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On Friday, three Pakistan Army Major-Generals were promoted to Lieutenant General. Maj. Gen. Zahid Latif has been serving as the Director General Personnel Service at General Headquarters; Maj. Gen. Ikramullah Haq has been serving as the Force Commander Northern Areas; and Maj. Gen. Obaidullah Khan Khattak has served as the Inspector General of the Frontier Corps (Balochistan).
 
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Rawalpindi - December 21, 2013:
Chief of the Army Staff (COAS), General Raheel Sharif visited Corps Headquarters at Peshawar today. COAS laid a wreath at Yadgar-e-Shuhada on his arrival at Peshawar, paying tribute to the martyrs who sacrificed their lives for the defence of motherland. Later, he was briefed in detail at the Corps Headquarters about various operational, training and administrative matters. The COAS appreciated the resolve displayed by the officers and men during fight against terrorism and bringing stability to the militancy hit areas. Appreciating the infrastructure building and reconstruction work being undertaken by the Army for socio-economic benefit of the local population of FATA and Malakand, COAS instructed all concerned to ensure quality and timely completion of these projects. COAS reiterated full support to the Government led ongoing peace process. He however, emphasized that terrorist attacks will not be tolerated and will be responded effectively.
Earlier, on his arrival at Peshawar, COAS was received by Corps Commander Lieutenant General Khalid Rabbani.


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‘Pak Army must acquire a TV channel’, advises Green Book

Says Indian media invasion could not be countered during Kargil episode

Amir MirMonday, December 16, 2013
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ISLAMABAD: The prestigious Green Book of the Pakistan Army that provides rare insights into its ongoing internal debates has recommended that the army must acquire a television channel for dissemination of propaganda to counter the growing penetration of Indian television channels into Pakistani society.

The unusual recommendation has been made in one of the strategy papers written for the Green Book by a serving major general of the Pakistan Army. The strategy papers written by uniformed professionals are part of a special chapter in the ‘Green Book’ titled ‘Sub-conventional Warfare’. The Green Book is published every two years by the General Headquarters (GHQ) of the Pakistan Army as an internal publication which, as a matter of principle, is kept confidential from the general public.
In his foreword to the 258-page Green Book , former Army Chief General Ashfaq Kayani had described it as a platform where the intellectual context of national security is crystallised. One of the strategy papers advises the Pakistani media to adopt some amusing strategies like repeating lies, running one-sided stories or publishing biased photographs to counter the Indian media during future wars [to be fought] between the two nuclear-armed South Asian neighbours.
While slamming the Pakistani media [in his strategy paper] for not countering the penetration of Indian TV and newspapers effectively, Major General Muhammad Azam Asif, who commands an infantry division of the army, has recommended that the Pakistan Army must acquire a television channel as well as a radio station to counter the Indian propaganda. Azam Asif has claimed that the Pakistani media lacks credibility among the masses due to which the general public is compelled to tune in to All India Radio, the BBC and Indian satellite channels during a period of crisis or whenever an important event takes place. Citing the 1971 war between India and Pakistan, he has stated that the primary aim of the Indian media was to defeat the enemy psychologically and disarm them morally.
The strategy paper penned for the Green Book by Major General Azam Asif has stated: “Our adversary (India) has taken big strides in acquiring media power and has been putting it to good use for her benefits. With a number of television channels and remarkable advancement in the information technology, India has attained a total electronic media supremacy over Pakistan”. Therefore, he has called for a brainstorming session between the Pakistani media and the Pakistan Army, saying if the nation is not motivated enough to withstand the aggression, it cannot aspire to preserve freedom. “In future wars, psychological operation will not be the only function which our media would be called upon to perform in the context of national security, but it would act as a bridge between the armed forces and the people.”
Many of the serving senior officers of the Pakistan Army have expressed concerns in their strategy papers [penned for the Green Book] that the Indian television and print publications [whether they are news or entertainment] are available widely across Pakistan through both legitimate means and piracy. And there is a feeling in the khaki circles that the growing penetration of the Indian television channels has demoralised the Pakistani nation to the extent that they see India as a formidable foe which cannot be defeated in war. The Green Book has even claimed that the Kargil war of 1998 was lost by Pakistan because of the relentless media barrage praising the bravery of the Indian troops, thus destroying the fighting spirit of the Pakistan Army.
While analysing Pakistan’s military defeat in the Kargil war, the Green Book has accused the Pakistani media of giving up without putting up a fight against the enemy (Indian) media invasion. On the other hand, it added, the Indian media literally created war hysteria using Indian cricketers, film actors and popular personalities to boost the morale of their troops. “Pakistan decided to withdraw from the Kargil heights due to the low morale of the troops in the face of heavy casualties and mounting international pressure. The Pakistani media simply failed to counter the Indian media invasion during the Kargil crisis. It lacked offensive posture and well-coordinated and planned themes to raise the morale of Pakistani troops and to shield them against the Indian propaganda”, the Green Book added.
In his strategy paper for the Green Book, Brigadier Umar Farooq Durrani has asserted that the Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) funds many Indian newspapers and even television channels, such as Zee Television, which is considered to be its media headquarters to wage psychological war. The creation of the South Asian Free Media Association (Safma) a few years ago [in Pakistan],” Brigadier Durrani has alleged, was a step in the same direction. “The most subtle form of this psychological war is found in the Indian movies where Muslim and Hindu friendship is screened against the backdrop of melodrama.
“Indian soaps and movies are readily welcomed in most households in Pakistan. The desired result to be achieved is to undermine the Two Nation Theory”, the Brigadier has further written.
However, when comments were sought on the proposal [contained in the Green Book] that the Pakistani Army must acquire a television channel to counter the growing penetration of Indian television channels, an army official said while requesting anonymity that the Green Book does not necessarily represent the official viewpoint of the institution of the army. When reminded that the Green Book is considered the strategic manual of the Pakistani armed forces, the khaki official said that the articles written for a special chapter titled ‘Sub-conventional Warfare’ actually represent personal views of army officers.
It was in January 2013 that the media had reported that the Pakistani military has introduced a paradigm shift in its doctrinal manual to include a chapter identifying internal insurgent forces as the primary national security threat while recognising homegrown jehadis as the biggest threat to the national security — bigger than India.
 
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  • According to a Monday report in Dawn, army chief General Raheel Sharif made six appointments of recently promoted three-star generals. Sharif made Lieutenant General Javed Iqbal the Corps Commander for Bahawalpur; Lt. Gen. Zamirul Hasan the Adjutant General at General Headquarters; Lt. Gen. Obaidullah Khan Khattak Commander of the Army Strategic Force; Lt. Gen. Ikramul Haq Inspector General Training and Evaluation at General Headquarters; Lt. Gen. Zahid Commander of the Army Air Defence Command; and Lt. Gen. Tariq Jilani Chief of Logistics Staff at General Headquarters.[24]
 
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Fail-safe institution building in army reshuffle

Wajahat S KhanThursday, December 26, 2013



There is pattern developing in the new postings and promotions made by Chief of Army Staff General Raheel Sharif, as he wraps up his first month in Pakistan’s most powerful military office: taking priority are operational consistency, rewarding institutional loyalty and safeguarding Pakistan’s all-important ‘strategic assets’: it’s nuclear arsenal.


From the recently promoted two-star/Major Generals who have been risen to three-star/Lieutenant Generals, Lt. Gen Ikram-ul-Haq will be filling in the COAS’s recently vacated Principal Staff Officer position of Inspector General Training and Evaluation. An infantryman, he was previously Vice Chief of General Staff, i.e. the eyes and ears of former Chief of General Staff and now Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, General Rashad Mahmood, as well as the Force Commander Northern Areas, i.e. the two-star heading the particular formation of the Army (FCNA) that watches over the simmering Siachen front.

A military source said that Lt. General Haq’s was “well placed in the CGS Secretariat, where everyday operations and intelligence gathering are merged, to take over the COAS’s old office of IGT&E, which is to ensure that we are trained for everything and anything. As an infantryman who’s covered Siachen, he will fit into a role of training an infantry-heavy army as it absorbs new methods in a two-front engagement.”

However, the former VCGS’s promotion to three-stars reflects that being on the right staff, in this case being former the CGS’s (i.e. current CJCSC’s) second-in-command, works out. It may also confirm what many officers have been predicting: that under the new combination of COAS General Raheel Sharif and CJCSC General Rashad Mahmood — where the COAS is just a tad junior to the CJCSC, yet from the same league - the army will function more ‘institutionally’, even ‘laterally’, than before. Minus the ‘Cult of Kayani’, where the former army chief, General (Retd) Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, was above and beyond — age and seniority-wise - the opinion and influence of many of his commanders and staff officers, Pakistan’s new knights, both at GHQ and Joint Staff Headquarters, form a more egalitarian fraternity as they sit around a rounder table than before. Thus, General Rashad’s former right-hand man will now become General Raheel’s vital PSO, re-training the army along platforms devised by the COAS himself when he was IGT&E: counterterrorism/counterinsurgency approaches like pre-induction training (PIT) that readies units for forward deployment out west as well as the newly minted Azm-e-Nau doctrine that counters India.

Also just promoted to wear three stars, Lt. General Obaidullah Khan Khattak will be taking over the nuclear-armed ‘rocket-forces’ of the Army Strategic Force Command. Though he now takes on a background role, Lt. Gen. Khattak will be a familiar face for many, for he was the high-profile Inspector General of the Balochistan Frontier Corps till last summer, before he took over the 37th Infantry Division in Kharian. Known for his testimonies and interviews during the early Missing Persons hearings, where he made over 70 appearances in the court of former Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry during his tenure as IGFC, Khattak is an artilleryman, a ‘Gunner’, and according to an officer, “a natural fit into the sophisticated weapon-platforms command structure of the ASFC”.

Thus, no surprises with the appointment of the new commander of the army’s nuke forces, which have traditionally been led by artillerymen. As importantly, Khattak’s promotion is a loud and clear signal from the new Chief’s Secretariat to all and sundry: loyalty and standing your ground during a political crisis pay off in the Army. It also indicates that the FC’s Balochistan policies were the Army’s Balochistan policies, no apologies tendered to the naysayers.

The third promotion, that of former two-star/Major General to now three-star status, Lt. Gen. Zahid Latif’s is a matter of routine. As the second-highest ranking officer from Army Air Defence, the specialist arm that provides anti-aircraft cover to ground formations - he was waiting in the wings, pushing welfare papers as DG Personnel Services in the Military Secretariat before taking over as Commander Air Defence Command from the former CADC, Lt. General Zamir-ul-Hassan.

Also an Air Defence ‘Red Beret’, Lt. General Zamir has moved offices cross-town and will now be the GHQ’s new Adjutant General, a Principal Staff Officer position that reports directly to the Chief’s Secretariat on internal administrative matters while also representing the Army’s in extra-institutional boardrooms and committees. Again, his move out of CADC was an intra-arm promotion (from Air Defence, to Air Defence) that was imminent, even apolitical, due to the nature of the specialist beast that is the Air Defence Command. However, considering the AG’s position is a critical one, Zamir will have to learn how to play a larger field than what he’s used to with his marginally important supporting arm. More reshuffles are expected for him, surmised a source.

Vacating the Adjutant General’s for Zamir swanky PSO position is Lt. General Javed Iqbal, who will now have to get used to being seated on the left of the COAS with the rest of the Corps Commanders, as he takes over Bahawalpur’s XXXI Corps. A schoolmate (though junior) of former COAS Kayani from Military College Jhelum, Iqbal has served as Director General Military Operations (DGMO), which makes him operationally qualified to run a Corps, albeit a small one with two divisions, that sits atop one of the few, potentially conflict-prone ‘Cold Start Axes’ that are formed across the border with India in southern Punjab and northern Sindh. As for his resume, Lt. General Iqbal also led the Army’s controversial internal investigation after Operation Neptune Spear (the US Navy SEAL covert incursion that resulted in the killing of Osama bin Laden in May ‘11, which then COAS General Ashfaq Kayani and his then DG-ISI, Lt. General Ahmad Shuja Pasha were criticized for letting develop into one of the biggest intelligence failures in the country’s history). The fact that Lt. General Javed Iqbal now has a full-fledged Corps Command (which makes sense on paper, as he’s had a staff job for over two years now) means, simply, that the rules are being followed: three-star generals are usually rotated for two-year stints in both command and staff positions, and it’s Javed’s time for the field.

More important is why Bahawalpur’s XXXI Corps was vacated recently by Lt. General Zubair Hayat, the second appointment made by COAS Raheel Sharif since assuming office on November 28th; That’s because Lt. General Zubair Hayat is now leading the Strategic Plans Division (SPD), the nuclearized backbone of the National Command Authority, the nuclear-policy making body led by the prime minister himself which runs the country missile, drone and nuke programs at large.

From one of the old-school army families, with two other brothers who wear brass (for the ISI and Procurement) and a three-star father, Lt. General Zubair is now filling the massive, 13-year old shoes of Lt. General (Retired) Khalid Kidwai, the army’s point-man for nukes for almost a decade and a half who continued to work several years into retirement, reportedly getting twelve extensions since retiring in 2007. Taking over from Kidwai (who’s seen eight prime ministers, four presidents and thirteen four-stars come and go while at the SPD), Zubair’s appointment and finally retiring Kidwai, one of the oldest serving officials in Pakistan’s history, is a crucial move from the COAS in his first few days in office that has largely gone unnoticed.

Zubair will be running a command complex of over 70,000 personnel, out of which Lt. General Kidwai himself has told The New York Times that 7000 to 8000 are “hard-core nuclear scientists and engineers”. To watch over this small army, the SPD runs a parallel intelligence and security apparatus that closely monitors everything related to the activities of Pakistan’s nuclear wizards: from the beards, to the bombs. This is what Kidwai himself has called a part of the SPD’s “Personal Reliability Program”. By choosing Zubair, an artilleryman like Kidwai, for manning the helm of the SPD where he will be reporting to the recently installed CJCSC, the ‘new army’s’ resolve to recalibrate the strategic command structure and streamline the relationship between GHQ, Joint Staff Headquarters and even the PM’s office is reflected, even intensified. Bottom-line:

changing the guard at the SPD is an attempt at institutional building, period.

Filling in the controversially emptied slot of the Chief of Logistics Staff, (vacated after Lt. General Haroon Aslam was superseded in the CJCSC/COAS appointments last November by PM Nawaz Sharif) is Lt. General Tariq Gilani. Also a ‘Gunner’, the artilleryman and former Commandant of the War College has been moved out of the Army Strategic Force Command for Lt. General Obaid. As CLS, Lt. General Gilani will be tracking the entire inventory of the army, from motorcycles to missiles. But moving him to CLS also means yet another general familiar with the nuclear-forces gets to sit closer to the COAS on the right side of that famous and upcoming Corps Commanders’ Conference, for as former General Officer Commanding of Sarghoda, the home of much of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal, Gilani oversaw the famously nuclearized 22nd Independent Artillery Brigade. Thus, the pattern: safeguard the nukes, first and foremost.

So if one were to replay the series of appointments that the new COAS has made since November, this is what is happening: Right from the beginning, just 24 hours into his new office, the COAS made his first major appointment, that of the pivotal PSO position of CGS, by not rocking the boat and installing former DGMO (and temporary VCGS) Lt. General Ishfaq Nadeem Ahmed as his operational eyes and ears. That made sense. The DGMO is supposed to be the CGS’s right-hand man. The CGS is supposed to be the Chief’s right-hand man. A new Chief needed a new right hand who, firstly, knew how to be CGS and, secondly, knew what was going on, operationally: That would be the last, fully tenured DGMO for at least the last two years. Thus, 24 hours into assuming his own command, General Raheel made a safe bet on Lt. Gen. Ishfaq Nadeem Ahmed, who had been waiting in the bullpen since August, when he was promoted to three-stars himself.

Again, no surprises delivered and operational consistency was practiced.

Then came Zubair’s appointment, which was a bold move, considering Kidwai’s famous reputation of jealously guarding his nuclearized fortress. Thus, the man who outlived the Musharraf and Kayani secretariats was given a proper send-off by Raheel just a couple of weeks after the COAS assumed office. Considering the SPD sits atop one of the fastest growing nuclear arsenals in the world, this was not an impromptu decision, but it was still a gutsy move by the new COAS, showing a resolve to move away from the cult-of-personality that the army has, with reason, been criticized for developing under the last two COAS secretariats.

Finally, with installing a new roster, where the nuclear commands are dominated by artillerymen (as is their job), operations and training are to be led by infantrymen (as is their inclination), specialist arms are to remain within their ambits (as has happened with the CADC slot), right turns are being given to the rightly queued up candidates (as has happened in XXXI Corps), the man unfairly derided in the press before he became COAS has been making the right moves, administratively.

But that’s checkers, and it’s probably causing some bickering among the black-dungareed Armour Corpsmen. Raheel will probably come around to them, too. The chess, which is real-time battlefield decisions, long-term defence planning and, yes, fighting this little engagement they call the War on Terror, is yet to be fully played out by Pakistan’s most powerful Piffer. The DGMO meeting on Tuesday, which insiders are saying was called by the army to show solidarity between the new GHQ and this India-friendly PM, is a political initiative by Raheel’s ‘new look’ army. But does the new look come with the ‘old rules’?
 
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it will be better for Pakistan to co-produce choppers with either turkey or China , America is giving us the 2nd hand machinery
I think so... just with china... !!!!
because china is also our brother....
 
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This picture has been posted many times but I have a different question are these Guns same or different please can any one tell me this @Aeronaut @fatman17 @balixd @DESERT FIGHTER @Oscar and others
Both are Colt M-4 carbines with different sights. Most in the service with SSG are accessorized as per the needs of the operators so they may look different.
 
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1528743_577029275717316_321562889_n.jpg

This picture has been posted many times but I have a different question are these Guns same or different please can any one tell me this @Aeronaut @fatman17 @balixd @DESERT FIGHTER @Oscar and others
both gusn are same, just different attachments, depends on the User, whether i like, acog,aimpoint or eotech, some might like a torch, some might like the laser.....
if you observe carefully, both guns have same Quad rails handguard, its just that one took off the dust covers from the rails and one kept them on to protect the rails from dust and damage
 
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Woman in a Green Beret

On the Front Lines of Gender Equality with Pakistan’s Lady Cadets

By Aeyliya Husain


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Lady Cadet Wardah Noor prepares to lead a mock attack during field exercises.

Lady Cadet Wardah Noor, a slim 24-year-old Pakistani with deep-set eyes and an erect bearing, has pinned all her hopes on becoming a soldier.
“I found my civilian life to be slow moving and unsatisfying,” she told me one evening in September after a full day of class and training exercises at the prestigious Pakistan Military Academy (PMA). Raised in a middle-class home, Wardah had already earned a college degree in computer science but found little opportunity in her small village in Pakistan’s Punjab province, where horse-driven carts were still the primary mode of transportation. She craved discipline and structure. She wanted, she realized, to join the army.

LC Wardah was one of 32 women, ages 23 to 27, who comprised the PMA’s 2013 lady cadet class. The Academy is located in the town of Kakul, just a few miles from the Abbottabad compound where Osama bin Laden was killed by a team of Navy SEALs in 2011. It’s Pakistan’s answer to West Point; it’s just as hard to gain entry, and those who do, go on to lead young soldiers into battle.

Gaining admission to the academy is highly competitive. Once enrolled, male cadets spend two years of rigorous physical training and the study of war craft. Female cadets at the PMA, however, receive only six months’ training and then are assigned duties that don’t involve direct combat, serving as members of the medical and engineering corps, or analyzing tactics and logistics, or even training future officers.

“I want to be a part of protecting my country from the terrorists, and protect our borders,” LC Wardah explained. “We have both external threats as well as internal threats.”

Pakistan’s military is the country’s most stable and powerful institution. It has waged four wars against India, staged three successful military coups, guided the country back to civilian rule, and, since 9/11, received $17.2 billion in US military aid. However, despite having the seventh-largest military in the world as measured by the number of active-duty personnel, inhospitable parts of the country like the mountainous Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (formerly known as the Northwest Frontier province) remain under Taliban control—and remnants of al Qaeda still lurk near the permeable Afghan border.
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The cadets line up on the rifle range for weapons-handling instruction.

Due to the country’s geopolitical significance, Pakistan is an essential first line of defense in the global war on terror. And, remarkably, it has become a venue of progressive change and inspiration for females serving in the armed forces around the globe. In Pakistan, a country where women are afforded little in the way of education and career opportunities, the army has slowly integrated so-called lady cadets into its ranks following General Pervez Musharraf’s inauguration in 2006.

Like in many countries throughout the Middle East, women in Pakistan don’t have it so easy. According to a 2011 survey by the Thomson Reuters Foundation, gender experts ranked Pakistan as the third-worst place in the world for women, just behind Afghanistan and Congo. Honor killings are still rampant, the report states, and 90 percent of Pakistani women face domestic violence at home. The Pakistani NGO Shirkat Gha reported earlier this year that half of Pakistani women are married before the age of 18, and in its 2012 report on Pakistan, UNICEF claimed that there’s “considerable inequality when it comes to employment for women and men.”

In 2012, the attempted murder of Malala Yousafzai, a teenager who is an advocate for girl’s education, trained a bloodstained magnifying glass on the generation of Pakistani girls and women who are fighting for change. Even now for most women in Pakistan, a career in such a traditionally male-dominated field like soldiering is still a remote prospect. It’s also a tough slog, regardless of gender.

From the moment the lady cadets wake at 4 AM until they go to sleep at midnight, or later, their day is a cavalcade of challenges. Physical training starts at 6:30 AM, followed by breakfast, then classroom lessons on defense, attack positions, and public speaking, then back again for drill and saluting practice.

“This schedule is intentional to train them to cope in stressful environments,” Platoon Commander Captain Arooj Arif, the no-nonsense leader of the lady cadets, told me. When I first met her, she was eight months’ pregnant but still commanding her charges.

The training of every class of cadets culminates in four days of field exercises at a location far from the academy that I am unable to name for security reasons. I traveled with LC Wardah and the rest of her cadet class—a disciplined, ambitious group of young Pakistani women from nearly every part of the country—to their field exercises, where their resolve to become warriors would face its toughest test.
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Lady Cadet Kiran writes down defensive plans and attack positions during class at the Pakistan Military Academy.

During the exercises, the cadets practiced combat maneuvers in the blazing postmonsoon heat and slept four to a tent on folding cots. I asked Major Chengaiz Zafar, who is in his first year training lady cadets, why the army trains women in these conditions, even if they’ll never see combat. “Because they need to know how things work in the field when they are dealing with operations that directly affect what is happening to soldiers in conflict regions in the country,” he explained, adding, “They will be a part of the effort to help fight terrorism in the country.” Major Chengaiz graduated from PMA, too, near the top of his class.

LC Wardah was given the role of section commander for the exercises. During a morning briefing at base camp on the fourth and last day, she laid out the plans for the mock attack she and her fellow cadets would wage. They needed to divide into the three squads and move through tilled farmland and cornfields until they arrived at the faux enemy lines. From there they would perform a three-pronged pincer move on their mock adversary.

By 10 AM, the heat was already searing on the plains and the air was thick with humidity. After LC Wardah’s briefing, the cadets returned to their positions—trenches dug at various locations throughout the fields. They would wait there all day until it was time to strike out. With little cover from the burning sun, the idea of becoming a soldier in an army that will for the foreseeable future be pinned between the Taliban and al Qaeda didn’t seem like an enjoyable prospect to me.

“These battle exercises help us understand what it’s like to face the real thing. I wish we could go and fight,” said LC Kiran Javed Khan, a 27-year-old who had trouble meeting the weight requirement for cadets when she first joined the academy. She needed to lose two kilograms. “I ended up losing four,” she told me.

“Hurry up, get yourselves ready and into formation!” LC Wardah yelled. The cadets prepared for combat in their trenches. A heavy rain began to fall on the once-scorching landscape, delaying their attack, but just before dusk, orders came from Major Chengaiz that it was time to strike. The lady cadets, hair pulled tight into low buns underneath olive berets, began trekking through the wet fields, each holding a German-made G3 rifle.
For most of these women, military service is the only opportunity they have to leave their villages and start an independent life.

Twenty-three-year-old LC Meimouna Mahruck remembered sitting in a room with 150 other applicants from her village in Swabi, in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, wondering if she would make the cut. With pride she told me, “I am the first woman from my entire village to have joined the army.”

To gain acceptance to the PMA, women applicants must go through a series of written exams, physical tests, and a final interview before being selected for one of the few highly sought- after seats. They have to compete for the 40 available spaces, compared with the approximately 2,100 spaces allotted for men.

“In time military commanders will increase the number of female cadets. They have since the program started and the standards, especially the physical training, gets tougher each year,” Captain Arif, who graduated the academy in 2010, told me. “At first they didn’t know how much the women could do and what they were capable of. Next year they are planning to introduce horse riding and swimming as part of the cadets’ physical training.”
The cadets charged through the mud and fired on their faux enemy. Afterward, the cadets returned to camp and waited for dinner. It had been a long day spent in searing heat and torrential rains. In the cool evening air, the cadets shivered.

It was their last day and the promise of a warm shower back at the Academy and the relative comfort of a routine of drills, marches, and course work on the manicured grounds of the PMA lifted the lady cadets’ spirits.
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Lady Cadet Zarnigar, after hitting her target during the weapons- handling exercises

Many people I spoke with held the surprising assumption that someday women will fight alongside men on the front lines in Pakistan, a proposition that is still contentious in many other countries around the world. Only a handful of nations are without restrictions on allowing female soldiers into combat. And nations like the US have faced serious issues with sexual assault in mixed-gender platoons.

Perhaps some of the bullishness about mixed-gendered combat I heard was feigned propaganda and bluster—not the actual mood on the ground. Some male cadets did express that the six-month period of training—in contrast to the two years men spend at the academy—is insufficient for combat, which might be a fair assessment. But that quarrel could also be a cover for belief that women can’t, in any circumstance, be ready for battle no matter how much training they receive. While no one I spoke with wanted to be on the record as having said that, this was a common sentiment I overheard among some of the gentlemen officers. And even if women were trained for two years and green-lit for battle, there would still be hurdles to overcome, like chipping away at the edifice of gender norms about the role of women in wartime.

After returning to the PMA grounds near Abbottabad, the cadets resumed their normal battery of training. They marched into a large field where they were separated into four groups and taught how to handle and fire weapons, finishing in the early evening hours and hurried back to their quarters as dark storm clouds came over the mountains.

LC Mehnaz Younas, a 23-year-old from Kashmir province, washed up, tied a long white scarf around her head, and unrolled a prayer rug to begin her recitations. Clouds billowed across the Himalayan ranges. When she was finished, she quickly joined the others as they headed into the canteen for dinner.

Inside the spacious hall, the women occupied only three tables while male cadets filled the rest of the mess—their booming voices filling the room. In stark contrast, the women sat quietly and ate the small portions of food they served themselves. They were exhausted and finished their meal, barely saying a word. In bed by midnight, they would wake up at 4 AM to start the day all over again.

Being allowed into the boys club—if they are truly allowed—won’t be easy for these women. Cultural mores against the comingling of sexes prohibit them from socializing with their male colleagues and forming allies who could help them get promoted.

In a country where the most that is expected of a woman is to marry and have children, these lady cadets were quickly marching toward a life of independence propelled by an inner motivation that is beginning to take hold of an entire generation of Pakistani women.

“I push myself toward things,” LC Wardah told me on my last day at the academy. “If I want something, I will do my best to achieve that goal, whatever it is.”

Watch LC Wardah and her comrades in action in a new documentary, coming soon.
 
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there were a number of women fighting for LTT in Sri Lanka, Israeli defense forces, US and else where. History is full of Women generals.
 
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