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Ousted Prime Minister Imran Khan Arrested: News and Discussion

Is Martial Law/Emergency a real possibility after IK arrest?

  • Yes

    Votes: 145 63.6%
  • No

    Votes: 83 36.4%

  • Total voters
    228
  • Poll closed .
,.,.,.
وہ بے ادب جن کو پہلے اٹھا لیا تھا
یہ ان کے بارے میں پوچھتا ہے اسے اٹھا لو
اسے بتایا بھی تھا کہ کیا بولنا ہے کیا نہیں
یہ اپنی مرضی سے بولتا ہے اسے اٹھا لو
اسے کہا تھا جو ہم دکھائیں بس اتنا دیکھو
مگر یہ اپنی مرضی سے دیکھتا ہے اسے اٹھا لو
 
The block would have been created, it was Pakistan who stabbed everybody and embarrassed us. What a coward nation who backtracks over one phone call, all other nations expected Pakistan to attend, why didn't Saudi Arabia made phone calls to them?. Why Usa, Saudi Arabia always controls Pakistan. Today Saudi Arabia is cosing up to Iran but they never ask Pakistan permission.

Regarding the block, it wasn't going to be anti OIC block, it's like saying Pakistan should leave D8 block, I am sure Pakistan doesn't really make an effort with it due to getting phone calls. How can China trust Pakistan regarding Cpec, Gwadar, look what they done to Iran, they made Iran spend billions to build their share of pipeline but Pakistan is backtracking. Its become a habit.



Will Uae/Saudi support Pakistan on Kashmir, instead UAE troops are marching on Indian defence day and both nations investing billions in India. What a chawal state

It is the generals... If anyone thinks that such decisions are made by politicians they need a reality check. Foreign policy is done by generals and no one else. If there is one side that backstabbed the Turks it was the Pakistani generals.
 
It is the generals... If anyone thinks that such decisions are made by politicians they need a reality check. Foreign policy is done by generals and no one else. If there is one side that backstabbed the Turks it was the Pakistani generals.

It was clear Imran Khan would have gone but the establishment stopped him, behind the scenes it must have been chaotic. How embarrassing, you cannot attend summits without your masters permission. What if tomorrow Pakistan can overtake kashmir but gets one phone call from uncle Sam, or backtracks on Cpec and Gwadar, or as done the Iran Pak gas pipeline. I wouldn't trust or do business with such a nation.


 
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It was clear Imran Khan would have gone but the establishment stopped him, behind the scenes it must have been chaotic. How embarrassing, you cannot attend summits without your masters permission. What if tomorrow Pakistan can overtake kashmir but gets one phone call from uncle Sam, or backtracks on Cpec and Gwadar, or as done the Iran Pak gas pipeline. I wouldn't trust or do business with such a nation.



Good joke on Kashmir. For others the slaves have very openly asked for their masters permission.
 
Coward politicians of PTI are leaving party and politics to save their children after sending children of others in military courts. First you incite them and rejoice when they attack on military and then you simply disown them to save your own AsSs
 

The Guardian view on Pakistan’s army: go back to the barracks​

Editorial


The confrontation between the country’s most popular politician, Imran Khan, and the generals threatens to paralyse the state

The standoff between Imran Khan, Pakistan’s former prime minister, and the country’s military is yet another sign that the political system created by the army is inherently unstable. Since independence, Pakistan’s generals have become ever more involved in running the country – and its civilian leaders ever more dependent on their backing. None of the nation’s 31 prime ministershas completed a full five‑year tenure. Politicians survive in office only if they do as they are told.

Trying to regain power against the army’s wishes is a dangerous business. Mr Khan is pushing ahead regardless. With the economy in a mess, he calculates that his best chance of winning an election is for one to be held as soon as possible. He also faces terrorism and corruption charges, which were the pretext on which he ended up in custody earlier this month. Mr Khan was arrested by the National Accountability Bureau, an anti-corruption body headed by a retired general. He says the charges are baseless. But if convicted he risks being disqualified from politics, a fate that befell his recent predecessor Nawaz Sharif, who also clashed with the army. Mr Khan fears watching the elections scheduled for this October unfold from a jail cell – if they are held at all.


The standoff between the army and Mr Khan and his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), has broadened into a wider conflict. His arrest led to PTI supporters ransacking army properties – prompting a military crackdown. The country’s supreme court, headed by the chief justice, freed Mr Khan and declared his arrest illegal. What is emerging is a confrontation between two distinct political groups. Pitted against a section of the judiciary and Mr Khan are, it seems, the generals and the parties they endorse. Unless resolved, the contest will paralyse the country, whose economic troubles have already plunged 4 million Pakistanis into poverty. Even China, Pakistan’s closest ally, is publicly calling for its chaotic politics to be resolved.

The military in Pakistan has had many stints in direct control. They have all ended badly. Its attempts to manage politics from behind the scenes have corroded the reputation of the army and the politicians. Some might argue that praetorianism – the backstage rule imposed by soldiers – has a long pedigree. But that is little help today. Pakistan is a nation of 230 million people that requires technocratic expertisecoupled with a light touch to navigate a complex society. Former soldiers are widely considered competent, but their takeover of the bureaucracy is a mask for government without consensus. The result is an institutionalised instability.

Probably the greatest cricketer his country has ever produced, Mr Khan did not distinguish himself as a brilliant administrator in office. Human Rights Watch has reported on his government’s intensified efforts to control the media and curtail dissent. But Mr Khan’s anti-corruption and pro-welfare platform has made him popular. Good government with an electoral mandate will be needed to negotiate the critical external funding required to avert a balance of payment crisis. Voters, not the generals, ought to be able to judge their leaders on the basis of their performance in office. Pakistan would be better served by having armed forces that are the military arm of the civilian government rather than having a government that is the civilian arm of the military.

Even this violence and chaos won’t shake the military’s hold over Pakistan​

Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar

The arrest of Imran Khan has led to mass protests and a constitutional crisis looms. But politicians still see the army’s approval as the only way out
Wed 24 May 2023 11.14 BST


The last couple of weeks have been painful for Pakistanis at home and abroad, as the country drifted into chaos and vandalism after former prime minister Imran Khan was arrested on corruption charges earlier this month. As protests and attacks on government and military buildings intensified, at least nine people were killed and thousands arrested, to be tried, it is feared, in military courts. It seems more such days are yet to come.
All state institutions, including parliament, the judiciary and the army, are at loggerheads. The country is facing a constitutional crisis, politics has failed and the economy is in a shambolic state. The sad part is that not one player has shown any willingness so far to pull back. The stability of the world’s fifth most populous country is at serious risk.

The recent violence has captured the world’s attention, but like every other crisis, the seeds of this one were sown long ago.

With the end of military rule in Pakistan in 2008, many were hopeful of a new beginning. The country needed healing, having lost former prime minister and main opposition leader Benazir Bhutto months earlier in a devastating

terrorist attack. Political leaders put aside their differences and worked on implementing the charter of democracy (COD), a roadmap towards democratic rule that had been signed by opposition parties during the dictatorship. Major amendments were made to the constitution, and powers tightly held by past dictators were devolved to the parliament and the provincial legislatures.

Initially, the balance of power seemed to have shifted from the military headquarters to parliament. Not for long, though. Sure of Pakistan’s importance to western capitals due to the nearby war in Afghanistan, and desiring to be seen as the sole powerbrokers, the military set about destabilising political governments in collusion with the judiciary, which often approved harsh measures such as martial law, and acted against its political opponents. For instance, the supreme court disqualified two prime ministers, in 2012 and 2017, on flimsy charges, and kept the sword hanging over others. But the largest assault on the democratic political system would come from Khan during the 2018 elections.

Returning to the mainstream of Pakistani politics with strong backing from the military, Khan was seen as leading a movement against the other two larger mainstream parties, the Pakistan Muslim League–Nawaz (PML–N) and the Pakistan People’s party (PPP), branding them corrupt, and responsible for the nation’s ills. His narrative and slogans resonated on the street, especially among the young (64% of Pakistan’s population is under 30). A messianic aura was manufactured and built around him, with the perception that Pakistan’s highest court had declared him truthful and honest, unlike his opponents. People joined his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), in droves, but the military was also accused of interfering extensively in the election.

From this point onwards, the military and its protege ran the country jointly in a manner that came to be known as the “hybrid regime”. Opposition leaders were jailed. And to silence dissent, media freedoms were curtailed. Khan is the only civilian leader in Pakistan’s history to be named as a press freedom “predator” by Reporters Without Borders (RSF). Before coming to power, his biggest campaign promise was to end corruption, but during his tenure, Pakistan slid further down those rankings, too.

However, partway through his time in office, cracks started to appear between Khan and then army chief, Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa. Tired of his foreign policy blunders, and sensing his unpopularity, Bajwa decided to pull the rug out from under him. Khan’s coalition partners withdrew their support, and the opposition was able to file a no-confidence motion against his government, finally ousting him in 2022.

Since then he has given the military and its political allies a run for their money in how he has undermined Pakistani democracy. He
blamed the US and the military for conspiring against him, whipping up anti-American and anti-west hysteria while holding protest rallies across Pakistan. And he survived an assassination attempt, which he now blames on serving military officers. And yet, despite his shortcomings and failures in office, he was still the most popular leader in Pakistan.

But as the events of the past few weeks have unfolded, he and his party have, perhaps, taken things a bit too far. Reacting to his arrest, his supporters stormed the military’s headquarters, burned down a military commander’s house, attacked other government buildings and destroyed public property. The military hasn’t taken this lightly – and thousands of his supporters have been arrested across Pakistan. He faces an uncertain future, and the tensions between him and the new army chief, Gen Asim Munir, with whom he already has a chequered history, seem to have increased. This may hamper his prospects of returning to power in constitutionally mandated elections this year.

While Pakistan stands on the brink, selfish power games are being played without addressing the most pressing question facing the nation: whose job is it to run the country anyway? The military or elected representatives? For now, the sad truth facing our political leaders, whether it’s Khan or the heads of the other parties, is that they are all vying for one thing, and that is the military’s loving embrace – in order to come to power and stay in power.

Last week, Khan stated he is open to negotiations with the army, but has not engaged with democratic political centres like parliament. Despite everything that has happened to him at their hand, he is not principally opposed to the army’s position in politics.

  • Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar is a Pakistani politician who was a senator from 2018 to 2022
 
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He’s fighting for our future’: Pakistan’s young voters rally behind Imran Khan​

Attempts to jail and harass the cricketer turned politician have only strengthened his support among young people

In a recent video address to tens of thousands of viewers, Imran Khan waved a piece of paper at the camera bearing the result of a survey of voters. “You see, 70% of the population is now standing with our party,” the politician claimed.

The authenticity of the data was unclear – Khan is known for hyperbole – but it is widely acknowledged Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party are enjoying a period of unparalleled popularity that has been building since April last year when he was toppled in a vote of no confidence, having served less than four years as prime minister. The last credible poll, back in March, put his popularity at 61%.


The loyalty felt to Khan among voters has been keenly on display over the past two weeks. After his dramatic arrest last week from an Islamabad courtroom by almost 100 paramilitary officers, the country erupted in violent unrest.

Though the events of the riots are now disputed – Khan alleges they were a conspiracy to discredit and crack down on his party members, the government says the violence was orchestrated by PTI’s leaders – the ability for Khan to mobilise large-scale protest on the streets was clear. As Khan returned to his home in Lahore after being released on court orders, he was accompanied by thousands of supporters.


01:07
Imran Khan supporters celebrate after Pakistani court grants bail – video
“Leaders like Khan are born once in a century,” said Aftab Ahmed, 18, who left school to serve as a volunteer in Khan’s security force last year. “He is one of the few leaders in the world who wants to build a country based on equality and justice. I am sure Khan will win this fight.”

One of Khan’s greatest strengths has been his popularity among young voters, who exceed 125 million and account for 44.36% of registered voters. Over the years, he has utilised social media to build up a vast following of young people who see him as the face of “naya [new] Pakistan” and a change from the old dynasties who have ruled Pakistan for decades.

“The youth are following Khan; he is fighting for us and our future,” said Azra, 20, a student at the University of Karachi. “Khan might have done some corruption but not like the politicians who have done it for decades.”

She said recent attempts to jail and harass Khan had only strengthened his support among young voters. “Khan has put his life in danger because of us and our prosperity.”

Khan speaks to the media at his home after being released on court orders.

Khan speaks to the media at his home after being released on court orders. Photograph: Mohsin Raza/Reuters
Since his release from police custody, Khan has made almost daily addresses from his home, broadcast on YouTube and Twitter, calling for early elections and proclaiming himself as Pakistan’s anti-establishment saviour with increasingly critical tirades against the military and government. During every appearance there are tens of thousands of viewers.

Khan alleges his popularity among the masses is at the root of his legal troubles, with more than 100 cases against him. The former prime minister is calling for elections to take place on a provincial and national level. He alleges the attempts to detain him and a crackdown on his party are part of a plan by Pakistan’s powerful political establishment and the ruling coalition government, led by the prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, “to stop PTI forming the next government”. The military leadership and the Sharif government has hit back, accusing Khan of supporting violence and terrorism.

Yet Khan also faces an impending dilemma. While his anti-military rhetoric has galvanised popular support on the streets, it has also alienated many key members of his party who have faced harassment or have longstanding ties with the army establishment.

On Tuesday, Shireen Mazari, Khan’s former human rights minister, became the latest high-profile PTI leader to quit the party after being arrested twice, joining a dozen others who have left in the past week. Khan blamed the army for pressuring his party members into “forced divorces”.

When Khan, 70, entered Pakistani politics in 1996 as a retired but still celebrated cricket captain with a playboy reputation, he was shunned for his attempts to challenge the status quo. But over the years the charismatic populist who thrived on celebrity grew popular among the middle class, who approved of his drive against corruption and ambitious promises to strengthen democracy and the rule of law. Meanwhile, his embrace of radically conservative Islam and anti-western rhetoric, particularly against the US, garnered him support among influential religious conservatives.

Malik Farooq, 28, a software engineer in Lahore, said it was Khan’s “vision” for Pakistan that had drawn his support . “Khan does not come from a political dynasty and he does not want to build any dynasty. He is in politics to save us from these corrupt families.”

In 2018, Khan was elected after promising that he alone could fix Pakistan’s deep-rooted problems. But though he was personally popular, his majority was slim and it came amid allegations it had been rigged in his favour by the powerful military establishment, whose decades-long grip on power was seen as responsible for the rampant corruption and lack of accountability that Khan had vowed to stamp out. Several opposition politicians from the dynasties he had openly criticised had also jumped ship to join PTI and became Khan’s close aides, leading to allegations of hypocrisy.

Once in power, beholden to the military, most of Khan’s promised reforms never materialised. There was a clampdown on media freedom, extrajudicial abductions by military agencies continued and Pakistan fell further in the transparency index that measures corruption. The economy floundered and state spending soared, while his promises to shun the “lavish” lifestyles of former prime ministers did not become a reality, with Khan since accused of costing the country billions of rupees for his helicopter rides alone.

Amid economic strife and allegations of dysfunction, Khan’s support went into decline and it was at historical lows by April 2022. But it was Khan’s removal from power, after dozens of his own MPs defected and he lost a parliamentary vote of no confidence, that would revitalise his popularity.

Khan swiftly and loudly blamed a US-backed conspiracy for his removal as prime minister. Though the claim was debunked and the US denied it, it played well to rampant anti-US sentiment and riled up support, while his fervent conservative Islamic rhetoric also strengthened his populist support base.

A Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party activist sells PTI flags and caps near Khan’s home.

A Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party activist sells PTI flags and caps near Khan’s home. Photograph: Arif Ali/AFP/Getty
Khan’s decision to turn against his former ally – Pakistan’s military establishment, accusing them of colluding with the west to bring him down – has also galvanised support among many who are tired of the decades of the army interfering in politics. In recent months, his populist, firebrand speeches against military leadership have drawn thousands on to the streets in support, and sympathy for him only strengthened after he was shot in the leg in November while at a rally, with Khan accusing the military chief of being behind a plot to assassinate him.

The economic crisis in Pakistan in recent months, with inflation at 36% and people dying in ration queues for food, has also helped Khan politically. The ruling coalition removed subsidies and implemented hikes in the price of food, fuel and power to try to secure a bailout from the International Monetary Fund and avoid default, which has made them unpopular among the masses.

Taseer Ali, 26, an electrical engineer, was among those who said he believed the US government and the military were involved in toppling Khan. “Khan is trustworthy and visionary,” he said. “Yes, Khan has changed his stance towards the army but he has seen the military’s real face and he knows them well. He has given us hope that he will change this rotten system.”

 
Family member of mine - young guy, son of distinguished retd Naval Commodore was only holding a placard with his mother. Picked up, tortured (made naked, beaten, electrocuted) for 4 hours and then was being shipped off to Larkana Jail for execution until a former naval chief intervened.

I let a US senator I met recently see his photos - these men are naked now in front of their own masters.

Here's another one


To the apologists drawing false equivalences, was this ever done?

And things are no more restricted to PTI office holders. It's everyone, normal people who like you and me. If this is how normal citizens are being treated, I am sure office holders would have a much harsher level of treatment.
 

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