civfanatic
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27 AUG 2010 Syed Ali Shah Geelani Addresses People at Srinagar
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Your signature suits your personality perfectly, take a cue from it. Bash your head against the keyboard and repeat until unconscious.
Back on topic:
Same can be said for articles mentioning India in a negative spotlight.
No, it's crap because it's crap... 75,000 rounds of ammo... Spare me, please!
and by posting that statement your exhibiting the epitome of maturity, right? Listen to yourself!
So now your Judge, Jury and Executioner?
That's funny ever since i have been visiting these forums all i see here is Indian trolls trying to undermine Pakistan and strut around in a shameless display of self glorification.
Same can be said to you regarding IOK... Now take a chill pill and do consider what i said about the keyboard meeting your face, a few hard blows to your cranium may get those synapses sparking again.
Vale of tears
In Kashmir freedom is much farther than a stones-throw away
Aug 26th 2010
OWAIS hardly looks like a serious danger to the security of India. Slender and frail, he says he is 17 but seems younger as he basks shyly in the praise of the men gathered in a garden in Srinagar, summer capital of Indian-ruled Kashmir. But he is proud to show off the scars and stitch-marks that cover his belly. He has just emerged from hospital, lucky to be alive. He took a bullet in an anti-Indian protest on August 2nd in Kupwara, some 90km (56 miles) away. His uncle died that day, one of more than 60 people, mostly young, killed in a wave of unrest that began on June 11th.
Owais and those like him have presented the Indian government with a new and perhaps insoluble Kashmir crisis.
They are self-proclaimed stone-pelters, named after their weapon of choice. Well-organisedon Facebook, to a large extentthe pelters emerge at short notice to throw stones at police stations and other targets, and get shot at. In response to their protests much of the Kashmir valley that surrounds Srinagar has been shut downboth by hartals, or strikes, called by separatist leaders, and by government-imposed curfews.
On most days, Srinagar is a ghost town of shuttered shops and empty streets. Paramilitaries point their rifles out from bunkers or lounge on street corners, idly tapping their lathis (heavy batons) on their padded legs. On the one or two designated shopping days each week, the traffic is gridlocked.
Setting the hartal calendar is Syed Ali Shah Geelani, an 81-year-old separatist leader. It is in his garden that Owais waits. When the old man emerges, he kisses the boy on both cheeks and the forehead, hugs him tight, and poses for a photograph with him. Mr Geelani seems a strange icon for a movement of teen-aged Facebookers.
Few share his Islamist pro-Pakistan ideology. And many still seem to be ignoring his edict to give up throwing stones and stick to peaceful protest. But, unlike other political leaders, Mr Geelani has never wavered in his refusal to compromise with Indian rule. Sheer, cussed consistency has earned him a pivotal role. So have Indias past tactics to divide its opponents. More moderate separatists, who have engaged in dialogue with India, have had nothing to show for it, and ended discredited and compromised. This seems less clever than it did at the time. Now Mr Geelani ignores a call for talks from Indias prime minister, Manmohan Singh.
This is the third successive summer of big anti-Indian protests. For India, they have marred a victory of sorts. The two-decade-long insurgency, backed by Pakistan, which has never renounced its claim to all of Kashmir, is almost defeated. Infiltration across the line of control dividing Indian and Pakistani bits of Kashmir, has fallen.
The conflict is killing far fewer, though still 375 last year by one count, out of more than 40,000 killed since 1989 by the armys reckoning, and 100,000 by the separatists. When turnout in an election for the state government in 2008 reached an unprecedented 60%, many Indians misread this as belated Kashmiri acquiescence in Indian rule.
Boys like Owais neither trained in camps in Pakistan, nor are they stooges of the militants and spy agencies that have fuelled the war. They have grown up knowing nothing but insurgency. They may fear the insurgents and dislike their methods. But they sympathise with their goal. They see Indian troops in Kashmir as an often brutal occupying force. Why does Owais protest? We are oppressed. What will it achieve? Azaadi! (Freedom!).
That is not on the cards, even if it were clear what it meant. Of the five parts of the former princely state of Jammu & Kashmir, divided by the first India-Pakistan war in 1947-48, two are in Pakistan (and a bit of one was ceded to China by Pakistanillegitimately, says India).
Of the three bits in India, Hindu-majority parts of Jammu, along with Ladakh, with many Buddhists, would, given a choice, probably stay in India. Only the Muslim-dominated Kashmir valley and adjacent parts of Jammu seem hellbent on secession. In the valley, politicians dream of an independent country linked to old Central Asian trading routes, looking anywhere but south over the mountains to Delhi.
Dream on. India has responded to the unrest in time-worn fashion: with extra troops, live bullets, the detention of separatist leaders who might lead big processions and, now, search-and-cordon operations to lock up suspected stone-pelters. Mr Geelani says protests will continue until India accepts the disputed status of Kashmir. India will never do that: the official line remains that Jammu & Kashmir, its only Muslim-majority state, is integral to its national identity: the idea of India. It will not tolerate the circulation of maps (in most cases) that show Pakistan-controlled Kashmir as, well, Pakistan-controlled.
Finding Indias collective conscience
So, it is most likely that these protests will end as so many before them did: with India making no more than token concessions. Fed up with the disruption, worried about keeping children out of school, and appalled at the loss of so many young lives, Kashmiris will sooner or later have to go back to life as usual, nursing their anger to take it out another day.
Eventually, however, India may have to contemplate a political solution, for two reasons. One is that small cracks are already appearing in the national consensus behind its repressive policies. So long as it was fighting Pakistan, even liberal Indian opinion seemed ready to tolerate a heavy hand in Kashmir.
Less so now that its troops are killing children armed only with stones. Secondly, without change, the cycle of protests will resume.
And at some point they will become so big that they can only be contained by killing more of its citizens than a democracy can stand. Owais and his classmates may be misguided, but they fear nothing, and martyrdom least of all.
No talks until India admits Kashmir a disputed territory
Same can be said for this guy:
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