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Neville Maxwell says India was aggressor in 1962, not China

What has to do with the thread?
Cause a bangladeshi man was being "hetted" o_O....You are a bangladeshi i suppose...Hence i want you to start a thread on bangladeshi getting "het"...I believe you should be concerned about your kind.A war that happened way back in 62 and at a time when your nation didnt exists...it shouldnt really concern a bangladeshi when other issues like mis treatment of migrant bangladeshis are so rampant. I have never seen you starting a thread on those issues? Care to prove me wrong?
 
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Cause a bangladeshi man was being "hetted" o_O....You are a bangladeshi i suppose...Hence i want you to start a thread on bangladeshi getting "het"...I believe you should be concerned about your kind.A war that happened way back in 62 and at a time when your nation didnt exists...it shouldnt really concern a bangladeshi when other issues like mis treatment of migrant bangladeshis are so rampant. I have never seen you starting a thread on those issues? Care to prove me wrong?

Yes may be I should start a threat on the 1965 war and the East Pakistan pilot ace that shot down five Indian jets ...
 
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Yes may be I should start a threat on the 1965 war and the East Pakistan pilot ace that shot down five Indian jets ...
You can..but would it be fruitful? There have been multiple threads on the same.Unless you have anything new to add, i guess not. You should understand that wars are not fought for fun. Losses were surmount on both sides.But professional men take into stride both victory and loss. For example, if you have time please read about Brigadier Khawja Mohammad Naser from Pakistan and his exchange of a few words with Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal, father of Arun Khetrapal,a param veer chakra recipient
Also, do read about Kamal Sher of Pakistan's 12th North Light Infantry (NLI) who was given Nishan e Haidar, Pakistan’s highest gallantry award on the recommendation of the Indian Army. That is how professionals behave.

Now do you realize how juvenile you sounded when you "threatened" me with posting about 65 war and the bengali ace?
Thats why i say, until you mature up, you should be more concerned with arabs "hetting" your kind.
 
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You can..but would it be fruitful? There have been multiple threads on the same.Unless you have anything new to add, i guess not. You should understand that wars are not fought for fun. Losses were surmount on both sides.But professional men take into stride both victory and loss. For example, if you have time please read about Brigadier Khawja Mohammad Naser from Pakistan and his exchange of a few words with Brigadier M.L. Khetarpal, father of Arun Khetrapal,a param veer chakra recipient
Also, do read about Kamal Sher of Pakistan's 12th North Light Infantry (NLI) who was given Nishan e Haidar, Pakistan’s highest gallantry award on the recommendation of the Indian Army. That is how professionals behave.

Now do you realize how juvenile you sounded when you "threatened" me with posting about 65 war and the bengali ace?
Thats why i say, until you mature up, you should be more concerned with arabs "hetting" your kind.

Actually raising an irrelevant point on a thread makes you appear moronic and intellectually retarded.
 
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Burying Open Secrets: India's 1962 War and the Henderson-Brooks Report

BY SHRUTI PANDALAI

Foreign Policy - APRIL 2, 2014


Political scandal is routine in India during election season. It's an old game, digging out the opposition's secrets, in hopes of swaying voters and winning allegiance. Nothing is sacred: As long it is controversial, it will do. So in late March, the incumbent government and the opposition began playing tug-of-war over a dead horse - theHenderson Brooks-Bhagat report, a classified report examining India's defeat in the 1962 war with China. Written in 1963 and classified as top secret since, this report still has the capacity to open old wounds.

The report packs in a lot of political mileage in a sensitive cocktail: national humiliation, political misadventures, military shortcomings, the many fault lines of India's China policy, both past and current, and a potential taint on the legacy of the country's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. However, many of us watching heated television debates in our drawing rooms were left wondering how any of these revelations, now recycled fodder for political mudslinging, were new.

Neville Maxwell, an Australian journalist and former India correspondent for the BritishTimes,released the report with ablogentry entitled, "My Henderson Brooks Albatross." The 87-year-old Maxwell explained that he accessed the documents while researching the Sino-Indian border dispute. His book, "India's China War," published in 1970, contained the "gist of the report," since his source laid down no pre-conditions on how he could use the material. When the Indian government failed to declassify the document five decades after the war, Maxwell decided to take a stand.

The Indian government's immediate reaction was to block access to the blog, not realizing that few things die on the web. The blog has now resurfaced after being reproduced in the media and on various websites, including that of theIndian Defence Review. Interestingly,India's official history of the 1962 war(also leaked to the media and available to the public) acknowledges drawing from the report heavily; making the official response seem puzzling

Uncomfortable but open secrets

Some in India have viewed Maxwell's work on the India-China war as China-sympathetic, while others see it as a useful insight into India's political and military thinking. Yet the index of errors, brought out by the report, Maxwell's book, and works by other by war historians, have been debated in detail much before this blog made headlines.

Thereport's revelationsmainly center on Nehru's firm belief that China would not respond to India's infamous "Forward Policy," the aggressive Indian patrolling of disputed land claimed by China, and an underestimation of China's military capacity. It also includes evidence of poor military advice provided to the political brass by a "coterie of generals" who dismissed reports of unpreparedness coming from their troops on the ground, a divided army leadership, and inferences of bureaucratic interference. Finally, it discusses in detail the political leadership's insistence on completely recapturing the territory on the disputed border, despite the lack of force capacity and a gross underestimation of the terrain and infrastructure advantage to the Chinese forces. All of these issues have been known and debated before the outing of this report.

But even in 2014, many of these debates remain relevant - in the form of a border dispute with China that flares from time to time (as in late April-May 2013), the slowprogress on constructing India's border infrastructure, or the many contentious issues of contemporary civil-military relations. With these issues splashed across Indian newspapers and television screens almost routinely, how would the release of the Henderson-Brooks Bhagat report impinge on national security?

While Maxwell's move has generated embarrassment for the incumbent Congress party-led United Progressive Alliance government -- which at the moment is trying to save itself from an election rout -- the report takes a far harsher view of the military leadership's failure to advise the political masters, rather than blaming the defeat squarely on Nehru.

Military historians likeSrinath Raghavanhave interpreted the report's core message as "if only we had had generals capable of standing up to overbearing and strategically ignorant political leaders," 1962 could have been avoided. The ramifications on the ground, Raghavan and other military analysts argue, was the idea of politicians not interfering on operational matters of the military, and the rise of the bureaucratic class to fill in the gap left by lack of political attention.

These traditions have taken root and now form the axis of evil that continues today in form of bitter turf battles and blame games between the civilian bureaucracy and the armed forces. So once again, what exactly about the report is new?

The political ostrich act

Apart from the ineffective blocking of Maxwell's blog, the Indian government refused to make an official statement, acknowledging the leak of the report. The National Security Advisor, when pressed by the media at an event, said it was"unnecessary to dignify the report with a response,"since it was "not critical to current national security." On the other hand, the Ministry of Defenceissued a short press statementcalling the report "extremely sensitive" and claiming that its contents are of "current operational value." This was a reiteration of what the Defence Minister AK Antonytold the parliament on April 19, 2010,to justify keeping the report secret. While the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party has used the ammunition toblamethe government for masking its leaders' mistakes, many Indians have also pointed out that, when in power from 1999 to 2004, the BJP-led coalition government did nothing to release the report.

To understand what "current operational value" translates to 50 years after the war, I asked a dozen military officers, some in service and others retired, to air their views anonymously. They unanimously agreed that the report had no real value in terms of "operational sensitivity" today, since 1962 paved the way for massive military restructuring in operations and strategy for the armed forces.

Second, they admit that the report brings out the acrimony in civil-military relations and the apathy of the Indian establishment in buffering up border infrastructure like roads, highways and communication lines as compared to the Chinese, observations that largely hold true now as well. An interesting point raised by a senior officer was that "even if the government finds some sensitive information, why not block it out like is the practice in the United States and the United Kingdom and release the rest of the document to the public?"

Hiding the past

Many historians, journalists, students of foreign policy, and analysts at Indian think tanks say declassifying documents is easier said than done. For decades, students of strategic studies have made numerous requests to declassify the Henderson-Brooks report and other sensitive documents. Unlike the U.S. system, where law periodically dictates an automatic declassification of documents, in India this process is left to bureaucratic good will.

The mystery deepens when one tries to understand the process of declassification in India, sincethe manual on declassification is itself allegedly classified! A conceptual framework exists in the form ofthe Public Records Act of 1993, which outlines declassification procedures for government documents, but this has been widely neglected. Even the game-changingRight to Information Actof 2005, which has helped ordinary Indians fight back against the behemoth of red tape, includes an exception for agencies and information that would affect the "sovereignty and integrity of India, the security, strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State" -- thus creating a loop hole for "national security" exemptions.

A former officer and colleague, Anit Mukherjee, now a researcher on military affairs in Singapore, says that while the Ministry of Defence and the armed forces lack declassification procedures, he feels "what is less well known is how they build walls to prevent scholars from accessing existing archives." He speaks from his experience of being repeatedly denied post-1962 documents from the history division of the Ministry of Defence.

He submittedanother appealunder the Right to Information Act. In this case, the army pleaded "issue sensitivity" and the MoD simply said they were not aware of the exact location of the documents. In 2011, the Chief Information Commissioner, presiding over the casepronounced, "The MoD has not denied existence of these Reports; it has simply indicated their non-availability. Needless to say, the Reports deal with sensitive national security related issues and their 'non-availability' in the MoD is a serious matter."

The armed forces play hard ball as well, says Anit. "I encountered a Catch-22 situation wherein the MoD claimed only Service [headquarters] can declassify documents, whereas military officers said they have no instructions from the ministry to declassify! Bottom line is, it suits both to pass the buck to the other and appear helpless."

General (Retired) Satish Nambiar, a decorated veteran officer,argues thatthe roots of this problem lie further back in history. For example, the contribution of India's 2.5-million-strong army to World War II remains officially undocumented, and "the Indian foreign policy establishment still largely pretends that India's engagement with the world began on 15 August 1947." Nambiar served as a member of the NN Vohra Committee set up by the Ministry of Defence to review "official" histories of India's 1962, 1965, and 1971 wars, which recommended publishing the reports without any caveats. To date, with the exception of the 1965 report, these documents have not been officially released, notwithstanding the selective leaks to the media.

The need for closure

The Ministry of External Affairshas begun to declassifyover 70,000 filesover the past few years, undoubtedly a step in the right direction. However, the ministry has only employed a few former diplomats in this laborious exercise. While thePublic Records ActandPublic Records rulesare in existence, most national security bureaucracies do not adhere to them. In essence, there is no uniform procedure followed by all agencies. Moreover, theOfficial Secrets Actof 1923, a draconian act that places stipulations on government communiqués, acts as the sword of Damocles hanging over any attempts at clearing files.

In the age of Wikileaks, secrecy may be over-rated. National security concerns certainly remain relevant, but governments can no longer hope to hide past follies under the garb of national security. Keeping the HBR report classified has not even succeeded in protecting its secrets: Most Indian scholars have used records de-classifed by the United States, China, and even Russia to put together the context of the 1962 war.

Lessons learnt from historic strategic encounters will only strengthen India's institutional memory, and aid its strategic community in terms of prescriptions for the future. Demands for the release of the report should be met with a mature response, even if that entails redacting information deemed sensitive. Such an exercise will not just reflect well in terms of the mature democracy India claims to be, but will help exorcise the ghost of 1962 symbolically from India's collective memory.

Shruti Pandalai is a television journalist and foreign policy analyst currently working with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, a New Delhi-based think tank.

Burying Open Secrets: India's 1962 War and the Henderson-Brooks Report
 
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Yes I had to stoop to your level. I regret it.

I think your mistake was in the wrong direction you took. Had you tried to elevate yourself to my high summit and pinnacle you might have made sense but being the imbecile you are you went downwards and covered yourself in slime.
 
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I think your mistake was in the wrong direction you took. Had you tried to elevate yourself to my high summit and pinnacle you might have made sense but being the imbecile you are you went downwards and covered yourself in slime.
Post reported for personal attack.
Your primitive brain can't even construct a grammatically correct sentence and yet you venture to rant at others.
Carry on. Sit high on that pile of $hit you call your zenith. I am quite happy at the nadir.
 
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Post reported for personal attack.
Your primitive brain can't even construct a grammatically correct sentence and yet you venture to rant at others.
Carry on. Sit high on that pile of $hit you call your zenith. I am quite happy at the nadir.

Indians are always trying to get me banned and as for grammar did you read your comment before posting? While you insulted me first I did not bother to report you but with Indian deviousness you report my retort against your abusive comments. Just shows how low you Indians can go ...
 
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ndians are always trying to get me banned and as for grammar did you read your comment before posting? While you insulted me first I did not bother to report you but with Indian deviousness you report my retort against your abusive comments. Just shows how low you Indians can go

This is amusing. Let me get a grasp on your comprehension skills.
I CHALLENGE YOU , to show me, where I have abused you prior to your regrettable actions.
 
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Now do you realize how juvenile you sounded when you "threatened" me with posting about 65 war and the bengali ace? Thats why i say, until you mature up, you should be more concerned with arabs "hetting" your kind.

Where you come from this does not amount to fabrication, insult or racism?
 
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Where you come from this does not amount to fabrication, insult or racism?
Lets break it down for you. Juvenile = childish.
....mature up= Grow out of the childish mindset. It was used in the context of you posting about 65 war /bengali ace, maybe your assumption as being sore points for me, which sadly arent. I know knee jerk reactions can be so overpowering.
and use of the word "kind"..that means bangladeshis. It is not my fault if you somehow manage to manipulate your reflections on being bangladeshi as being inferior.

I am yet to map your accusations of racism, fabrication to my post. Care to break it down for me?
 
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Lets break it down for you. Juvenile = childish.
....mature up= Grow out of the childish mindset. It was used in the context of you posting about 65 war /bengali ace, maybe your assumption as being sore points for me, which sadly arent. I know knee jerk reactions can be so overpowering.
and use of the word "kind"..that means bangladeshis. It is not my fault if you somehow manage to manipulate your reflections on being bangladeshi as being inferior.

I am yet to map your accusations of racism, fabrication to my post. Care to break it down for me?

With each post you are merely compounding the offence. You are clearly oblivious to the level of your obtuseness and mendacity so really no point in arguing with you.
 
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With each post you are merely compounding the offence. You are clearly oblivious to the level of your obtuseness and mendacity so really no point in arguing with you.
OK.
 
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A Debacle Disinterred

Two scholars slug it out over the causes of the ’62 war as one floats the Henderson report


PRANAY SHARMA

The war between India and China over their 4,000-kilometre long, disputed boundary in the winter of 1962 lasted barely a month. But a war of words between two scholars on its origin and their attempt to identify the aggressor—leader of democratic India, Jawaharlal Nehru, pitted against Communist China’s Mao Zedong—is threatening to snowball into a major controversy that may last much longer than the 50-year-old conflict itself. Interestingly, the scholars are neither Indian nor Chinese, but European. And going by their prevailing stand, neither is willing to yield any ground to the other.

London-born Neville Maxwell continues to argue that Nehru’s faulty policies led to the war and India was the aggressor. Thailand-based Bertil Lintner, a Swede, dismisses Maxwell’s claim as “rubbish” and puts the blame squarely on Mao and his attempt to escape isolation in the Communist Party by playing up the boundary dispute to rally the party behind him for a war with India.

The focus in India on the scholars’ competing views follows Maxwell’s decision to make public an internal inquiry report of the Indian military compiled after the 1962 war—a document kept secret so far by successive Indian governments. But going by the timing of Maxwell’s decision, many wonder if he wants “Nehru’s folly” to become an issue in the high-stakes campaign of the Lok Sabha elections.


Predictably, Maxwell, author of the controversial India’s China War, is a much-disliked figure in India. Lintner, the author of several books on the region and who is working on his new project—the 1962 conflict—is seen as a ‘neutral’ figure in New Delhi. Both have had long journalistic careers. Maxwell worked forThe Times, London, and was based in India as its correspondent in the late ’50s-early ’60s. Lintner made his mark while reporting on the region for the now-defunct Far Eastern Economic Review. While Indians aren’t prepared to welcome Maxwell to the country, Lintner is barred from travelling to Myanmar.

Interestingly, Maxwell went through a drastic transformation during his stint in India. From being an admirer of India and PM Nehru, he became one of its strongest critics—exemplified not only by his stand on the ’62 War, but also for being among western scholars who predicted a collapse of the Indian state. Maxwell’s opinions changed after a visit to China in the mid-1960s (he travelled there on an aircraft with the then Pakistani foreign minister, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto) and met Zhou Enlai and other senior Chinese leaders. Often described as the “last surviving Maoist in the West”, he never met Mao.

Maxwell’s controversial position on the Sino-Indian War got a fresh lease of life when he put up the aforementioned Henderson Brooks-P.S. Bhagat report— compiled after the 1962 rout and popularly known in India as ‘the Henderson report’—on his website early this month. But the authors of the report, Lt Gen Brooks and Brigadier Bhagat, went far beyond their brief, pinning the blame of the defeat squarely on the political leadership and its interference in military matters. They were denied access to many departments involved in the decision-making during the war. Thus, many believe, and with good reason, that the report had inadequate grounds to apportion blame for the defeat. The situation was further compounded by India’s decision to lock it up as a secret—a concealment that remains in force.

Maxwell, who was always suspected to have gained access to the report through sections in the Indian army for his book, courted fresh controversy after he recently made it available. Justifying his decision, Maxwell said in a recent interview with the Times of India “...the myth of ‘Chinese aggression’ has been exposed again, as the Henderson Brooks report does. I say ‘again’ because the historical and diplomatic background and what the report tells about the debacle was exposed long ago in my 1970 book....”

However, the counterpoints being raised by Lintner (see interview) had also been raised by some other leading scholars in the past. Harvard historian Roderick MacFarquhar had argued, by dubbing the 1962 war ‘Mao’s India war’, that it was the Chinese who were the aggressors. More scholars have joined in picking holes in Maxwell’s thesis.

“Attempts to make a case against India on the basis of the Henderson report and without access to any Chinese material is bound to be faulty,” says Srinath Raghavan of Delhi’s Centre for Policy Research. “After Chinese archives have opened up, it clearly shows that the 1962 conflict was a much more complex issue and the result of domestic, regional as well as international developments,” he adds.


Oxford historian Rana Mitter, who teaches history and politics of modern China, points out that in 1962 there was “considerable friction” within the Chinese Communist Party. The terrible famine after the ‘Great Leap Forward’ allowed leaders like Li Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping to reintroduce a limited market system to alleviate the situation. “Mao felt that his position as ideological hegemon of China was becoming vulnerable.” At the same time, he keenly shared with other leaders China’s isolation in the wake of its split with the USSR in 1960. “This meant that trying to make the limits of China’s border clearer was a policy that could unite members of an otherwise divided leadership,” adds Mitter.

Maxwell’s book dwells neither on the domestic scene in China nor the international environment in which the 1962 war was fought. Part of this could well be because of his lack of access to Chinese material, despite his avowed closeness to Premier Zhou. This is also acknowledged by Maxwell—in his book, he praises India’s ‘openness’, while contrasting it with China. “....no government is more secretive as to its inner processes than that of the People’s Republic of China, and in tracing Chinese policy formulation I have had nothing to go on beyond what is on the public record,” Maxwell wrote.

Historian John W. Garver of the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs makes an interesting point about how things function in China. He argues that while there are no Chinese documents (to his knowledge) that convincingly substantiate the hypothesis of either a domestic mobilisation or an intra-communist struggle being linked with Mao’s decision for war in 1962, it does not mean that these were not important factors. “Absence of evidence should not, in this case, be taken as evidence of absence,” he says. “Chinese documents on sensitive foreign affairs issues are dribbled out by Beijing with an eye to ensuring foreign scholars reach relatively benign conclusions.”


This may well be the case, but it is also a fact that unlike in India—where the war still plays a role in defining Sino-India ties chafing under an unresolved boundary dispute—the conflict hardly gets a mention in China. It’s rarely put in the same category as the Korean War or the Taiwan Strait crisis.

Can it be that Indians too would begin to put the 1962 crisis in the proper perspective and desist in future to see its relationship with China through the war’s emotionally tangled prism? Chances of that seem highly unlikely now. If the ongoing controversy between the two scholars is any indication, the issue is likely to remain bitterly divisive in India for years.

A Debacle Disinterred | Pranay Sharma
 
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