat, then it must convince Obama of its sincerity, if it wants to keep American Special Forces and CIA shock troops at bay. Oh really lets over react and get all emotional. Shock troop!! I have reprinted the deleted editorial below, with commentary from my web site, Therearenosunglasses’s Weblog

Scepticism about the ‘war,’ deleted from Dawn
[Obviously scepticism about the Army's actions and intentions extend all the way to Washington. Suspicion that the Army only intends to eliminate some of the militant terrorists who plague the region is the reason for the resumption of the "counter-productive" Predator attacks in S. Waziristan. SEE: U.S. drone kills 3 in S. Waziristan, Obama is Calling Kayani’s Big Bluff]

I gather the part I have put in bold above is your commentary?

Well how is the US to think about this:
"Zainuddin charged that Mehsud, who is the leader of the Pakistani Taliban, had betrayed both his Muslim religion and the Mehsud tribe of his native South Waziristan , which borders Afghanistan .

"To fight our own country is wrong," said Zainuddin, in an interview given in a hideout on the edge of South Waziristan , surrounded by masked Kalashnikov-totting followers. "Islam doesn't give permission to fight against a Muslim country. This is where we differ. What we're seeing these days, these bombings in mosques, in markets, in hospitals; these are not allowed in Islam. We don't agree with them."

But victory will not mean any lessening of efforts to expel Westerners from neighboring Afghanistan , Zainuddin said. He pledged to send his forces into Afghanistan once Mehsud is vanquished."

from:
Pakistan Taliban leader faces threat from fellow tribesman - Yahoo! News

 

[RabzonKhan]

‘Decisive offensive’ ordered against Baitullah Mehsud[/B]

Monday, 15 Jun, 2009



ISLAMABAD: The government announced on Sunday that a ‘decisive offensive’ will be launched against Baitullah Mehsud, chief of the banned Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and his associates.
‘The government has decided to launch an operation against militants in Fata. It has been decided that a comprehensive and decisive operation will be launched to eliminate Baitullah Mehsud and dismantle his network,’ NWFP Governor Owais Ghani said at a press conference here on Sunday night. He said the Taliban’s actions did not match their words.

‘We have repeatedly warned the Mehsud tribe through tribal elders to give up their miscreant activities and advised them not to shelter foreign militants. The government will not tolerate any act against the security of the people’s lives and property at any cost,’ he said.

‘They kept on their miscreant activities and continued to harbour terrorists. As a result, many people have lost their lives in suicide attacks in Lahore, Peshawar, Islamabad and today in Dera Ismail Khan,’ the governor said.

He said the Taliban had committed a reprehensible act by kidnapping students of the Razmak Cadet College and training innocent teenagers for carrying out suicide attacks.

Governor Ghani said the army had been ordered to launch a crackdown on militants in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas.

‘Details and the strategy of the operation will be decided by the army,’ he said. He said Baitullah was the root of the problem and suicide bombers were being trained by him.

He said it was the responsibility of every government to establish its writ, protect people’s lives and property and maintain law and order.

‘Taliban are tarnishing the image of Pakistan and maligning Islam with such actions. They are enemies of Islam and Pakistan who want to destabilise the country,’ he added.

The governor said the terrorists were spending about Rs4 billion a year on ration, communication, transport, weapons and salaries of militants. Answering a question about the situation in Malakand division, he said terrorists had been defeated and they were on the run.

He claimed that many areas in the region had been cleared after which caravans of displaced people comprising more than 100 trucks had returned to their villages in Kalam over the past few days. He said supply of water, electricity and other basic amenities had been restored in Swat and other areas.

AP adds: Army spokesman Maj-Gen Athar Abbas said: ‘The government has made the announcement. We will give a comment after evaluating the orders.’

In recent weeks, militants and security personnel have repeatedly skirmished in South Waziristan, though the army has insisted that it is merely responding to attacks, not pursuing a new offensive.

A Taliban ‘commander’, Qari Hussain Ahmad, blamed the intelligence agencies for a blast that took place in Dera Ismail Khan on Sunday, saying the government was indulging in such acts to legitimise an operation in Waziristan. ‘They want to malign us. They want to use killings of innocent citizens against us.’

 

[RabzonKhan]

Editorial: Attacking Baitullah’s den

June 16, 2009

The Governor of the NWFP, Mr Owais Ahmad Ghani, says: “The government has launched a full-fledged operation in the tribal areas including Waziristan. Operations will continue till the elimination of the militants.” The objective is to rout the Tehreek-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) chief Baitullah Mehsud and his fighters in South Waziristan Agency. But apparently the decision made at the political level has not seeped down to the military hierarchy, or perhaps the governor has spoken too soon. The army’s spokesman, Major General Athar Abbas, says: “The government has made the announcement. We will give a comment after evaluating the orders.”

The military operation in Swat is going well and the Taliban are on the run with more and more local citizens now arrayed against them in the form of jirgas and fighting groups. In the rest of the country, the opinion is in favour of the operation despite attacks by the TTP in Peshawar and elsewhere in the country. While the operation proceeded, rumours were persistent that the army planned to attack South Waziristan, the headquarters of the leader of the TTP, Baitullah Mehsud. After the assassination by him of the famous Lahore religious scholar Mufti Naeemi, the Pakistan Air Force has softened the South Waziristan stronghold with targeted sorties. Is it time to go for a full-fledged operation, obviously of a scale larger than the one in Swat, or should it come after Swat has been fully pacified?

There can be two views on this. Those who, like the NWFP governor, prefer an attack on South Waziristan now convincingly argue that the heart of the terror network is in South Waziristan and any Taliban who come under pressure tend to escape to Waziristan. The argument goes: as long as Baitullah’s fastness remains intact or is not brought under pressure, the pressure on Peshawar and other strategic locations will not abate. The opposed view is that an attack on South Waziristan will require more force and that force is not available just yet as the Swat operation continues and more troops can’t be spared from the Indian border as New Delhi is in a hostile posture towards Pakistan. This hostility is assessed on the basis of India’s interference in Balochistan and also, according to rumours, in the tribal areas. The point that more refugees will flow from any such operation is another negative factor.

South Waziristan is a stronghold on many counts. Baitullah and his friends have set up a chain of local commanders who control almost all the agencies of the FATA region in varying degrees of strength. The recent attack on the Pearl Continental hotel in Peshawar was owned by the Abdullah Azzam Brigade based on Orakzai. Abdullah Azzam was the founder-philosopher of Al Qaeda who convinced many Pakistani jihadi leaders to join his cause. An outfit named after him sends this message: “Al Qaeda is very much engaged in the war against Pakistan and the TTP of Baitullah Mehsud forms a part of its over-all strategic map.” Therefore we know that Orakzai is being run by a deputy of Baitullah Mehsud.

On the other hand, this is the high water mark of Pakistan’s military success against the terrorists. The Taliban are on the run in Swat and elsewhere while their casualties are the highest known since the war of terrorism started. There are reports not only that the Taliban are cornered but that Al Qaeda too is squeezed for resources and is appealing internationally for funds. This could be the time to strike. But with one strong qualification: not before sorting out some foreign policy complications.

One big complication is with India. After pressure from the United States, New Delhi seems to be agreeable to “thinning” its troops’ strength in Kashmir, thus allowing the Pakistan Army to mobilise more effectively in South Waziristan. President Asif Ali Zardari’s meeting in Moscow with the Indian Prime Minister, Dr Manmohan Singh, during the sessions of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) could clinch the matter in addition to coordinating with the other states that neighbour Afghanistan and are perturbed by Al Qaeda’s foot soldiers ensconced in FATA.

There is no doubt that the operation in South Waziristan, if it materialises, will have to be well-coordinated at the international level. As for inside Pakistan, the national consensus against the Taliban is intact and will favour the war being taken to the enemy instead of waiting for the enemy to continue to strike at will.

 

[RabzonKhan]

50 Taliban killed in military operations

* 37 killed as jets hit Taliban in Mohmand, Bajaur
* Search operations continue in Swat

RAWALPINDI: Security forces personnel on Monday claimed to have killed 50 Taliban in operations in Mohmand, Bajaur, Malakand and Bannu during the past 24 hours.

The Inter-Services Public Relations said five Taliban were killed in retaliation after they attacked a local lashkar in Dir. They said the lashkar also destroyed three houses and injured six Taliban. It said another member of the Taliban was killed when police fired at a car that refused to stop at a checkpost. “The car exploded, as it was primed for a suicide attack,” it added.

37 dead: In Mohmand Agency, 29 Taliban were killed and 25 wounded when security forces targeted their hideouts with jet planes, and helicopter gunships. In Bajaur, eight Taliban, including a commander, were killed, a security official in Khar told AFP.

In the Jani Khel area of Bannu district, Taliban fired rockets at a police station and an airport early on Monday. “Seven Taliban were killed in the retaliatory attack,” said Zahinuddin, a local police official.

Search operations: Security forces also consolidated their positions and continued search operations in Godhand Banda and Arkot in Swat, Matta and Aligrama. They also directed the displaced people of Kalam to report to Besham for transportation back to their homes. staff report/afp

 

[muse]

Way to go - eradicatel em'all, remove the weed from it's roots.

 

[Jihad]

Way to go - eradicatel em'all, remove the weed from it's roots.

These militants know they cannot win, yet they take on the PA and die.
Is it courage? Bravery? Or sheer stupidity.