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About 5 Indians vs. 1 Pakistani, and you people still cant keep up with Rafi.
Hahaha, A pakistani server where Indian are Bashing Pakistanis with a full force...
Can any Pakistani dare to do these things on Indian server??
Brother we will not allow them to try to claim our glorious Ancient Pakistan. And it is their inferiority complex that prevent them from comprehending this truth.
errr Use OXFORD dictionary to get proper definition of Inferiority and superiority complex
It is because we have a more open and brave nature, that we allow indians to come and speak, and also we have the knowledge of the inferiority complex, which gives us an insight to their inner workings.
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Brother we will not allow them to try to claim our glorious Ancient Pakistan. And it is their inferiority complex that prevent them from comprehending this truth.
I have been all around the world, and in many places indians are poor wretches driving cabs and working as manual laborers almost like slaves. This is very sad also.
Are all pakistanis like you who only talk and talk and talk with no links and proofs.... since it is a Pakistani server so you can get away with this crazy lines but dare to say these lines on any other server in the world probably you will be send to your torture place...
Seriously what are you smoking? Hook me up? Sub continent has nothing to do with culture or anything, Indian sub continent refers to the Indian tectonic plate
My friend - india is one of the highest recipients of aid in the world, it receives over a billion dollars in aid from the UK alone every year.
About 5 Indians vs. 1 Pakistani, and you people still cant keep up with Rafi.
We have a free press, they are allowed to spout nonsense this is their right, which I am willing to fight for, to the death if necessary.
As noted by A. H. Nayyar and Ahmad Salim, in a report for the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) in Pakistan, the educational system in Pakistan was designed from the very beginning to reinforce one particular view of Pakistani nationalism and identity, namely that Pakistan is an Islamic state rather than a country with a majority Muslim population. Furthermore, the educational system needed to produce an image of a singular homogeneous majoritarian Muslim identity that could be sharply differentiated from that of India, even though it meant suppressing the many different shades within Pakistan.....
This was done through myth-making and the embellishment of history. In a chapter on Historical Falsehoods and Inaccuracies in Pakistani education, Salim observes that many Pakistan Studies textbooks declare that Muhammad-bin-Qasim, an Arab general who led the Umayyad conquest of the Sindh and Punjab regions in the early eighth century, was Pakistans first citizena full twelve centuries before its independence in 1947. Indeed, one textbook simply declares that although Pakistan was created in August 1947, . . . the present-day Pakistan has existed, as a more or less single entity, for centuries.
In addition, the Pakistani public education system developed a strongly anti-Indian and anti-Hindu bias in its curriculum. For example, one social studies textbook from the Punjab Textbook Board declares that the Hindus in Pakistan were treated very nicely when they were migrating as opposed to the inhuman treatment meted out to the Muslim migrants from India. A report from the National Commission for Justice and Peace also found that in many textbooks in Pakistan, the word Hindu rarely appears in a sentence without an adjective such as politically astute, sly, or manipulative.
Since Pakistan was a state created on the basis of Islamic identity, religion continued to play a critical political role in consolidating nationhood. Indeed, other than Islam, Pakistan only possessed a negative identity: it was Pakistan because it was not India. Thus, religion was the integral tool for cohesion among these disparate and diverse peoples. How exactly this cohesion was to be achieved became a major component of Pakistans identity crisis.
Today, we see this conflict continue to play out through the division between Pakistans powerful military elite, which still views Indian subversion as Pakistans biggest threat and supports radical Islamist groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba because they plot against their longtime rival, and Pakistans radical clerics and Islamist groups like the Pakistani Taliban, who view domestic political institutions and leaders, as well as India and the West, as enemies. This conflict explains the contradiction in which the Pakistani military is eager to weed out domestic terrorists that assassinate political figures and bomb its major cities, but concurrently funds and supports domestic-based terrorists that further Pakistani strategic interests.
But even in 1944, three years before Pakistans independence from the British Empire, there were signs of internecine divisionrooted in these conflicting discourses of Islamin what would become the new Muslim nation. Abul Mansur Ahmed, a writer and president of the Bengal Muslim League, declared that Religion and culture are not the same thing. Religion transgresses the geographical boundary but tamaddum (culture) cannot go beyond the geographical boundary. . . . For this reason the people of Purba [East] Pakistan are a different nation from the people of the other provinces of India and from the religious brothers of Pakistan. Such sentiments foreshadowed a future of ethnic discord within Pakistan. Instead of allowing ethnic groups like the Bengali movement to operate within the Pakistani federal framework, it resorted to more centralization, consolidation of power, and even military brutality.