haman10
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well you guys all know that kurds are iranic people , and i myself am a half-kurd iranian .
unfortunately kurds have been long oppressed and massacred by the terrorist regime of turkey . they have been killed , jailed , black mailed ,... throughout their history in state of turkey .
this thread will promote their struggle to gain freedom (which might be different from independence - as a result this thread does not promote separatist ideas) from turkish terror regime
==================================================
Since the start of this year, the Justice and Development party (AKP) has emerged from what looked like an impasse over Turkey's three-decade-long Kurdish conflict. The pace of change has been intense.
But slow-motion progress in the background has often been overlooked: over the course of 15 years the public debate, backed by small-scale reforms, has evolved from the archaic militarist jargon of "there are no Kurds here, only mountain Turks". Ankara is now conducting direct negotiations with the jailed PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan – once demonised as a baby killer and chief terrorist by a venomously nationalist "mainstream" media.
Today, there are no more taboos left on the subject. All gone. The period of official denial is over. So is the mass-hypnosis inflicted on the Turkish people by the old establishment. Even Kemal Ataturk, the once untouchable founder of the republic, is under fire these days for his role in the systematic oppression of Turkey's Kurds during the 1920s and 30s.
Yet, as recently as 2012, the Sri Lankan model still held some sway in Ankara: total annihilation of an armed rebellion by military means only. It was abandoned quickly: the spread across borders of Kurdish militants and the army's failures in counter-insurgency made it an impossible position to maintain even for the toughest hard-liners. It looked as if talks, already initiated in 2009 without success, were the only way. The turmoil in Syria and good relations with Iraqi Kurds has also made it a priority.
But the give-and-take process is only just beginning. The task of dealing with a problem which has massive cross-border dimensions is huge.
At home, the prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan also has to deal with a public split on the issue and a fierce opposition of nationalists and Kemalists. He has to mesh the process with the development of a new, democratic constitution. He has to make careful calculations with regard to all his neighbours that have Kurdish populations – Iraq, Syria and Iran – who are following his moves uneasily.
In Ankara's corridors of power, the reasoning goes like this: unless Turkey adopts a new constitution, its social fabric will remain weak, and it won't be able to proceed further on the path towards EU membership. Unless Turkey deals peacefully with its own Kurdish issue, it won't be able to control the Kurdish unrest in Syria and Iraq or play the role it aspires to, that of a strong regional player.
Sworn enemies of the AKP here are certain that Erdogan will use the process to achieve his dream of becoming Turkey's Putin. They are joined by a more cautious chorus of liberals and moderate Muslims, who voice legitimate concerns that democratisation could be undermined if he pushes the issue of an empowered presidency too far.
But there is no concrete sign that Erdogan will; neither does he need a new model for executive power. The current one makes already Turkey's president more powerful than Barack Obama.
For Ocalan, it is also complicated. The "deal" with Ankara may lead, after disarmament and a mass amnesty synched with the adoption of a new constitution, to his freedom. But, given the sensitivity of the process, it is an issue neither side wants to raise at the moment. The PKK will not vanish with disarmament. The idea instead is to pull it fully into national and local politics, without arms.
In terms of opposition, there is not much that stands between Erdogan and his goal. The elected opposition, the Kemalist CHP and ultra-nationalist MHP, are led by political midgets whom Erdogan is able to mock daily. The greatest opponent of a "civilian solution" to the Kurdish issue, the army, has been pushed back into the barracks, by coup trials and prison verdicts.
The economy, which has created a middle class that is now larger than ever, makes conditions ripe for things to move forward. If the only real obstacles domestically are acts of folly or provocations by the "shadow state", the real unknown is how neighbouring countries will react. Despite some mutual mistrust, Erdogan is counting on on his strong trading partner, Massoud Barzani, the Iraqi Kurdish regional president, to assist in disarmament. It is also in Barzani's interests to get rid of a insurgency movement based in his own territory.
If the process succeeds according to the "disarmament-amnesty-reform" framework, both Kurds and Turks who will be winners. Any country in the geopolitical area that wins over the region's Kurds will have an advantage over the others.
Erdogan's dream is to rule over a country freed from the shackles of the Kurdish issue and a outdated constitution.
And who knows, maybe he also dreams of a Nobel peace prize.
Turkey and the Kurds: the era of mass hypnosis is over | Yavuz Baydar | Comment is free | theguardian.com
========================================================
ISTANBUL: The confusion and chaos of the Syrian civil war has given one group of people an opportunity to assert itself -- the Kurds.
Recently, the Kurds declared an autonomous provincial government in northern Syria.
Across the border in Turkey, where one in five people is Kurdish, the Istanbul government is eyeing the developments with concern, and is stretching out a hand to try and calm things down.
Since the founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the Kurdish minority has faced oppression and discrimination -- their language and culture were banned, and their rights to sovereignty were repressed.
Mehmet Sezgin, editor of Kurdish magazine Demokratik Modernite, said: “It’s shameful for us to speak like a Kurd, dress like a Kurd, laugh like a Kurd and live like a Kurd.”
Although Turkey is a proud democracy, rights of minorities were effectively repressed in the country when Mustafa Kemal Ataturk founded the republic and attempted to bring everyone together to identify simply as Turks, rather than allowing a multicultural society.
For Mehmet, identifying as a Kurd has had catastrophic consequences.
He believes he was wrongly blamed for setting buses on fire, and imprisoned simply because he was Kurdish and stood up for his identity.
“I was imprisoned and tortured, and my trial is still ongoing. I was convicted recently,” said Mehmet.
Mehmet is not the only one who has been on the receiving end of police brutality.
Sefer, who runs a restaurant in Tarbala, a predominantly Kurdish neighbourhood, knows that being a Kurd in Turkey can be dangerous business.
“When the police want to check your identification, (and you are revealed as being Kurdish), you’ll get insulted, and sometimes you get beaten up. These things are not seen, but they are happening,” he said.
The Kurdish minority in Turkey number around 14 million -- about one-fifth of the population.
Mistreatment of Kurds is widespread -- from difficulties in finding jobs to forming friendships.
Cansah Celik, from the Peace and Democracy Party Women’s Council, said: “They will not give you houses or jobs, and even socially, your neighbours will end their relationship with you if they find out you are a Kurd.”
Now, the Turkish government is taking a series of steps to improve the situation of
Kurdish people in an effort to achieve peace and stability.
The government recently announced that the Kurdish alphabet, formerly banned, will be reinstated, village names will return to their original Kurdish, and education in the "mother tongue" will be allowed in private schools.
But not everyone is convinced that those reforms will make a difference.
An increasing number of Kurds believe that it is only through their own leadership and campaigning for change that full democracy will come to Turkey.
After years of broken promises to improve the situation, Kurds no longer believe in the Turkish government.
With elections set for next year, any step made by Turkish PM Recep Tayyip Erdogan is viewed as a political tactic, rather than a sincere desire to instate equality.
Source: Kurds in Turkey face widespread discrimination
http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/world/kurds-in-turkey-face/1009900.html
@Serpentine @kollang @SOHEIL @rahi2357 @raptor22 @ResurgentIran @hossein9 @Black_Angel @Gold Eagle @New @S00R3NA
guys how shall we help our people ?
unfortunately kurds have been long oppressed and massacred by the terrorist regime of turkey . they have been killed , jailed , black mailed ,... throughout their history in state of turkey .
this thread will promote their struggle to gain freedom (which might be different from independence - as a result this thread does not promote separatist ideas) from turkish terror regime
==================================================
Since the start of this year, the Justice and Development party (AKP) has emerged from what looked like an impasse over Turkey's three-decade-long Kurdish conflict. The pace of change has been intense.
But slow-motion progress in the background has often been overlooked: over the course of 15 years the public debate, backed by small-scale reforms, has evolved from the archaic militarist jargon of "there are no Kurds here, only mountain Turks". Ankara is now conducting direct negotiations with the jailed PKK leader, Abdullah Ocalan – once demonised as a baby killer and chief terrorist by a venomously nationalist "mainstream" media.
Today, there are no more taboos left on the subject. All gone. The period of official denial is over. So is the mass-hypnosis inflicted on the Turkish people by the old establishment. Even Kemal Ataturk, the once untouchable founder of the republic, is under fire these days for his role in the systematic oppression of Turkey's Kurds during the 1920s and 30s.
Yet, as recently as 2012, the Sri Lankan model still held some sway in Ankara: total annihilation of an armed rebellion by military means only. It was abandoned quickly: the spread across borders of Kurdish militants and the army's failures in counter-insurgency made it an impossible position to maintain even for the toughest hard-liners. It looked as if talks, already initiated in 2009 without success, were the only way. The turmoil in Syria and good relations with Iraqi Kurds has also made it a priority.
But the give-and-take process is only just beginning. The task of dealing with a problem which has massive cross-border dimensions is huge.
At home, the prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan also has to deal with a public split on the issue and a fierce opposition of nationalists and Kemalists. He has to mesh the process with the development of a new, democratic constitution. He has to make careful calculations with regard to all his neighbours that have Kurdish populations – Iraq, Syria and Iran – who are following his moves uneasily.
In Ankara's corridors of power, the reasoning goes like this: unless Turkey adopts a new constitution, its social fabric will remain weak, and it won't be able to proceed further on the path towards EU membership. Unless Turkey deals peacefully with its own Kurdish issue, it won't be able to control the Kurdish unrest in Syria and Iraq or play the role it aspires to, that of a strong regional player.
Sworn enemies of the AKP here are certain that Erdogan will use the process to achieve his dream of becoming Turkey's Putin. They are joined by a more cautious chorus of liberals and moderate Muslims, who voice legitimate concerns that democratisation could be undermined if he pushes the issue of an empowered presidency too far.
But there is no concrete sign that Erdogan will; neither does he need a new model for executive power. The current one makes already Turkey's president more powerful than Barack Obama.
For Ocalan, it is also complicated. The "deal" with Ankara may lead, after disarmament and a mass amnesty synched with the adoption of a new constitution, to his freedom. But, given the sensitivity of the process, it is an issue neither side wants to raise at the moment. The PKK will not vanish with disarmament. The idea instead is to pull it fully into national and local politics, without arms.
In terms of opposition, there is not much that stands between Erdogan and his goal. The elected opposition, the Kemalist CHP and ultra-nationalist MHP, are led by political midgets whom Erdogan is able to mock daily. The greatest opponent of a "civilian solution" to the Kurdish issue, the army, has been pushed back into the barracks, by coup trials and prison verdicts.
The economy, which has created a middle class that is now larger than ever, makes conditions ripe for things to move forward. If the only real obstacles domestically are acts of folly or provocations by the "shadow state", the real unknown is how neighbouring countries will react. Despite some mutual mistrust, Erdogan is counting on on his strong trading partner, Massoud Barzani, the Iraqi Kurdish regional president, to assist in disarmament. It is also in Barzani's interests to get rid of a insurgency movement based in his own territory.
If the process succeeds according to the "disarmament-amnesty-reform" framework, both Kurds and Turks who will be winners. Any country in the geopolitical area that wins over the region's Kurds will have an advantage over the others.
Erdogan's dream is to rule over a country freed from the shackles of the Kurdish issue and a outdated constitution.
And who knows, maybe he also dreams of a Nobel peace prize.
Turkey and the Kurds: the era of mass hypnosis is over | Yavuz Baydar | Comment is free | theguardian.com
========================================================
ISTANBUL: The confusion and chaos of the Syrian civil war has given one group of people an opportunity to assert itself -- the Kurds.
Recently, the Kurds declared an autonomous provincial government in northern Syria.
Across the border in Turkey, where one in five people is Kurdish, the Istanbul government is eyeing the developments with concern, and is stretching out a hand to try and calm things down.
Since the founding of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the Kurdish minority has faced oppression and discrimination -- their language and culture were banned, and their rights to sovereignty were repressed.
Mehmet Sezgin, editor of Kurdish magazine Demokratik Modernite, said: “It’s shameful for us to speak like a Kurd, dress like a Kurd, laugh like a Kurd and live like a Kurd.”
Although Turkey is a proud democracy, rights of minorities were effectively repressed in the country when Mustafa Kemal Ataturk founded the republic and attempted to bring everyone together to identify simply as Turks, rather than allowing a multicultural society.
For Mehmet, identifying as a Kurd has had catastrophic consequences.
He believes he was wrongly blamed for setting buses on fire, and imprisoned simply because he was Kurdish and stood up for his identity.
“I was imprisoned and tortured, and my trial is still ongoing. I was convicted recently,” said Mehmet.
Mehmet is not the only one who has been on the receiving end of police brutality.
Sefer, who runs a restaurant in Tarbala, a predominantly Kurdish neighbourhood, knows that being a Kurd in Turkey can be dangerous business.
“When the police want to check your identification, (and you are revealed as being Kurdish), you’ll get insulted, and sometimes you get beaten up. These things are not seen, but they are happening,” he said.
The Kurdish minority in Turkey number around 14 million -- about one-fifth of the population.
Mistreatment of Kurds is widespread -- from difficulties in finding jobs to forming friendships.
Cansah Celik, from the Peace and Democracy Party Women’s Council, said: “They will not give you houses or jobs, and even socially, your neighbours will end their relationship with you if they find out you are a Kurd.”
Now, the Turkish government is taking a series of steps to improve the situation of
Kurdish people in an effort to achieve peace and stability.
The government recently announced that the Kurdish alphabet, formerly banned, will be reinstated, village names will return to their original Kurdish, and education in the "mother tongue" will be allowed in private schools.
But not everyone is convinced that those reforms will make a difference.
An increasing number of Kurds believe that it is only through their own leadership and campaigning for change that full democracy will come to Turkey.
After years of broken promises to improve the situation, Kurds no longer believe in the Turkish government.
With elections set for next year, any step made by Turkish PM Recep Tayyip Erdogan is viewed as a political tactic, rather than a sincere desire to instate equality.
Source: Kurds in Turkey face widespread discrimination
http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/world/kurds-in-turkey-face/1009900.html
@Serpentine @kollang @SOHEIL @rahi2357 @raptor22 @ResurgentIran @hossein9 @Black_Angel @Gold Eagle @New @S00R3NA
guys how shall we help our people ?
