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Modi. So why roll out the red carpet now?

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Modi. So why roll out the red carpet now?
Aditya-Chakrabortty-L.png

Aditya Chakrabortty


India’s prime minister is a Hindu extremist who fails to condemn lynch mobs. Yet it seems that trade deals matter more to our government

https://www.theguardian.com/comment...arendra-modi-india-hindu-extremist-lynch-mobs

Illustration by Matt Kenyon
Tuesday 10 November 2015 06.00 GMTLast modified on Tuesday 13 September 2016 15.05 BST
https://www.theguardian.com/comment...odi-india-hindu-extremist-lynch-mobs#comments
London is set to play host to one of the most dangerous politicians on the planet this week. Not that you’ll hear any such thing when Narendra Modi arrives. Instead, we’ll be reminded that India’s prime minister is the leader of a giant and dynamic economy. That he’s taking tea with the Queen and buddying up to David Cameron. There’ll be fun Modi facts too: how he once sold chai at railway stations; how, aged 65, he boasts of having a 56-inch chest.

How can someone so Technicolor be so dangerous? Well, imagine any national leader – Cameron, Merkel, Obama – spending a large chunk of his or her life working for a gang of religious fascists – one that renowned academics compare to Islamic State. Chuck in a long personal history of inciting religious hostility, a track record of cosying up to big business, and a reputation for ruthlessness towards enemies. Now put this extremist in charge of a nuclear state. Worried yet?

That, in a nutshell, is the man who will be jetting into Britain. As a boy Modi joined the far-right Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), whose objective is to turn India – which gave the world Jainism and Buddhism and Sikhism, and which has the world’s third-largest Muslim population – into a Hindu superpower. Among its alumni is Nathuram Godse, the fanatic who gunned down Mahatma Gandhi.

Religious extremism is not some long-faded part of Modi’s past. In 2002, while he was chief minister for Gujarat, a train carriage carrying Hindu pilgrims caught fire in the state. Within hours, without a scrap of evidence, Modi blamed the 58 deaths on the Pakistani secret services, then paraded the charred corpses through Ahmedabad.

His Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) called a three-day strike. There then followed one of the bloodiest anti-Muslim pogroms in modern history. Mobs of men dragged wives and daughters on to the streets to be raped. One ringleader later boasted of slitting open the womb of a pregnant woman. Between 1,000 and 2,000 people were killed – the vast majority Muslim.

Try as they might, BJP supporters cannot erase the history of these shameful killings or absolve their leader of responsibility. This version of events is not contested by any serious analyst – and at the very least it shows up Modi as a master of hate speech. Asked three years ago whether he felt any regret over the deaths of so many innocent people, the BJP leader replied that he felt the same pain as a passenger in a car that has just run over a puppy.

But this is all about to be consigned to the past. For years after the massacres Britain shunned Modi. But this week it will roll out the red carpet, even as the atmosphere of thuggish intolerance and violence around Modi grows thicker.

In September he took his cabinet to meet RSS leaders for a three-day summit, where ministers reported on their progress. The RSS has been having meetings with the education ministry to gain greater influence over the curriculum. In Modi’s home state of Gujarat, schoolchildren are already given textbooks written by RSS affiliates.

Primary and secondary pupils are taught that, while television “was invented by a priest from Scotland called John Logie Baird”, it was actually pioneered thousands of years ago, by Hindu royalty in ancient India. So, for that matter, was the motor car. And so was stem-cell research. These textbooks carry praising endorsements from Modi himself. It is as if the dad off Goodness Gracious Me – who claimed everything was invented in India – has been put in charge of an entire nation’s syllabus.

The sad oddity of all this is that India can be genuinely proud of its traditional hospitality towards dissent. A subcontinent of a billion people, of glaciers and deserts, is naturally pluralistic. “There is not a thought that is being thought in the west or the east that is not active in some Indian mind,” wrote the historian EP Thompson.


Yet Hindu extremists now force major publishers to pulp books they deem offensive. Campaign groups such as the Ford Foundation and Amnesty, whose work on human rights and the environment needle Modi’s officials, are put under so much scrutiny that they can barely continue. An environmentalist invited by British MPs to testify on abuse by mining firms was yanked from her London flight just before take-off. And last Friday the Indian arm of Greenpeace was ordered by the authorities to shut down, on the flimsiest of pretexts.

Just as with the Gujarat pogrom, the prime minister has no direct part to play in any of this – rather he fosters the environment that makes it all possible. One incident from this September is typical. A Muslim villager is accused by a Hindu mob of eating beef and lynched. The issue of beef slaughter is one that Modi campaigned on before his election. Now he keeps shtoom – even while his party colleagues issue justifications. Finally, an interview is given in which Modi voices the most watery regret.

By his rise to power, by his strategic silences, by his smirking apologies, Modi gives succour to the gathering mob. He was voted in on a ticket of reviving a moribund economy. Supporters pointed to the apparent success story of Gujarat. They didn’t read the auditors’ reports that showed how the development success of Gujarat lay in giving more money to the urban rich, in handing land and soft loans to the business houses.

Now that Modi is failing to turn around India, he and his generals fall back on the old trick of hunting for an enemy: Pakistan, religious minorities, pseudo-seculars. An environment now exists in which scholars who criticise Hindu idol worship receive death threats, and are then murdered. An intellectual who invites a former Pakistani minister to give a talk in Mumbai is nabbed by Hindu zealots and smeared with ink. Writers, academics and scientists return their national honours to Delhi in protest at the officially sponsored thuggishness.


Cash-strapped Cameron will never raise these issues with his guest. The permanent secretary at the Foreign Office admitted to MPs just a few weeks ago that human rights no longer count as a “top priority”, and come below the government’s “prosperity agenda”.

Meanwhile, India’s new leader hugs Mark Zuckerberg; he’ll play to the proud Indian diaspora at Wembley Stadium this week; and rules with a giant mandate and an opposition in disarray. “This is the most dangerous leader India has had in 30 years,” says one of the country’s most acute observers, Mihir Sharma. “He reminds me of Putin: appealing to a glorious past, friend to the oligarchs and to a state religion, clamping down on dissent.”

This is what real danger looks like nowadays: wearing a business suit and clutching trade deals – while silencing those who disagree.

• This article was amended on 25 November 2015 because an earlier version incorrectly referred to Ahmedabad as the state capital of Gujarat.

Since you're here ...
…we have a small favour to ask. More people are reading the Guardian than ever but far fewer are paying for it. And advertising revenues across the media are falling fast. So you can see why we need to ask for your help. The Guardian’s independent, investigative journalism takes a lot of time, money and hard work to produce. But we do it because we believe our perspective matters – because it might well be your perspective, too.

Fund our journalism and together we can keep the world informed
 
.
ndia is being ruled by a Hindu Taliban
Anish-Kapoor-L.png

Anish Kapoor
Narendra Modi is clamping down on tolerance and freedom of expression. In Britain we have a responsibility to speak out against it


David Cameron and Narendra Modi share a joke at the start of the Indian prime minister’s visit to Britain. Photograph: Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/nov/12/india-hindu-taliban-narendra-modi

Thursday 12 November 2015 17.33 GMTLast modified on Tuesday 19 July 2016 13.58 BST
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/nov/12/india-hindu-taliban-narendra-modi#comments
The Hindu god Vishnu has several incarnations, many of them human. The latest of these appears to be Narendra Modi. All over India there are images of the man, right arm raised in the benevolent gesture of good fortune. But this strong-but-enlightened-man image hides the frightening and shrill reality of an increasingly Modi-led Hindu dominance of India.

The country’s openness to social and religious minorities (more than 500 million people) and regional differences is at serious risk. Of late, Modi’s regime has effectively tolerated – if not encouraged – a saffron-clad army of Hindu activists who monitor and violently discipline those suspected of eating beef, disobeying caste rules or betraying the “Hindu nation”.

In the UK, people might perhaps be familiar with India’s cricket prowess, atrocities in Kashmir or the recent horrific rape cases. But beyond that, many of us choose not to know. India’s global image now mimics China’s – a rising global economic power with attractive trade and investment opportunities. As a result, business trumps human rights, with little concern, especially on the part of David Cameron’s government, for the rising wave of Hindu tyranny.

All this is good news for Prime Minister Modi, who flew into London today. He won’t be seriously called to account for human rights abuses or systematic thuggery. If there is one thing that has marked the man’s first year and a half in power it is this: he is not a man who takes kindly to scrutiny or criticism. In fact, he has used the very economic agenda that causes Britain to turn a blind eye to his regime’s human rights abuses to muzzle dissent within India.

Protesters demonstrate against Cameron’s welcoming of Narendra Modi on Thursday
Modi’s latest move has been the strangulation of Greenpeace India, culminating last Friday with the organisation’s licence to operate being removed. Respect for human rights and environmental organisations is so often a litmus test for the democratic state of a country. Worryingly, the Indian government has been cracking down on all “foreign-funded” charities for the past year, claiming that the national economy is threatened by environmental restrictions and other “un-Indian” activities. Nine thousand NGOs have been “de-registered” in a concerted effort to force out these “nuisance” groups and cast them as foreign enemies.

Of late, many Indian journalists and human rights activists have been harassed and threatened with “sedition” charges: for example, Teesta Setalvad, who still seeks justice for the victims of communal violence in the state of Gujarat in 2002, when Modi was the state’s chief minister; and Santosh Yadav, arrested in September in the state of Chhattisgarh on what Amnesty International believes are fabricated charges resulting from his investigatory journalism exposing police brutality against Adivasis (indigenous people). A few weeks ago, even a musician who sang a satirical song criticising the chief minister and state government of Tamil Nadu over alcohol sales was charged with “anti-Indian activity”.

This alarming erosion of democracy is a slippery slope that may end up targeting not just minorities and “outsiders” but any dissenting “insiders”. What I’ve seen happening is a spirit of fear taking hold, which threatens to silence activists, artists and intellectuals alike. We’ve never known that before.
A Hindu version of the Taliban is asserting itself, in which Indians are being told: “It’s either this view – or else.” A friend told me: “There is huge oppression of anyone who’s different.” Last month, dozens of Indian writers handed back their literary awards in protest, following communal violence against Muslims and attacks on intellectuals.

India is a country of 1.25 billion people, including 965 million Hindus and 170 million Muslims. We have a long tradition of tolerance and, despite differences, have managed to pull our huge country together. But the government’s militant Hinduism risks marginalising other faiths and tearing apart these bonds. Many of us dread what might then happen.


We in Britain cannot bite our tongues any more; we have a responsibility to speak out. And we need to work on at least two fronts: demand that Cameron not make business deals at the cost of human rights, and press Modi to answer for the Indian government’s abysmal rights record; and recognise and support the many Indian citizens, journalists and organisations that are resisting growing Hindu fanaticism and state authoritarianism.

I’ll be joining protesters outside Downing Street today. Following the lead of India’s opposition groups, we have a duty to speak out for the people Modi is trying to silence, precisely because we are free to do so.

• This article was amended on 13 November 2015. An earlier version referred to criticism of the state governor, rather than the chief minister and state government, of Tamil Nadu.

Since you're here ...
…we have a small favour to ask. More people are reading the Guardian than ever but far fewer are paying for it. And advertising revenues across the media are falling fast. So you can see why we need to ask for your help. The Guardian’s independent, investigative journalism takes a lot of time, money and hard work to produce. But we do it because we believe our perspective matters – because it might well be your perspective, too.

Fund our journalism and together we can keep the world informed.
 
. .
Modi. So why roll out the red carpet now?
Aditya-Chakrabortty-L.png

Aditya Chakrabortty


India’s prime minister is a Hindu extremist who fails to condemn lynch mobs. Yet it seems that trade deals matter more to our government

https://www.theguardian.com/comment...arendra-modi-india-hindu-extremist-lynch-mobs

Illustration by Matt Kenyon
Tuesday 10 November 2015 06.00 GMTLast modified on Tuesday 13 September 2016 15.05 BST
London is set to play host to one of the most dangerous politicians on the planet this week. Not that you’ll hear any such thing when Narendra Modi arrives. Instead, we’ll be reminded that India’s prime minister is the leader of a giant and dynamic economy. That he’s taking tea with the Queen and buddying up to David Cameron. There’ll be fun Modi facts too: how he once sold chai at railway stations; how, aged 65, he boasts of having a 56-inch chest.

How can someone so Technicolor be so dangerous? Well, imagine any national leader – Cameron, Merkel, Obama – spending a large chunk of his or her life working for a gang of religious fascists – one that renowned academics compare to Islamic State. Chuck in a long personal history of inciting religious hostility, a track record of cosying up to big business, and a reputation for ruthlessness towards enemies. Now put this extremist in charge of a nuclear state. Worried yet?

That, in a nutshell, is the man who will be jetting into Britain. As a boy Modi joined the far-right Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), whose objective is to turn India – which gave the world Jainism and Buddhism and Sikhism, and which has the world’s third-largest Muslim population – into a Hindu superpower. Among its alumni is Nathuram Godse, the fanatic who gunned down Mahatma Gandhi.

Religious extremism is not some long-faded part of Modi’s past. In 2002, while he was chief minister for Gujarat, a train carriage carrying Hindu pilgrims caught fire in the state. Within hours, without a scrap of evidence, Modi blamed the 58 deaths on the Pakistani secret services, then paraded the charred corpses through Ahmedabad.

His Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) called a three-day strike. There then followed one of the bloodiest anti-Muslim pogroms in modern history. Mobs of men dragged wives and daughters on to the streets to be raped. One ringleader later boasted of slitting open the womb of a pregnant woman. Between 1,000 and 2,000 people were killed – the vast majority Muslim.

Try as they might, BJP supporters cannot erase the history of these shameful killings or absolve their leader of responsibility. This version of events is not contested by any serious analyst – and at the very least it shows up Modi as a master of hate speech. Asked three years ago whether he felt any regret over the deaths of so many innocent people, the BJP leader replied that he felt the same pain as a passenger in a car that has just run over a puppy.

But this is all about to be consigned to the past. For years after the massacres Britain shunned Modi. But this week it will roll out the red carpet, even as the atmosphere of thuggish intolerance and violence around Modi grows thicker.

In September he took his cabinet to meet RSS leaders for a three-day summit, where ministers reported on their progress. The RSS has been having meetings with the education ministry to gain greater influence over the curriculum. In Modi’s home state of Gujarat, schoolchildren are already given textbooks written by RSS affiliates.

Primary and secondary pupils are taught that, while television “was invented by a priest from Scotland called John Logie Baird”, it was actually pioneered thousands of years ago, by Hindu royalty in ancient India. So, for that matter, was the motor car. And so was stem-cell research. These textbooks carry praising endorsements from Modi himself. It is as if the dad off Goodness Gracious Me – who claimed everything was invented in India – has been put in charge of an entire nation’s syllabus.

The sad oddity of all this is that India can be genuinely proud of its traditional hospitality towards dissent. A subcontinent of a billion people, of glaciers and deserts, is naturally pluralistic. “There is not a thought that is being thought in the west or the east that is not active in some Indian mind,” wrote the historian EP Thompson.


Yet Hindu extremists now force major publishers to pulp books they deem offensive. Campaign groups such as the Ford Foundation and Amnesty, whose work on human rights and the environment needle Modi’s officials, are put under so much scrutiny that they can barely continue. An environmentalist invited by British MPs to testify on abuse by mining firms was yanked from her London flight just before take-off. And last Friday the Indian arm of Greenpeace was ordered by the authorities to shut down, on the flimsiest of pretexts.

Just as with the Gujarat pogrom, the prime minister has no direct part to play in any of this – rather he fosters the environment that makes it all possible. One incident from this September is typical. A Muslim villager is accused by a Hindu mob of eating beef and lynched. The issue of beef slaughter is one that Modi campaigned on before his election. Now he keeps shtoom – even while his party colleagues issue justifications. Finally, an interview is given in which Modi voices the most watery regret.

By his rise to power, by his strategic silences, by his smirking apologies, Modi gives succour to the gathering mob. He was voted in on a ticket of reviving a moribund economy. Supporters pointed to the apparent success story of Gujarat. They didn’t read the auditors’ reports that showed how the development success of Gujarat lay in giving more money to the urban rich, in handing land and soft loans to the business houses.

Now that Modi is failing to turn around India, he and his generals fall back on the old trick of hunting for an enemy: Pakistan, religious minorities, pseudo-seculars. An environment now exists in which scholars who criticise Hindu idol worship receive death threats, and are then murdered. An intellectual who invites a former Pakistani minister to give a talk in Mumbai is nabbed by Hindu zealots and smeared with ink. Writers, academics and scientists return their national honours to Delhi in protest at the officially sponsored thuggishness.


Cash-strapped Cameron will never raise these issues with his guest. The permanent secretary at the Foreign Office admitted to MPs just a few weeks ago that human rights no longer count as a “top priority”, and come below the government’s “prosperity agenda”.

Meanwhile, India’s new leader hugs Mark Zuckerberg; he’ll play to the proud Indian diaspora at Wembley Stadium this week; and rules with a giant mandate and an opposition in disarray. “This is the most dangerous leader India has had in 30 years,” says one of the country’s most acute observers, Mihir Sharma. “He reminds me of Putin: appealing to a glorious past, friend to the oligarchs and to a state religion, clamping down on dissent.”

This is what real danger looks like nowadays: wearing a business suit and clutching trade deals – while silencing those who disagree.

• This article was amended on 25 November 2015 because an earlier version incorrectly referred to Ahmedabad as the state capital of Gujarat.

Since you're here ...
…we have a small favour to ask. More people are reading the Guardian than ever but far fewer are paying for it. And advertising revenues across the media are falling fast. So you can see why we need to ask for your help. The Guardian’s independent, investigative journalism takes a lot of time, money and hard work to produce. But we do it because we believe our perspective matters – because it might well be your perspective, too.

Fund our journalism and together we can keep the world informed
any proof to support your article . or just allegations ?
 
. .
ndia is being ruled by a Hindu Taliban
Anish-Kapoor-L.png

Anish Kapoor
Narendra Modi is clamping down on tolerance and freedom of expression. In Britain we have a responsibility to speak out against it


David Cameron and Narendra Modi share a joke at the start of the Indian prime minister’s visit to Britain. Photograph: Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/nov/12/india-hindu-taliban-narendra-modi

Thursday 12 November 2015 17.33 GMTLast modified on Tuesday 19 July 2016 13.58 BST
The Hindu god Vishnu has several incarnations, many of them human. The latest of these appears to be Narendra Modi. All over India there are images of the man, right arm raised in the benevolent gesture of good fortune. But this strong-but-enlightened-man image hides the frightening and shrill reality of an increasingly Modi-led Hindu dominance of India.

The country’s openness to social and religious minorities (more than 500 million people) and regional differences is at serious risk. Of late, Modi’s regime has effectively tolerated – if not encouraged – a saffron-clad army of Hindu activists who monitor and violently discipline those suspected of eating beef, disobeying caste rules or betraying the “Hindu nation”.

In the UK, people might perhaps be familiar with India’s cricket prowess, atrocities in Kashmir or the recent horrific rape cases. But beyond that, many of us choose not to know. India’s global image now mimics China’s – a rising global economic power with attractive trade and investment opportunities. As a result, business trumps human rights, with little concern, especially on the part of David Cameron’s government, for the rising wave of Hindu tyranny.

All this is good news for Prime Minister Modi, who flew into London today. He won’t be seriously called to account for human rights abuses or systematic thuggery. If there is one thing that has marked the man’s first year and a half in power it is this: he is not a man who takes kindly to scrutiny or criticism. In fact, he has used the very economic agenda that causes Britain to turn a blind eye to his regime’s human rights abuses to muzzle dissent within India.

Protesters demonstrate against Cameron’s welcoming of Narendra Modi on Thursday
Modi’s latest move has been the strangulation of Greenpeace India, culminating last Friday with the organisation’s licence to operate being removed. Respect for human rights and environmental organisations is so often a litmus test for the democratic state of a country. Worryingly, the Indian government has been cracking down on all “foreign-funded” charities for the past year, claiming that the national economy is threatened by environmental restrictions and other “un-Indian” activities. Nine thousand NGOs have been “de-registered” in a concerted effort to force out these “nuisance” groups and cast them as foreign enemies.

Of late, many Indian journalists and human rights activists have been harassed and threatened with “sedition” charges: for example, Teesta Setalvad, who still seeks justice for the victims of communal violence in the state of Gujarat in 2002, when Modi was the state’s chief minister; and Santosh Yadav, arrested in September in the state of Chhattisgarh on what Amnesty International believes are fabricated charges resulting from his investigatory journalism exposing police brutality against Adivasis (indigenous people). A few weeks ago, even a musician who sang a satirical song criticising the chief minister and state government of Tamil Nadu over alcohol sales was charged with “anti-Indian activity”.

This alarming erosion of democracy is a slippery slope that may end up targeting not just minorities and “outsiders” but any dissenting “insiders”. What I’ve seen happening is a spirit of fear taking hold, which threatens to silence activists, artists and intellectuals alike. We’ve never known that before.
A Hindu version of the Taliban is asserting itself, in which Indians are being told: “It’s either this view – or else.” A friend told me: “There is huge oppression of anyone who’s different.” Last month, dozens of Indian writers handed back their literary awards in protest, following communal violence against Muslims and attacks on intellectuals.

India is a country of 1.25 billion people, including 965 million Hindus and 170 million Muslims. We have a long tradition of tolerance and, despite differences, have managed to pull our huge country together. But the government’s militant Hinduism risks marginalising other faiths and tearing apart these bonds. Many of us dread what might then happen.


We in Britain cannot bite our tongues any more; we have a responsibility to speak out. And we need to work on at least two fronts: demand that Cameron not make business deals at the cost of human rights, and press Modi to answer for the Indian government’s abysmal rights record; and recognise and support the many Indian citizens, journalists and organisations that are resisting growing Hindu fanaticism and state authoritarianism.

I’ll be joining protesters outside Downing Street today. Following the lead of India’s opposition groups, we have a duty to speak out for the people Modi is trying to silence, precisely because we are free to do so.

• This article was amended on 13 November 2015. An earlier version referred to criticism of the state governor, rather than the chief minister and state government, of Tamil Nadu.

Since you're here ...
…we have a small favour to ask. More people are reading the Guardian than ever but far fewer are paying for it. And advertising revenues across the media are falling fast. So you can see why we need to ask for your help. The Guardian’s independent, investigative journalism takes a lot of time, money and hard work to produce. But we do it because we believe our perspective matters – because it might well be your perspective, too.

Fund our journalism and together we can keep the world informed.

Cry more
 
. . .
ndia is being ruled by a Hindu Taliban
Anish-Kapoor-L.png

Anish Kapoor
Narendra Modi is clamping down on tolerance and freedom of expression. In Britain we have a responsibility to speak out against it


David Cameron and Narendra Modi share a joke at the start of the Indian prime minister’s visit to Britain. Photograph: Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/nov/12/india-hindu-taliban-narendra-modi

Thursday 12 November 2015 17.33 GMTLast modified on Tuesday 19 July 2016 13.58 BST
The Hindu god Vishnu has several incarnations, many of them human. The latest of these appears to be Narendra Modi. All over India there are images of the man, right arm raised in the benevolent gesture of good fortune. But this strong-but-enlightened-man image hides the frightening and shrill reality of an increasingly Modi-led Hindu dominance of India.

The country’s openness to social and religious minorities (more than 500 million people) and regional differences is at serious risk. Of late, Modi’s regime has effectively tolerated – if not encouraged – a saffron-clad army of Hindu activists who monitor and violently discipline those suspected of eating beef, disobeying caste rules or betraying the “Hindu nation”.

In the UK, people might perhaps be familiar with India’s cricket prowess, atrocities in Kashmir or the recent horrific rape cases. But beyond that, many of us choose not to know. India’s global image now mimics China’s – a rising global economic power with attractive trade and investment opportunities. As a result, business trumps human rights, with little concern, especially on the part of David Cameron’s government, for the rising wave of Hindu tyranny.

All this is good news for Prime Minister Modi, who flew into London today. He won’t be seriously called to account for human rights abuses or systematic thuggery. If there is one thing that has marked the man’s first year and a half in power it is this: he is not a man who takes kindly to scrutiny or criticism. In fact, he has used the very economic agenda that causes Britain to turn a blind eye to his regime’s human rights abuses to muzzle dissent within India.

Protesters demonstrate against Cameron’s welcoming of Narendra Modi on Thursday
Modi’s latest move has been the strangulation of Greenpeace India, culminating last Friday with the organisation’s licence to operate being removed. Respect for human rights and environmental organisations is so often a litmus test for the democratic state of a country. Worryingly, the Indian government has been cracking down on all “foreign-funded” charities for the past year, claiming that the national economy is threatened by environmental restrictions and other “un-Indian” activities. Nine thousand NGOs have been “de-registered” in a concerted effort to force out these “nuisance” groups and cast them as foreign enemies.

Of late, many Indian journalists and human rights activists have been harassed and threatened with “sedition” charges: for example, Teesta Setalvad, who still seeks justice for the victims of communal violence in the state of Gujarat in 2002, when Modi was the state’s chief minister; and Santosh Yadav, arrested in September in the state of Chhattisgarh on what Amnesty International believes are fabricated charges resulting from his investigatory journalism exposing police brutality against Adivasis (indigenous people). A few weeks ago, even a musician who sang a satirical song criticising the chief minister and state government of Tamil Nadu over alcohol sales was charged with “anti-Indian activity”.

This alarming erosion of democracy is a slippery slope that may end up targeting not just minorities and “outsiders” but any dissenting “insiders”. What I’ve seen happening is a spirit of fear taking hold, which threatens to silence activists, artists and intellectuals alike. We’ve never known that before.
A Hindu version of the Taliban is asserting itself, in which Indians are being told: “It’s either this view – or else.” A friend told me: “There is huge oppression of anyone who’s different.” Last month, dozens of Indian writers handed back their literary awards in protest, following communal violence against Muslims and attacks on intellectuals.

India is a country of 1.25 billion people, including 965 million Hindus and 170 million Muslims. We have a long tradition of tolerance and, despite differences, have managed to pull our huge country together. But the government’s militant Hinduism risks marginalising other faiths and tearing apart these bonds. Many of us dread what might then happen.


We in Britain cannot bite our tongues any more; we have a responsibility to speak out. And we need to work on at least two fronts: demand that Cameron not make business deals at the cost of human rights, and press Modi to answer for the Indian government’s abysmal rights record; and recognise and support the many Indian citizens, journalists and organisations that are resisting growing Hindu fanaticism and state authoritarianism.

I’ll be joining protesters outside Downing Street today. Following the lead of India’s opposition groups, we have a duty to speak out for the people Modi is trying to silence, precisely because we are free to do so.

• This article was amended on 13 November 2015. An earlier version referred to criticism of the state governor, rather than the chief minister and state government, of Tamil Nadu.

Since you're here ...
…we have a small favour to ask. More people are reading the Guardian than ever but far fewer are paying for it. And advertising revenues across the media are falling fast. So you can see why we need to ask for your help. The Guardian’s independent, investigative journalism takes a lot of time, money and hard work to produce. But we do it because we believe our perspective matters – because it might well be your perspective, too.

Fund our journalism and together we can keep the world informed.
Another crap from British Bulldog Corp.
http://www.thefrustratedindian.com/...ron-you-too-are-minus-the-oxy-part-of-course/
02ndmp-anishKAPOOR__300306g.jpg

anish-kapur-sonia-gandhi-ngma-nov-27-10-edit.jpg

These kind of slaves are found a lot in India. Wannabe whites. They are more British than Britishers.
 
. .
Keep em coming......the more you try to bash him even for good moves....the more secular people you polarize....and in the end he stays in power for next decade!! look at the bigger picture haters!!:D
 
. .
Once a great man said
" First they Ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they Fight with you Then You Win."

First they ignored Modi while he was CM of Gugrat.
Then they laughed at him at the election time and immediately after that.
The fighting phase has just began.......
May continue till 2018.
After that there is no stopping of Modi.

So keep whining.
 
.
Modi. So why roll out the red carpet now?
Aditya-Chakrabortty-L.png

Aditya Chakrabortty


India’s prime minister is a Hindu extremist who fails to condemn lynch mobs. Yet it seems that trade deals matter more to our government

https://www.theguardian.com/comment...arendra-modi-india-hindu-extremist-lynch-mobs

Illustration by Matt Kenyon
Tuesday 10 November 2015 06.00 GMTLast modified on Tuesday 13 September 2016 15.05 BST
London is set to play host to one of the most dangerous politicians on the planet this week. Not that you’ll hear any such thing when Narendra Modi arrives. Instead, we’ll be reminded that India’s prime minister is the leader of a giant and dynamic economy. That he’s taking tea with the Queen and buddying up to David Cameron. There’ll be fun Modi facts too: how he once sold chai at railway stations; how, aged 65, he boasts of having a 56-inch chest.

How can someone so Technicolor be so dangerous? Well, imagine any national leader – Cameron, Merkel, Obama – spending a large chunk of his or her life working for a gang of religious fascists – one that renowned academics compare to Islamic State. Chuck in a long personal history of inciting religious hostility, a track record of cosying up to big business, and a reputation for ruthlessness towards enemies. Now put this extremist in charge of a nuclear state. Worried yet?

That, in a nutshell, is the man who will be jetting into Britain. As a boy Modi joined the far-right Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), whose objective is to turn India – which gave the world Jainism and Buddhism and Sikhism, and which has the world’s third-largest Muslim population – into a Hindu superpower. Among its alumni is Nathuram Godse, the fanatic who gunned down Mahatma Gandhi.

Religious extremism is not some long-faded part of Modi’s past. In 2002, while he was chief minister for Gujarat, a train carriage carrying Hindu pilgrims caught fire in the state. Within hours, without a scrap of evidence, Modi blamed the 58 deaths on the Pakistani secret services, then paraded the charred corpses through Ahmedabad.

His Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) called a three-day strike. There then followed one of the bloodiest anti-Muslim pogroms in modern history. Mobs of men dragged wives and daughters on to the streets to be raped. One ringleader later boasted of slitting open the womb of a pregnant woman. Between 1,000 and 2,000 people were killed – the vast majority Muslim.

Try as they might, BJP supporters cannot erase the history of these shameful killings or absolve their leader of responsibility. This version of events is not contested by any serious analyst – and at the very least it shows up Modi as a master of hate speech. Asked three years ago whether he felt any regret over the deaths of so many innocent people, the BJP leader replied that he felt the same pain as a passenger in a car that has just run over a puppy.

But this is all about to be consigned to the past. For years after the massacres Britain shunned Modi. But this week it will roll out the red carpet, even as the atmosphere of thuggish intolerance and violence around Modi grows thicker.

In September he took his cabinet to meet RSS leaders for a three-day summit, where ministers reported on their progress. The RSS has been having meetings with the education ministry to gain greater influence over the curriculum. In Modi’s home state of Gujarat, schoolchildren are already given textbooks written by RSS affiliates.

Primary and secondary pupils are taught that, while television “was invented by a priest from Scotland called John Logie Baird”, it was actually pioneered thousands of years ago, by Hindu royalty in ancient India. So, for that matter, was the motor car. And so was stem-cell research. These textbooks carry praising endorsements from Modi himself. It is as if the dad off Goodness Gracious Me – who claimed everything was invented in India – has been put in charge of an entire nation’s syllabus.

The sad oddity of all this is that India can be genuinely proud of its traditional hospitality towards dissent. A subcontinent of a billion people, of glaciers and deserts, is naturally pluralistic. “There is not a thought that is being thought in the west or the east that is not active in some Indian mind,” wrote the historian EP Thompson.


Yet Hindu extremists now force major publishers to pulp books they deem offensive. Campaign groups such as the Ford Foundation and Amnesty, whose work on human rights and the environment needle Modi’s officials, are put under so much scrutiny that they can barely continue. An environmentalist invited by British MPs to testify on abuse by mining firms was yanked from her London flight just before take-off. And last Friday the Indian arm of Greenpeace was ordered by the authorities to shut down, on the flimsiest of pretexts.

Just as with the Gujarat pogrom, the prime minister has no direct part to play in any of this – rather he fosters the environment that makes it all possible. One incident from this September is typical. A Muslim villager is accused by a Hindu mob of eating beef and lynched. The issue of beef slaughter is one that Modi campaigned on before his election. Now he keeps shtoom – even while his party colleagues issue justifications. Finally, an interview is given in which Modi voices the most watery regret.

By his rise to power, by his strategic silences, by his smirking apologies, Modi gives succour to the gathering mob. He was voted in on a ticket of reviving a moribund economy. Supporters pointed to the apparent success story of Gujarat. They didn’t read the auditors’ reports that showed how the development success of Gujarat lay in giving more money to the urban rich, in handing land and soft loans to the business houses.

Now that Modi is failing to turn around India, he and his generals fall back on the old trick of hunting for an enemy: Pakistan, religious minorities, pseudo-seculars. An environment now exists in which scholars who criticise Hindu idol worship receive death threats, and are then murdered. An intellectual who invites a former Pakistani minister to give a talk in Mumbai is nabbed by Hindu zealots and smeared with ink. Writers, academics and scientists return their national honours to Delhi in protest at the officially sponsored thuggishness.


Cash-strapped Cameron will never raise these issues with his guest. The permanent secretary at the Foreign Office admitted to MPs just a few weeks ago that human rights no longer count as a “top priority”, and come below the government’s “prosperity agenda”.

Meanwhile, India’s new leader hugs Mark Zuckerberg; he’ll play to the proud Indian diaspora at Wembley Stadium this week; and rules with a giant mandate and an opposition in disarray. “This is the most dangerous leader India has had in 30 years,” says one of the country’s most acute observers, Mihir Sharma. “He reminds me of Putin: appealing to a glorious past, friend to the oligarchs and to a state religion, clamping down on dissent.”

This is what real danger looks like nowadays: wearing a business suit and clutching trade deals – while silencing those who disagree.

• This article was amended on 25 November 2015 because an earlier version incorrectly referred to Ahmedabad as the state capital of Gujarat.

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ndia is being ruled by a Hindu Taliban
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Anish Kapoor
Narendra Modi is clamping down on tolerance and freedom of expression. In Britain we have a responsibility to speak out against it


David Cameron and Narendra Modi share a joke at the start of the Indian prime minister’s visit to Britain. Photograph: Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/nov/12/india-hindu-taliban-narendra-modi

Thursday 12 November 2015 17.33 GMTLast modified on Tuesday 19 July 2016 13.58 BST
The Hindu god Vishnu has several incarnations, many of them human. The latest of these appears to be Narendra Modi. All over India there are images of the man, right arm raised in the benevolent gesture of good fortune. But this strong-but-enlightened-man image hides the frightening and shrill reality of an increasingly Modi-led Hindu dominance of India.

The country’s openness to social and religious minorities (more than 500 million people) and regional differences is at serious risk. Of late, Modi’s regime has effectively tolerated – if not encouraged – a saffron-clad army of Hindu activists who monitor and violently discipline those suspected of eating beef, disobeying caste rules or betraying the “Hindu nation”.

In the UK, people might perhaps be familiar with India’s cricket prowess, atrocities in Kashmir or the recent horrific rape cases. But beyond that, many of us choose not to know. India’s global image now mimics China’s – a rising global economic power with attractive trade and investment opportunities. As a result, business trumps human rights, with little concern, especially on the part of David Cameron’s government, for the rising wave of Hindu tyranny.

All this is good news for Prime Minister Modi, who flew into London today. He won’t be seriously called to account for human rights abuses or systematic thuggery. If there is one thing that has marked the man’s first year and a half in power it is this: he is not a man who takes kindly to scrutiny or criticism. In fact, he has used the very economic agenda that causes Britain to turn a blind eye to his regime’s human rights abuses to muzzle dissent within India.

Protesters demonstrate against Cameron’s welcoming of Narendra Modi on Thursday
Modi’s latest move has been the strangulation of Greenpeace India, culminating last Friday with the organisation’s licence to operate being removed. Respect for human rights and environmental organisations is so often a litmus test for the democratic state of a country. Worryingly, the Indian government has been cracking down on all “foreign-funded” charities for the past year, claiming that the national economy is threatened by environmental restrictions and other “un-Indian” activities. Nine thousand NGOs have been “de-registered” in a concerted effort to force out these “nuisance” groups and cast them as foreign enemies.

Of late, many Indian journalists and human rights activists have been harassed and threatened with “sedition” charges: for example, Teesta Setalvad, who still seeks justice for the victims of communal violence in the state of Gujarat in 2002, when Modi was the state’s chief minister; and Santosh Yadav, arrested in September in the state of Chhattisgarh on what Amnesty International believes are fabricated charges resulting from his investigatory journalism exposing police brutality against Adivasis (indigenous people). A few weeks ago, even a musician who sang a satirical song criticising the chief minister and state government of Tamil Nadu over alcohol sales was charged with “anti-Indian activity”.

This alarming erosion of democracy is a slippery slope that may end up targeting not just minorities and “outsiders” but any dissenting “insiders”. What I’ve seen happening is a spirit of fear taking hold, which threatens to silence activists, artists and intellectuals alike. We’ve never known that before.
A Hindu version of the Taliban is asserting itself, in which Indians are being told: “It’s either this view – or else.” A friend told me: “There is huge oppression of anyone who’s different.” Last month, dozens of Indian writers handed back their literary awards in protest, following communal violence against Muslims and attacks on intellectuals.

India is a country of 1.25 billion people, including 965 million Hindus and 170 million Muslims. We have a long tradition of tolerance and, despite differences, have managed to pull our huge country together. But the government’s militant Hinduism risks marginalising other faiths and tearing apart these bonds. Many of us dread what might then happen.


We in Britain cannot bite our tongues any more; we have a responsibility to speak out. And we need to work on at least two fronts: demand that Cameron not make business deals at the cost of human rights, and press Modi to answer for the Indian government’s abysmal rights record; and recognise and support the many Indian citizens, journalists and organisations that are resisting growing Hindu fanaticism and state authoritarianism.

I’ll be joining protesters outside Downing Street today. Following the lead of India’s opposition groups, we have a duty to speak out for the people Modi is trying to silence, precisely because we are free to do so.

• This article was amended on 13 November 2015. An earlier version referred to criticism of the state governor, rather than the chief minister and state government, of Tamil Nadu.

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