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NRO decision!

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I personally like NS...
but I fail to understand that SC is not taking any action against PML N. I don't think they did not do any corruption...
 
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I personally like NS...
but I fail to understand that SC is not taking any action against PML N. I don't think they did not do any corruption...

The reason is because Gen. Musharraf did not accord any amnesty to the PML-N in the NRO. That is why we don't see their names being mentioned. The Supreme Court probably favors the PML-N right now, it was the PML-N's political weight that finally tipped the situation in their favor and forced the government to re-instate the judiciary. However, it is too early to say that the SC is turning a blind eye towards the sins of the PML-N.

The People of Pakistan have given the Supreme Court, in particular Chief Justice Chaudhar Iftikhar, a clear-cut mandate; clean the system from the inside out and make the politicians accountable for their actions. So far, it seems the SC is on the right path.

the govt, SC and army (behind the scene) are on a collision course - not to mention the 'parting' of ways between the PPP and PML-N.

look for a bumpy ride.
I can see the Government and the Supreme Court on a collision course, but what role does the Army have to play? I thought Kayani was certain that the Army will have a very limited role in the running of the country, at least as long as he is the Chief of Staff.

Also, it would be very tough for anyone, even the President himself, to take on the judicial system this time around. If anything, the judicial system is more democratic than much of the government itself, and that gives it a lot of strength.
 
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I think CJ gradually will cleanse the political system so we can see new faces with good "stuff" to offer!
This process will take time but it will wash many people..but the war can jam the process...

Your posts are informative PAFACE!
 
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More problems for Zardari !!!!

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It is well argued that in democratic process institutions are more important than individuals and for the sanctity of institutions individuals can be sacrificed. While the survival and collapse of institutions depends on personal, group and corporate and professional interests of the key individuals in these institutions. Individuals are directly linked to institutes and cannot be aparted. Now if the key position holders in an institution perceive themselves as being under siege from other institutions or power-players, the disposition of that institution lies affected.Lucid example for this argument is role of Judiciary in Pakistan. The superior judiciary generally sided with the firm administrative actions of the executive and provided legal and constitutional cover to all military takeovers. The well-publicised Supreme Court judgement declaring General Yahya Khan an usurper in 1972 was announced four months after Yahya Khan lost power. Some of the judges belonging to the present-day superior judiciary took oath under the Provincial Constitutional Order (PCO) in January 2000 after General Musharraf’s military takeover and, in May 2000, gave him legal and judicial cover. In turn Judiciary faced a historic turmoil. The democratic Govt not only compensated wrongdoings of a dictator by restoring Judiciary with respect to their pre- Nov 2 position but also gave it an independent status. Despite realizing this fact and strengthening federation Judiciary tread on the old path and start building more pressure than ever on the executive by taking measures that are traditionally the domain of the executive, i.e. fixing the price of sugar or determining transport fares in Punjab and even threatening to top brass of Executive. Our civilian governments face a twofold challenge from their political-civilian colleagues and the military-bureaucratic institutions. Now the superior judiciary, another non-elected and non-representative institution, is also building pressure on the elected executive. The PPP-led federal government, especially President Asif Ali Zardari, faces a siege-like situation due to the subtle behind-the-scene moves by the military top brass, the political fallout of the Supreme Court judgment on the NRO, and the off-again, on-again pressure by the PML-N.It is interesting that no political leader is talking about Zardari’s impeachment through parliament because the opposition does not have the required number. They are toying with the idea of extra-parliamentary pressure to force him to resign or they are hoping that non-elected institutions of the state like the military and the judiciary will do the ‘job’ in their own ways. It would be unfortunate if these two institutions force Zardari out of office. Individuals and institutions cannot be separated. Any extra-constitutional or extra-parliamentary move to dislodge Zardari is likely to be highly dangerous for enduring democracy and civilian primacy. Our political forces have to ponder over other political options in order to avoid the risk of losing the initiative to non-representative state institutions.
 
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