Imran Khan
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thye dig there own grave i think ALLAH has mercy on this nation now and this mess is going out soon . hope he declare today rather then tomorrow
PPP decides to hold early elections
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Archie
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The Elections might in OCT , Pakistan today reports...
Govt was to go by Nov since you have to complete the transfer of power process before the completion of 5 years, that is the convention,
so by this convention the government is going before the end of this JULY...yeah that is after budget...
and above all securing majority in Senate probably
There is a Saying " It is always respectful to Bow out with your head held high , than to get kicked out
I guess PPP Knows there time is up , with Zardari having already Readied his mansion in Dubai for his Permanent Stay , once the awam kick him out
Karachiite
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Hope its true. But whats the point? Pee Pee Pee or Nanga League are probably going to win.
Irfan Baloch
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lets damn kick these bastards from home and clean it
who will ensure the fair elections? these guys dont spare a moment to criticise the army but eventually it will be needed to ensure that tribal chieftains and wadaras dont forge the elections but then the loosing party will blame the "establishment" and ISI for their defeat.
whoever looses the elections will be blaming the army and ISI for sure.
I dont see much chance of Army agreeing to come in and help the same guys who have put all the blames of the current 3 years on the army
---------- Post added at 06:45 PM ---------- Previous post was at 06:44 PM ----------
and whichever looses will be blaming the "khufia Haaath"
Lols, i don't like democracy, since it only divide people into different group.. You can call me nuetural, who admire good, criticize bad, and THINK rather then blindly follow..
Meengla
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Correct.
Kick Zardari and his party out through legal means. I will not shed tears over that because of the incompetence of PPP and its allies. But throw him out by illegal means and I will have severe problem with that.
This rush to kick Zardari out is because of power politics: PPP and its allies likely to achieve a majority in Pakistan's Senate in the March Senate elections.
As to calling for early elections, good! But I don't think Rigging like it was done against the PPP in the 1988 and 1990 elections The 'Establishment' was definitely involved then) is possible in Pakistan anymore. It is a new Pakistan.
So, PTI, get to work on those voters' list now! And try to make sure that overseas Pakistanis can vote; you will have one from me then!
Irfan Baloch
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that might be the deciding vote.
Meengla
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Unfortunately not!
I bet even if a lot of overseas Pakistanis vote--throughout the world--their total vote count will be less than those 'poor' and 'uninformed' from Karachi's Lyari constituency alone. Sad but true.
Anyway, let's hope early elections are really held. I have often stated that Pakistan should hold general elections every four years, instead of every five years. It would be great if that becomes part of the Constitution itself. At this point, I will take the early elections.
SSGPA1
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Both the PPPP and the PML-N know that they will not get the same or better number of seats in next election so they both want to have the maximum benefit in the Senate elections.
They also know that their govts. MAYnot last till March, therefore, they have decided to hold the Senate elections early. Both the PPPP and the PML-N will gain a lot of seats and the PPPP will actually some close to having a clear majority in the Senate.
As far as the general elections are concerned, they will happen on time.
They also know that their govts. MAYnot last till March, therefore, they have decided to hold the Senate elections early. Both the PPPP and the PML-N will gain a lot of seats and the PPPP will actually some close to having a clear majority in the Senate.
As far as the general elections are concerned, they will happen on time.
Omar1984
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PTI has a lot of work to do in gathering more votes and are not ready for elections at the moment. There are still many illiterates supporting PPP and PML-N. I say give at least 10 months. Have elections in November 2012 like in U.S. because both the Pakistan and U.S. elections are very important for the world.
Not at all its their constitutional right to go early if they choose to do so. Its a normal tactic that those living in democracies should be aware of. Zardari thinks he is likely to get another term if he goes to electorate now rather than later
Omar1984
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Early polls heating up Pakistan politics
The country's core crisis is not the scarcity of material resources but a deficit of capable leadership
Pakistan is entering 2012 in the midst of a rising clamour for change. More and more political parties outside the ruling coalition led by President Asif Ali Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party are mobilising the masses to demand a general election earlier than scheduled. In anticipation of this development, Pakistan’s political class is feverishly engaged in realigning loyalties, with Tehreek-i-Insaaf (the Justice Movement), a hitherto small party led by former cricketer Imran Khan, as the main beneficiary. In breaking away from the parlour games played by the older established parties since the last general election, he is staging huge rallies in the principal cities marked by unprecedented participation of the educated middle class, women and youth. While Zardari’s tenure has been noticeable for back-room political deals made to preserve a shaky coalition, Khan is successfully reconnecting with the masses.
A competitive campaign by Nawaz Sharif, who was prime minister twice in the 1990s, is also heating up the political scene.
Considering the mounting excitement on the issue of elections and the fact that that the ruling coalition has a very low approval rating at the moment, the government has probably no option but to concede polls well before the end of 2012. This would be a major shift away from the government’s insistence that elections can be held only in 2013 when it completes its five-year tenure.
An earlier election may, however, help contain some other adverse dynamics at work. The all-too-frequent spontaneous protests by people hit hard by inflation, energy shortages, unemployment and deteriorating law and order can end up in anarchy.
Election campaigns by regular political parties, even if raucous, would impose a discipline of effort and hope on a seething mass of directionless social anger. No less importantly, a free and fair election may defuse civil-military tensions aggravated by speculation that the armed forces may be sucked into the current situation characterised by stasis, poor governance and wild rumours of corruption in high places. They are not expected to carry out a classic coup d’etat, but may use their clout to ring basic changes in the power hierarchy. For months the government has frittered away its energies in confronting the judicial activism of the Supreme Court and in warding off real or imaginary moves by the military to force its hand, especially on issues impinging on national security. Meanwhile, the cauldron of popular discontent has just about boiled over.
Pakistan’s last popular upsurge was against General Pervez Musharraf’s dictatorial contempt for its constitution and for complete restoration of democracy. An important consequence of the widespread disillusionment with the post-Musharraf government is an anti-democratic undercurrent of cynicism in a section of the population about another general election providing a solution to Pakistan’s social and political problems. Regrettably, the politicians have not demonstrated an ability to address real issues like the crippling shortfall in the energy sector, poor infrastructure, modernisation of agriculture and poverty alleviation. At a time when state-owned firms in China, Russia, India and Brazil have proved to be pillars of economic strength, notwithstanding the global supremacy of neo-liberal economics, Pakistan’s public enterprises such as Railways, Pakistan International Airlines and the Steel Mill have almost unravelled.
The core of the crisis is not a scarcity of material resources but a deficit of leadership. State building was, by definition, more difficult because some of the territories that federated to constitute it had been far from the metropolitan centres of the Mughal and British empires and had strong time-honoured tribal structures of their own. The recent devolution of power to the provinces is a belated recognition of the autonomy inherent in the very genesis of a multi-ethnic and multilingual state. The expectation that the expanding middle class would imbibe a more federal imagination has not been fulfilled as its ranks have generally become vocal exponents of sub-regional nationalisms. Efforts to reverse this diversity by resorting periodically to rule by strongmen, drawn from the army, resulted in cycles of authoritarian rule alternating with turbulent restoration of elected governments.
Pakistan’s history since the general election that brought about Musharraf’s downfall has shown that these cycles have greatly weakened state institutions and predisposed the governing political parties to perpetual anxiety about their survival in office. This uncertainty is reflected in a number of factors that undermine faith in Pakistan’s success as a state: gratuitous confrontations between the political government on one side and the armed forces and the Supreme Court on the other; self-aggrandisement in the ruling elite, indifference to governance and long-term planning; and fear of institutionalisation that signals voluntary restraint by rulers.
India has been rocked for months by scandals of corruption but its overall frame of good governance and rule of law has not been dented on the same scale as in Pakistan. The country can be turned around in a relatively short time if the next elections throw up leadership that restores the indispensable values of public service to its polity.
Tanvir Ahmad Khan is a former ambassador and foreign secretary of Pakistan.
gulfnews : Early polls heating up Pakistan politics
The country's core crisis is not the scarcity of material resources but a deficit of capable leadership
Pakistan is entering 2012 in the midst of a rising clamour for change. More and more political parties outside the ruling coalition led by President Asif Ali Zardari’s Pakistan Peoples Party are mobilising the masses to demand a general election earlier than scheduled. In anticipation of this development, Pakistan’s political class is feverishly engaged in realigning loyalties, with Tehreek-i-Insaaf (the Justice Movement), a hitherto small party led by former cricketer Imran Khan, as the main beneficiary. In breaking away from the parlour games played by the older established parties since the last general election, he is staging huge rallies in the principal cities marked by unprecedented participation of the educated middle class, women and youth. While Zardari’s tenure has been noticeable for back-room political deals made to preserve a shaky coalition, Khan is successfully reconnecting with the masses.
A competitive campaign by Nawaz Sharif, who was prime minister twice in the 1990s, is also heating up the political scene.
Considering the mounting excitement on the issue of elections and the fact that that the ruling coalition has a very low approval rating at the moment, the government has probably no option but to concede polls well before the end of 2012. This would be a major shift away from the government’s insistence that elections can be held only in 2013 when it completes its five-year tenure.
An earlier election may, however, help contain some other adverse dynamics at work. The all-too-frequent spontaneous protests by people hit hard by inflation, energy shortages, unemployment and deteriorating law and order can end up in anarchy.
Election campaigns by regular political parties, even if raucous, would impose a discipline of effort and hope on a seething mass of directionless social anger. No less importantly, a free and fair election may defuse civil-military tensions aggravated by speculation that the armed forces may be sucked into the current situation characterised by stasis, poor governance and wild rumours of corruption in high places. They are not expected to carry out a classic coup d’etat, but may use their clout to ring basic changes in the power hierarchy. For months the government has frittered away its energies in confronting the judicial activism of the Supreme Court and in warding off real or imaginary moves by the military to force its hand, especially on issues impinging on national security. Meanwhile, the cauldron of popular discontent has just about boiled over.
Pakistan’s last popular upsurge was against General Pervez Musharraf’s dictatorial contempt for its constitution and for complete restoration of democracy. An important consequence of the widespread disillusionment with the post-Musharraf government is an anti-democratic undercurrent of cynicism in a section of the population about another general election providing a solution to Pakistan’s social and political problems. Regrettably, the politicians have not demonstrated an ability to address real issues like the crippling shortfall in the energy sector, poor infrastructure, modernisation of agriculture and poverty alleviation. At a time when state-owned firms in China, Russia, India and Brazil have proved to be pillars of economic strength, notwithstanding the global supremacy of neo-liberal economics, Pakistan’s public enterprises such as Railways, Pakistan International Airlines and the Steel Mill have almost unravelled.
The core of the crisis is not a scarcity of material resources but a deficit of leadership. State building was, by definition, more difficult because some of the territories that federated to constitute it had been far from the metropolitan centres of the Mughal and British empires and had strong time-honoured tribal structures of their own. The recent devolution of power to the provinces is a belated recognition of the autonomy inherent in the very genesis of a multi-ethnic and multilingual state. The expectation that the expanding middle class would imbibe a more federal imagination has not been fulfilled as its ranks have generally become vocal exponents of sub-regional nationalisms. Efforts to reverse this diversity by resorting periodically to rule by strongmen, drawn from the army, resulted in cycles of authoritarian rule alternating with turbulent restoration of elected governments.
Pakistan’s history since the general election that brought about Musharraf’s downfall has shown that these cycles have greatly weakened state institutions and predisposed the governing political parties to perpetual anxiety about their survival in office. This uncertainty is reflected in a number of factors that undermine faith in Pakistan’s success as a state: gratuitous confrontations between the political government on one side and the armed forces and the Supreme Court on the other; self-aggrandisement in the ruling elite, indifference to governance and long-term planning; and fear of institutionalisation that signals voluntary restraint by rulers.
India has been rocked for months by scandals of corruption but its overall frame of good governance and rule of law has not been dented on the same scale as in Pakistan. The country can be turned around in a relatively short time if the next elections throw up leadership that restores the indispensable values of public service to its polity.
Tanvir Ahmad Khan is a former ambassador and foreign secretary of Pakistan.
gulfnews : Early polls heating up Pakistan politics
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