Japan Defence Forum

[monitor]

Japanese futuristic digitized soldier rifle

 

[mil-avia]

Another DVD publication about JASDF (two images) :

762 × 1082 pixels

Related link(s).

 

[kohai]

great thread

 

[Indus Falcon]

Kawasaki P-1 Sub Hunter

Kawasaki built the P-1 to replace the P-3 in the Japanese fleet. Lockheed Martin built the P-3, which is being replaced by the U.S. Navy by Boeing’s P-8.

The four-jet P-1 has a maximum range around 4,300 nautical miles and has four hard points that allows it to carry missiles, torpedoes, mines and depth charges.

The Kawasaki P-1 Japanese maritime patrol aircraft. The Sensors on the P-1, such as Toshiba HPS-106 active electronically scanned array using four antennas for 360 degree coverage (AESA), magnetic anomaly detector (MAD), and Infrared/Light detection systems, will be used to detect submarines and small vessels. The P-1 has a bomb bay for anti-submarine weapons, as well as eight external pylons to carry ASMs or bombs.

 

[yoshi.oda]

Please post more on mission of the branches, specify directives and mandate.

Misson of JMSDF

Japan is an island country surrounded on all sides by the sea. That means any threats to our country will always approach us via the sea. In addition, Japan lacks natural resources, so it must rely on countries overseas for most of the materials that we require in our daily lives. We use a maritime transport network stretching around the globe to obtain more than 90% of these materials. In recognition of new security environment, the Defense Program Guidelines defines the role of the defense forces as “effective response to the new threats and diverse situations,” “Proactive efforts to improve the international security environment,” and “preparation for full-scale invasion,” which is the primary role of defense forces, and Japan will efficiently maintain the necessary Maritime Self-Defense Forces posture to effectively carry out missions in each the areas.

Exacerbated and tangible International Security Environment

security issues beyond a geographically-limited area continue to be crucial because the risk is growing that a disorder or a security problem in a single country spreads worldwide. With regard to such global security issues, while the international community is undertaking initiatives to deal with cyber attacks, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery, international terrorism, and the increasing vulnerability of governance systems, some problems are being exacerbated and new problems are also becoming tangible.

Under such a security environment, it has become extremely diffi cult for one country to deal with issues which the international community is confronting, and ensuring regional and global peace, stability and prosperity through the establishment of a more stable international security environment benefi ts each country. It is increasingly important for countries with common interests in the resolution of issues to work together.

Security Environment in the Asia-Pacific Region

In the Asia-Pacific region, alongside the various changes that have taken place in tandem with the increase in power of China, India, and Russia, countries in the region have made efforts to enhance and strengthen intra-regional coordination and collaboration with a particular focus on non-traditional security sectors such as humanitarian aid and disaster relief, and counterpiracy measures. On the other hand, this region abounds in political, economic, ethnic, and religious diversity, confl icts between countries/regions remain even after the end of the Cold War, and their views on security and threats are different. Accordingly, major changes in the security environment have yet to emerge even after the end of the Cold War, unlike in Europe, and long-standing issues of territorial rights and reunification continue to plague the region.

Outline of The Japan-U.S. Security Arrangements

Based on the Japan–U.S. Security Treaty, the Japan-U.S. Security Arrangements constitute one of the pillars of Japan’s national defense. The Japan–U.S. Alliance, having the Japan-U.S. Security Arrangements as its core, is indispensable to maintain not only the peace and security of Japan, but also that of the entire Asia-Pacifi c region. In addition, the close cooperative relationship between Japan and the United States based on the alliance is proving to be extremely significant for effectively dealing with global security issues. Furthermore, the Japan–U.S. Alliance is playing an increasingly important role in promoting the shared fundamental values in the international community such as democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and a capitalist economy.

The military presence of the U.S. forces in Japan not only contributes to the defense of Japan, but also functions as deterrence against and response to contingencies in the Asia-Pacific region, and serves as a core element of the Japan-U.S. Security Arrangements. On the other hand, since the stationing of U.S. forces in Japan impacts upon the living environment of local residents, efforts that correspond to the actual situation of each region must be made to reduce the burden on regions such as Okinawa.

Japan-U.S. Bilateral Training and Exercises


The SDF and the U.S. forces have been conducting various bilateral training and exercises in peacetime to strengthen Japan- U.S. joint response capabilities while improving interoperability and facilitating mutual understanding in regard to tactical aspects, etc. and closer communication. Since FY1985, mostly on an annual basis, command post exercise and fi eld training exercise have alternated as the Japan–U.S. Bilateral Joint Training Exercise; the fi eld training exercise held in November 2012 was the 11th of its kind. In addition, the GSDF, MSDF and ASDF are expanding the scope of joint exercises, by such means as dispatching units not only to areas within Japan, but also to the U.S., such as participation in exercises including the Japan–U.S. Bilateral Regional Army command post exercises, special anti-submarine exercises, and Japan–U.S. Bilateral Fighter combat training. Thus, continuous efforts are being made to improve interoperability and bilateral response capabilities at the military service and unit levels. As part of the efforts, Stryker Battalion, with its high maneuvering and deployment capabilities and equipped with wheeled armored personnel carrier Stryker, participated for the fi rst time in fi eld training jointly held with the U.S. army and GSDF in Japan from October to November 2012. GSDF troops participating in the exercise trained in coordination procedures with the battalion. Such joint training and exercises in peacetime not only greatly contribute to maintaining and enhancing the Japan-U.S. joint response capabilities by deepening mutual understanding of capabilities and tactics, but also are effective for improving tactical skills on each side. In particular, the knowledge and techniques that the Japanese side can learn from U.S. forces, which have vast experience in actual fi ghting, are invaluable and greatly contribute to improving the JSDF’s capabilities. In addition, holding bilateral exercises at effective times, places, and scales demonstrates the unifi ed commitment and capabilities of Japan and the United States, which has a deterrent effect. In light of these perspectives, the MOD and the SDF are continuing their efforts to enrich the contents of bilateral training and exercises.

 

[Moon]

Please post more on mission of the branches, specify directives and mandate.

OMG!!!!
Another Japanese member, welcome
Finally @Nihonjin1051 you have another friend on board.....

 

[yoshi.oda]

This thread is popular in Japanese forum. I watch thread.

 

[Aepsilons]

For those who are interested in the official publications by the Japanese Ministry of Defense, please visit:


Japan Ministry of Defense

 

[Aepsilons]

JAXA unveils H3 rocket spec outline

The first-stage engine of the planned flagship H3 rocket will be a larger version of the second-stage engines used in the H2B and H2A rockets, the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency said in the rocket’s outline, released Wednesday.
JAXA aims to launch the new Japanese rocket in fiscal 2020. Its first-stage engine system will be simplified compared to the current one, as an effort to reduce launch costs and improve safety.

According to the agency, the total cost for H3 development will be about ¥190 billion. Regarding the new rocket, it aims to lower the cost for one launch to about ¥5 billion, about half of that for the H2A. JAXA also wants to halve the number of work days to it takes to prepare for each launch so that there can be six per year.

JAXA unveils H3 rocket spec outline - The Japan News

 

[Aepsilons]

Japan Likely To Bolster Naval Missile Defense


TOKYO — Japan's likely adoption of the advanced Naval Integrated Fire Control-Counter Air (NIFC-CA) system will greatly improve its combat capabilities and ability to operate with US forces.

The possibility of acquiring NIFC-CA seemed certain following a statement to that effect by Defense Minister Gen Nakatani during a debate in Japan's Diet. Nakatani revealed during a question-and-answer session June 29 in the House of Representatives that Japan was now "studying" adopting NIFC-CA to counter China's CJ-10 Long Sword cruise missile, which has become a major concern to Japan, particularly when launched from the Xian H-6 version of the Soviet Tupolev Tu-16 bomber.

"For the sake of protecting people's lives and property … we must consider the adoption of the latest US technology, such as NIFC-CA," Nakatani said.

The revelation followed a comment made June 26 by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during a Diet question-and-answer session that Japan must network its small but growing fleet of Aegis missile cruisers with each other and the US Navy.

NIFC-CA is based on the US Navy's cooperative engagement capability (CEC) network, which utilizes datalinks to transmit targeting information between the E-2D Hawkeye airborne warning and control aircraft and Navy Aegis-equipped ships carrying SM-6 missiles. This enables Aegis ships to conduct air defense at the same time as strategic ballistic missile defense (BMD) missions.

Such a capability would be used by the two new Atago-class Aegis cruisers on order, which will automatically come with the latest baseline 9 specification enabling NIFC-CA. The Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) currently has six Aegis ships.

"NIFC-CA and CEC are absolutely necessary 'killer apps' for the Japanese Self-Defense Force to enhance its ability to operate in a high-threat scenario involving China, and to do so in more effective concert with US forces, especially the US Navy," said Matthew Caris, an associate at Avascent Group, a Washington-based defense and aerospace consulting group.

Caris said baseline 9 was especially important because Japan does not have enough vessels to assign individual ships to a BMD mission. In wartime, the JMSDF may be stretched if key fleet units are held back for the BMD mission to protect the home islands.

The value of NIFC-CA becomes more evident when placed in the context of the US Asian pivot, specifically the forward deployment of the recently upgraded NIFC-CA capable USS Chancellorsville (CG-62), billed by Capt. Curt Renshaw, in a June 18 news conference at the Yokosuka Naval Base, as the most powerful cruiser in the world.

Renshaw said the Chancellorsville in general and NIFC-CA in particular represented a "tremendous improvement" that was capable of dealing with "modern challenges," a veiled reference to China's cruise missile threat. The USS Ronald Reagan, the US Navy's newest aircraft carrier, will arrive at Yokosuka later this year.

Corey Wallace, a security policy analyst at the Graduate School of East Asian Studies at Freie Universität, Berlin, said it would make no sense for Japan to purchase two new Aegis-equipped destroyers with upgraded CEC capabilities, the F-35A and the E-2D Advanced Hawkeye and not make use of NIFC-CA's integration capabilities.

"Even just for Japan's own defense it would be a significant development for Japan to buy into the system, and obviously it would greatly enhance the operation and regional power projection of the alliance," Wallace said.

The announcement is not surprising given the tone and language of the US-Japan Joint Statement of the Security Consultative Committee, issued by both governments April 17, which identifies the strategic importance of Japan deploying the most modern and advanced US capabilities, said Guy Stitt, president of AMI International Naval Analysts & Advisors.

Nakatani's announcement also follows some key decisions and contracts, including the awarding of a contract in May to Lockheed Martin to upgrade two Atago-class cruisers from their current baseline 7 to baseline 9, which indicates that the NIFC-CA upgrade, while still not officially announced, is a done deal.

"Additionally, with Japan's commitment to … the F-35A, and the very recent contract to Northrop Grumman for E-2D Advanced Hawkeye ISR aircraft, these system solutions align perfectly for NIFC-CA. This is a significant contribution to the US Pacific pivot," Stitt said.

However, adoption of NIFC-CA raises important questions about collective self-defense (CSD) issues because of the level of automation involved in the defensive network, said Nobuyuki Nose, a defense analyst at Fuji TV and a leading Japanese BMD expert.

The Japanese Diet is locked in contentious discussions about what sort of restrictions to apply to CSD. CSD itself has, at best, lukewarm support from the general public. And in a major embarrassment to Abe's attempts to push through legislation to enable CSD, a Lower House Commission on the Constitution headed by three highly respected senior legal experts stated that the CSD provisions as promoted by the Abe administration are unconstitutional.

Furthermore, under paragraph 2 of Japan's US-written 1947 "peace" constitution, going to war to help a friendly nation was a violation of Article 9, which outlaws war as a means to settle international disputes involving the state.

"According to this definition of the constitution, it is impossible for the MSDF [Maritime Self Defense Force] to defend US ships before Japan itself is attacked. Yet NIFC-CA's automatic targeting system might require the MSDF to fire. It's a very hard question as to how Japan is going to handle this," Nose said.

"The collective defense implications are tremendous," Caris said.

"Once Japanese forces are integrated into US battle networks, they become critical 'nodes' of any operational plan. US commanders may start to count on having certain numbers of Japanese assets available for the BMD mission or to serve as part of a US Navy task force. In any sort of US/China confrontation, those expectations and US pressure could limit Japanese freedom of action," he said.


Japan Likely To Bolster Naval Missile Defense

 

[Fenrir]

Japan's Totally Original Maritime Patrol Jet Is Hunting For Buyers

In terms of looks, if a DC-8 and a P-3 ever drank too much high octane fuel and had a steamy one-night stand, the Kawasaki P-1 would be born nine months later. Japan’s home-made and high-tech multi-mission maritime patrol aircraft is a purpose-built weapon system with a lot going for it, and Japan hopes potential foreign customers agree.

Japan began working on the P-1 as a replacement for their aging P-3 Orions after the Lockheed P-7 was cancelled in the 1990s and after no other available type seemed to meet their needs. This occurred in a very similar manner as how the U.S. Navy developed the Boeing P-8 Poseidon. The big difference between the P-8 and the P-1 being that the P-8 was adapted from the most prolific airliner of all time, the 737, while the P-1 was a clean-sheet design that is specifically configured for the long-range multi-role maritime patrol mission set. Most notably, the P-1 is slightly smaller than the P-8 yet it features four turbofan engines instead of two.

Many have besmirched the P-8 for only having two jet engines. Its challenging mission set, that often sees the aircraft flying to very remote areas and at lower altitudes where birds often share the airspace, does question the logic of procuring a twin-engine aircraft in such a role. Boeing and the Navy have posited that the P-8 can operate at higher altitudes with its improved sensors and that engine technology has come a long way in recent decades. How higher operating altitudes and two engines instead of four will affect the P-8’s effectiveness and safety remains unclear, although the jet has seemed to have gotten good reviews after several high-profile public events that it was involved in. Those being the search for MH370 and monitoring China’s island building in the South China Sea. Still, these tasks are a far cry from hunting elusive enemy submarines in all weather conditions.

The stubby Kawasaki P-1 also features a Magnetic Anomaly Detector (MAD) boom on its tail, a feature that was dropped from the U.S. Navy’s P-8 equipment list due to cost and integration issues. The MAD is used to detect submerged submarines and many in the P-3 community were very concerned that it was omitted from the Poseidon’s final configuration, especially consider the exploding threat that submarines, especially long-diving and relatively cheap Air Independent Propulsion equipped diesel submarines, pose to American interests around the globe.

Other differences between the P-8 and the P-1 are the latter’s massive cockpit windows, which allows the pilots to become a little more engaged with surface searches. The P-1 has a bit smaller cabin than its American peer, a reality that may limit future upgrades and added capabilities, something the P-8 is already experiencing. Also, although a fresh design has clear advantages, the P-8 is a next generation 737 at heat, which means parts and support are not an issue.

The P-1 first flew in 2007 (as the XP-1) and entered limited service in 2013. It was originally designed together with another of Japan’s indigenous aircraft designs, the XC-2 (now known as the C-2) that was meant to replace Japan’s C-130s and C-1s. Although both aircraft became very different designs in the end, the C-2 and the P-1 have similar components and subsystems, which saved billions of dollars in their development.

The P-1 is really a cutting-edge design. By taking a “clean-sheet” approach, Kawasaki was able to incorporate some unique systems in the jet that help with its primary mission. The main one being a “fly-by-light” control system. This is similar to fly-by-wire but instead of traditional wiring and communications interfaces between the controls, flight control computer and control surface actuators, a fiber-optic system is used. Not only does this system help with reliability and upgrades down the road, but it also causes less electromagnetic interference with the aircraft’s sensitive mission hardware.

The P-1 has roughly similar sensor suite to that of the P-8, although the effectiveness of either one when compared to each-other remains unknown. Some of the sensors and mission equipment installed on the P-1 include a Toshiba HPS-106 Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar system which has four antennas, giving it constant 360 degree coverage. It packs a self protection suite including missile launch detectors and the aircraft also has an infrared and electro-optical turret for examining and tracking surface targets. A MAD (like the P-3 has it replaces), a LIDAR system and 30 sonobuoys ports that can be pre-loaded with room for another 60 sonobuoys stored in racks in the cabin, are all there for chasing subs. These systems are tied to a user interface in the cabin that uses intuitive control and artificial intelligence to predict a submarines movements, giving operators the best probable options for continuing to track one using the aircraft’s various systems as a single integrated force.

Other systems include a high-end communications system which includes various data-links as well as satellite communications and data exchange capability. Japan’s latest electronic surveillance measures suite for sniffing out enemy radars and electromagnetic emissions is also added. All together, these capabilities give the P-1 a secondary communications relay and information, surveillance and reconnaissance capability in a similar fashion as the American P-8.

As far as combat punch goes, the P-1 definitely has it. By not adapting an off-the-shelf design, Japan was able to create a jet optimized to carry external and internal stores, as opposed to retrofitting such a military-only capability. In total, the P-1 has 16 hardpoints, two on each wing, two on each wing root and eight in its weapons bays. As far as the weapons “menu” that the P-1 can use, it is similar to the P-8. These include AGM-84 Harpoon anti-ship missiles, AGM-65 Maverick air-to-surface missiles, Japan’s indigenously produced ASM-1C anti-ship missile, as well as various bombs, mines, torpedoes and depth charges. Like the P-8, one day the P-1 could integrate laser guided and GPS guided bombs into its quiver. Such a capability would give Japan a more persistent over-land close air support capability than their fighter jet force can provide. In this way the P-1 would work as a communications and surveillance node, as well as an arsenal ship/bomber.

Today, a couple dozen P-1s have been ordered by or delivered to Japan and after teething problems, the aircraft is rumored to perform fantastically well at its job. Still, Japan’s demand for the aircraft is limited to replacing their own P-3 fleet and seeing that the aircraft is a now an integrated weapon system that has its major bugs worked out, Japan wants to see if it can get some of the billions of dollars invested into the program back in the form of international sales. This is precisely why two P-1s will appear at the Royal International Air Tattoo (RIAT) this year, with one aircraft being shown as a static display and the other flying a routine during the air show and arms expo.

The UK’s Royal Navy in particular is in great need of a maritime multi-role aircraft. Since theNimrod MRA4 debacle of the last decade, the Ministry of Defence has no maritime patrol and sea control fixed-wing platform, which is pretty absurd for an island country. This is especially true seeing as Russia has drastically increased its submarine patrols all around the British Isles and even has sailed its ships into the English Channel.

Current candidates to fulfill this huge capability gap include America’s P-8 Poseidon, its smaller cousin the Challenger business jet-based Boeing Maritime Surveillance Aircraft, a multi-role maritime patrol version of the C-130J known as the Sea Hercules and an Airbus C-295 configured for the maritime patrol role. Although other defense contractors will offer even more options, as of now this would put the P-1 somewhere between the P-8 and the Sea Hercules when it comes to cost and capability.

Currently, the P-1 is said to run about $140 million per copy fully outfitted (the P-8 is about $250M), but this figure could drop as efficiencies are found in producing higher numbers of aircraft at a time and as the aircraft matures. Additionally, Japan can be quite aggressive with its exports, and could even take a loss to realize a larger and more efficient total fleet size of P-1s and to get their first international customer for the type.

The UK is not the only customer out there that really needs to get into the maritime patrol game in a larger way than they currently are. Countries around the globe are finding huge capability gaps in this space. Asia especially, with its growing territorial tensions should see the multi-role maritime aircraft marketplace explode in the coming decade.

When you look at the P-1 and the P-8 closely you realize that the U.S. and their close ally Japan basically built similar aircraft for almost the identical mission. It is unfortunate that they could not work together on a common design. With a little foresight, who knows? We could be seeing P-1s with U.S. Navy titles on their wings today.

In the end the marketplace will tell if the P-1 offers enough extra capability at the right price to bring in the big defense bucks from abroad, but out of all the aircraft on the market in its mission-space, it is the only clean-sheet, totally purpose-built design. In this day and age of multi-role everything, where manufacturers constantly shoehorn disparate capabilities into a few common designs, that has to be worth something.

Photos via: Wikicommons: Top shot- Ken H / @chippyho, side shot of 5501 Toshiro Aoki, XC-2-Richard Vandervord. P-8 and P-1 via USN. All other shots via Japanese Government/MoD

 

[waz]

Please post more on mission of the branches, specify directives and mandate.

great thread

@Nihonjin1051

Bro what's happening here. I think I know now.

great thread

Dear friend, please introduce yourself in the introductions sections please. Thank you and welcome.

 

[Fenrir]

Japan Could Work with NATO on Deadly Next-Generation Missile

Japan’s participation in a NATO missile development consortium could lead to multi-national projects in Asia.

Ever since Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s return to the top in Tokyo in December 2012, Japan has steadily been increasing its defense cooperation with a range of partners, both in Asia and elsewhere. Abe has spearheaded defense commerce, research and development, and production cooperation with a range of states, including the United States, United Kingdom, France, Australia, and India. To enable this profusion of collaborative activity, Abe’s government lifted Japan’s decades-long self-imposed arms export ban (based on the “three principles” of not exporting weapons to communist states, states involved in conflict, or states subject to United Nations embargoes). The next step for Tokyo as it looks to become a “normal” state, as far as international defense commerce is concerned, may be participation in a NATO missile building consortium. According to Reuters, Tokyo is considering collaborating with NATO in what could be its first multinational defense project.

Japan is considering participating in the 12-country NATO consortium which manages the development of the Sea Sparrow family of ship-borne missiles. The consortium includes Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Turkey and the United States. Australia is currently the only non-NATO member of the consortium, and elected in 2014 to continue its participation in the group. With a unit cost of $165,000, the Sea Sparrow, manufactured by U.S. firms Raytheon and General Dynamics, is designed to counter and destroy anti-ship sea-skimming missiles and attack aircraft. The NATO consortium will work toward a next-generation upgrade for the Sea Sparrow in the coming years. Japan’s Maritime Self-Defense Force operates the RIM-7 Sea Sparrow and RIM-162 Evolved Sea Sparrow (ESSM) missiles, which are assembled in Japan by Mitsubishi under a coproduction agreement with NATO and the United States.

According to the Reuters report, citing a U.S. source, Japanese naval officers discussed their country’s participation in the consortium during a May trip to The Hague. The report adds that “Two Japanese sources familiar with the initiative said discussions in Tokyo were at an early stage, although joining the consortium would dovetail with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s more muscular security agenda, which included the lifting last year of a decades-old ban on arms exports.” Japan’s inclusion in the new Sea Sparrow consortium would alleviate the cost burden for the 12 existing members of the group, and give Tokyo an opportunity to work on a multinational defense project.

Interestingly, the report notes that the United States (at least, based on the comments of one source with knowledge of the process) sees Japan’s participation in the Sea Sparrow consortium as a stepping stone to Tokyo initiating its own multi-nation defense initiatives in Asia to offset China’s military modernization and assertiveness. ”We think this project will allow Japan to lay the groundwork for further defense export programs in the future,” a U.S. source told Reuters, adding that Washington “would welcome this kind of security cooperation activity by Japan in the region.” Given Japan’s growing ties and defense collaboration with countries like Vietnam, the Philippines, and even India, the potential for multi-national projects could be promising.

Japan, a U.S. ally, is not a member of NATO, but cooperates closely with several NATO member states. NATO has described Japan as its “longest-standing partner across the globe,” and contacts between the organization and Tokyo have growing since the end of the Cold War. In 2013, Abe and then-NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen signed a Joint Political Declaration which set out a framework for NATO-Japan cooperation and highlighted a set of guiding principles for cooperation between Tokyo and the organization.

 

[Aepsilons]

Japan Could Work with NATO on Deadly Next-Generation Missile

Japan’s participation in a NATO missile development consortium could lead to multi-national projects in Asia.

Ever since Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s return to the top in Tokyo in December 2012, Japan has steadily been increasing its defense cooperation with a range of partners, both in Asia and elsewhere. Abe has spearheaded defense commerce, research and development, and production cooperation with a range of states, including the United States, United Kingdom, France, Australia, and India. To enable this profusion of collaborative activity, Abe’s government lifted Japan’s decades-long self-imposed arms export ban (based on the “three principles” of not exporting weapons to communist states, states involved in conflict, or states subject to United Nations embargoes). The next step for Tokyo as it looks to become a “normal” state, as far as international defense commerce is concerned, may be participation in a NATO missile building consortium. According to Reuters, Tokyo is considering collaborating with NATO in what could be its first multinational defense project.

Japan is considering participating in the 12-country NATO consortium which manages the development of the Sea Sparrow family of ship-borne missiles. The consortium includes Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Turkey and the United States. Australia is currently the only non-NATO member of the consortium, and elected in 2014 to continue its participation in the group. With a unit cost of $165,000, the Sea Sparrow, manufactured by U.S. firms Raytheon and General Dynamics, is designed to counter and destroy anti-ship sea-skimming missiles and attack aircraft. The NATO consortium will work toward a next-generation upgrade for the Sea Sparrow in the coming years. Japan’s Maritime Self-Defense Force operates the RIM-7 Sea Sparrow and RIM-162 Evolved Sea Sparrow (ESSM) missiles, which are assembled in Japan by Mitsubishi under a coproduction agreement with NATO and the United States.

According to the Reuters report, citing a U.S. source, Japanese naval officers discussed their country’s participation in the consortium during a May trip to The Hague. The report adds that “Two Japanese sources familiar with the initiative said discussions in Tokyo were at an early stage, although joining the consortium would dovetail with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s more muscular security agenda, which included the lifting last year of a decades-old ban on arms exports.” Japan’s inclusion in the new Sea Sparrow consortium would alleviate the cost burden for the 12 existing members of the group, and give Tokyo an opportunity to work on a multinational defense project.

Interestingly, the report notes that the United States (at least, based on the comments of one source with knowledge of the process) sees Japan’s participation in the Sea Sparrow consortium as a stepping stone to Tokyo initiating its own multi-nation defense initiatives in Asia to offset China’s military modernization and assertiveness. ”We think this project will allow Japan to lay the groundwork for further defense export programs in the future,” a U.S. source told Reuters, adding that Washington “would welcome this kind of security cooperation activity by Japan in the region.” Given Japan’s growing ties and defense collaboration with countries like Vietnam, the Philippines, and even India, the potential for multi-national projects could be promising.

Japan, a U.S. ally, is not a member of NATO, but cooperates closely with several NATO member states. NATO has described Japan as its “longest-standing partner across the globe,” and contacts between the organization and Tokyo have growing since the end of the Cold War. In 2013, Abe and then-NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen signed a Joint Political Declaration which set out a framework for NATO-Japan cooperation and highlighted a set of guiding principles for cooperation between Tokyo and the organization.

Let's do it ! Exciting development.

 

[Fenrir]

Let's do it !

That's rather upfront and bold, but what the heck.

Oh, and nice to see you again. You may remember me from:

Nordic Defense News, pictures, videos and history | Page 20

I had to take some time away from the forum, but I'm back now. Surprised no one's yet to notice the similarity/connection between my new name and my old one.