President Donald Trump -"We're getting gang members out, we're getting drug lords out, we're getting really bad dudes out of this country, at a rate nobody has ever seen before. ... It's a military operation because what has been allowed to come into our country, when you see gang violence that you've read about like never before and all of the things, much of that is people who are here illegally. And they're rough and they're tough, but they're not tough like our people. So we're getting them out."
Altogether in January, 16,643 people were deported, a drop from December (20,395) but a number that is similar to monthly deportations in early 2015 and 2016.
This month, Homeland Security officials have said 680 people were arrested in a weeklong effort to find and arrest criminal immigrants living in the United States illegally. Three-quarters of those people had been convicted of crimes, Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly said. The remaining 25 percent were not. The government has not provided information about who was arrested in that roundup, so it's impossible to determine how many gang members or drug lords were in that group.
That effort was largely planned before Trump took office and was alternately described by the administration as a routine enforcement effort and a signal of Trump's pledge to take a harder line on illegal immigration. During the Obama administration similar operations were carried out that yielded thousands of arrests.
The 680 arrests were not carried out in a military operation. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, responsible for finding and deporting immigrants in the country illegally, is a civilian law enforcement agency.
Trump plans to increase enforcement, but Kelly contradicted him Thursday over the nature of that initiative:
"There will be no use of military forces in immigration," Kelly said while visiting Mexico. "There will be no — repeat, no — mass deportations."
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http://www.businessinsider.com/mexi...gainst-the-us-trade-economics-security-2017-2
US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly
visited Mexico this week, where they met with the country's president, Enrique Peña Nieto, and other senior officials.
Mexicans' ire with Trump has been inflamed by his hardline stance on issues like immigration and border control, as well as by his administration's inconsistencies on some of those policies.
Kelly and Tillerson's meetings with Mexican officials come as the Trump White House seems ever more committed to imposing measures detrimental to Mexico's interest.
But the Mexican government looks to be assessing steps to raise the stakes for Trump and gain leverage in any future negotiations — whether over restructuring the NAFTA trade deal or the construction of a border wall.
Mexican Foreign Minister Luis Videgaray said during a press conference with his US counterpart that US-Mexico ties were at a "complex moment in the relationship."
In private, he was more assertive.
Tillerson, left, shaking hands with Mexican Foreign Minister Luis Videgaray. REUTERS/Carlos Barria
"Time has been wearing down on President Donald Trump himself," Videgaray told members of the Chamber of Deputies on Wednesday,
according to audio and transcripts obtained by the Mexican newspaper La Jornada.
"He has had some important stumbles that have placed him in a reality of a system of weights," Videgaray said — stumbles that have shown him "the non-omnipotence of a president of the United States, that he is a fenced-in president."
Videgaray said that the Trump administration's aggressive posture would give the Mexican government a "very important argument of legitimacy" when addressing potential allies in the American academic and businesses communities, as well as in the US Congress.
He also said the Peña Nieto administration was considering a more assertive response to one of
Trump's more controversial proposals.
"If they place on us a tax on Mexican exports," Videgaray said, "we are going to put one on them, but better, because we are going to choose [those exports] which hurt them."
Videgaray's remark mirrors a call made by Economy Minister Ildefonso Guajardo in January,
when he said Mexico should be ready to "take a fiscal action that clearly neutralizes" a potential border tax.
Products like corn from the US Farm Belt, where people voted heavily for Trump, may be the prime targets.
And while corn producers say they doubt Mexico would go through the pain and expense of shopping elsewhere,
many are reluctant to test that theory. Already, investors have
appeared to hedge against a possible trade war.
Mexico has other potential avenues through which to gain leverage with Washington.
People hold a banner during a march in February in Mexico City to protest Trump's proposed border wall and to call for unity. REUTERS/Jose Luis Gonzalez
"For instance, just after Trump was elected, one of the senior figures in Chinese diplomacy traveled to Mexico and was received by Peña Nieto. There are talks about trade negotiations with China," Roberto Simon, the lead political analyst for Latin America at FTI Consulting, told Business Insider. "There are now also talks about increasing or enlarging the deal Mexico has with the EU, and Mexico is also negotiating with Mercosur, the South America trade bloc.
"We're clearly seeing that the Mexicans are saying, 'OK, even if the United States is out of the TPP, this is something that we want to move forward. ... We think that Asia will be one of the epicenters of growth in the next decades, over the next decades. So we'll maintain this very pro-trade approach regardless of what the United States decides,'" Simon said.
Others have suggested that, rather than taking active measures to counter Trump's policies, Mexico could strike back in a more passive way.
Workers making car mats at a maquiladora belonging to the TECMA group in Ciudad Juarez. (AP Photo/Ivan Pierre Aguirre)
"Mexico could take an alternative path that would provide far more effective retaliation against President Trump, while leading to fewer barriers and more growth," Dean Baker, the codirector of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, a left-leaning think tank,
wrote at the end of January. "Mexico could announce that it would no longer enforce U.S. patents and copyrights on its soil. This would be a yuuge deal, as Trump would say."
Baker said that dropping patent enforcement would erode incentives for technological innovation and creative work, but in the near term, he wrote, consumers and medical patients in Mexico (and others who visit) would benefit at the expense of corporations from the US and elsewhere.
Mexico, of course, cannot wage a prolonged war of words or policy with the US.
"The time, from the point of view of the negotiation, clearly runs in our favor,"
Videgaray said in his remarks to federal deputies on Wednesday. But, he added, "not indefinitely."
Many investors and others were waiting to see how would things would play out, he said, noting the importance of Mexico's manufacturing sector, which has
felt the strain of tensions between the US and Mexico.
Like US farmers, Simon was doubtful about how far Mexico would break from US products — 80% of Mexico's exports, he noted, go to the US.
It would take a lot to offset even a small change to US-Mexico trade flows, he told Business Insider.
"Even though the
Mexicans want to diversify," Simon said, "it would take a long time to do so."
Videgaray
told lawmakers on Wednesday: "I don't want to claim here that I am saying we are going to smack the table and we are going to succeed and we are going to achieve what we want. You know as well as I, that we are not going to change Donald Trump's form of thinking, we are not going to convince him, and he is going to continue being president of a long time.
"But we have to recognize that we have strategic advantages and strengths in this dialogue process," he said.
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http://www.businessinsider.com/r-fo...ials-question-trump-plan-to-add-agents-2017-2
NEW YORK (Reuters) -
A U.S. Department of Homeland Security plan to add more than 5,000 border enforcement agents will present logistical challenges and might be unnecessary, according to former government officials familiar with earlier pushes to accelerate border hiring.
Three former top officials at U.S. Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) told Reuters in interviews that ramping up hiring at the agency, as outlined in a directive on Tuesday, would be expensive, while rapid expansion poses the risk of corruption if screening protocols for recruits are relaxed.
The officials said the agency should get what it needs to secure the border, but they questioned whether such a major staff expansion was necessary, noting that apprehensions at the border have dropped.
"Congress is going to be looking at this very carefully and looking for justification for this kind of money to make sure they don't write a check that is not necessary," said W. Ralph Basham who headed U.S. Customs and Border Protection during the George W. Bush administration. "The question will be do we need more agents or do we need money for technology and infrastructure," he said.
Additional enforcement officers are central to President Donald Trump's sweeping plan to crack down on illegal immigration, outlined in Jan. 25 executive orders on border security and interior enforcement.
Tuesday's Homeland Security guidance for implementing those orders called for adding more than 5,000 border patrol agents and 10,000 Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, officers, who enforce immigration laws in the country's interior, among other duties.
The White House and Department of Homeland Security did not respond to a question about the rationale behind the number of personnel requested.
"At the end of the day, the goal is to get control of the border and enhance the security of the country," said White House assistant press secretary Michael Short in an email.
A PREVIOUS SURGE
The proposed hiring surge would be the largest since the Bush administration, when Congress funded an expansion of border enforcement following the Sept. 11, 2001 terror attacks.
That effort doubled the number of border patrol agents from nearly 10,000 in 2001 to nearly 20,000 by 2008, according to CBP.
The agency was required to meet tight time requirements for hiring, said Basham who was appointed commissioner in 2006
The laser focus on quick hiring, and its cost, ended up "sucking all the air" out of other parts of the department, Basham recalled, leaving gaps for other spending needs.
Basham said he supports CBP getting adequate resources and was encouraged that the new Department of Homeland Security guidelines did not mandate a deadline to complete the hiring. But he questioned the need for a renewed expansion of the force.
More than 1.6 million migrants were apprehended trying to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally in 2000 compared to 400,000 last year, according to CBP statistics. "Currently the flow is not really anywhere near where it was," Basham said.
Jim Wong, who was Deputy Assistant Commissioner of CBP's Office of Internal Affairs from 2009 to 2011, said money might be better spent on other department needs.
"Throwing more human resources at the issue is not necessarily the best way to approach it," he said.
The union representing border patrol agents, which backed Trump in the presidential election, has long supported adding personnel, saying more manpower is needed to secure the border, said union spokesman Shawn Moran.
Homeland Security spokespeople declined to estimate how much the increased hiring would cost.
The 2017 fiscal year budget request for staffing at current levels of more than 21,000 border patrol agents was about $3.8 billion for salary, overtime and benefits, or about $180,000 per officer on average, although officers with different levels of seniority earn different wages. Additional costs could include housing for agents working in remote areas, equipment and support staff, former officials said.
In the last budget cycle, the agency requested funding for 300 fewer officers than the year before to instead invest in replacing aging radios and vehicles. CBP said the request reflected "realistic agent hiring expectations."
CORRUPTION SPIKE
Gil Kerlikowske, who headed CBP for three years under President Barack Obama, said one risk of rapid hiring is quality control.
"When you speed up the process and don't take the requisite time you pay a price later in things like corruption," Kerlikowske said.
During the Bush-era hiring surge, the Border Patrol had problems screening candidates, and internal corruption cases soon spiked, according to congressional testimony and government documents.
Congress then passed the Anti-Border Corruption Act in 2010, which made polygraph testing mandatory for all border patrol agents. Since then, tests have revealed candidates who were compromised by drug cartels or were heavy drug users themselves.
But the polygraph test and other controls have also slowed the hiring process. A 2012 GAO report found that between 2008 and 2012, only 40 percent of applicants passed their polygraph exams.
In addition to polygraph tests, applicants now undergo a rigorous hiring process, including a cognitive exam, fingerprinting, financial disclosure, fitness tests, medical examinations and background checks, according to the Government Accountability Office (GAO).
Kerlikowske said when he left the agency at the time of Trump's inauguration there were 1,200 authorized but unfilled openings for border patrol agents due to the difficulty of finding and vetting enough qualified candidates.
(Reporting by Mica Rosenberg; Editing by Sue Horton and David Gregorio)