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Is China the Fastest Rising Power in History?

Raphael

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Is China the Fastest Rising Power in History? - Tea Leaf Nation

China is rising; but how far, and how fast? After the release of projections based on new World Bank data showing that China will soon overtake the United States as the world’s largest national economy, a debate has quickly ensued, with some China-watchers dismissing the new figures as an “accounting exercise” and others calling the revised data a “wake-up call.” But the hue and cry obscures a more fundamental question: whether the scale and speed of China’s ascendance is truly unique, or whether it resembles the emergence of earlier powers. China, it turns out, scores moderately on the first metric, and very highly on the second.

Although new powers have emerged for millennia — think Athens after the Greek victory over Persia in 479 B.C. and Rome in 264 B.C. at the start of its wars with Carthage — extensive data measuring the scale and speed of a nation’s rise only extend from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. During this period, five states have emerged as global powers:

  • The United States, circa 1870: Having recovered from a devastating civil war, it entered a period of rapid industrial growth and overseas expansion.
  • Germany, circa 1870: Otto von Bismarck defeated France and established a unified nation.
  • The Soviet Union, circa 1945: The USSR grew into a superpower in the aftermath of World War II.
  • Japan, circa 1960: A high-growth era dawned which took Japan to the commanding heights of the global economy.
  • China, circa 1982: Its rise began after the ruling Communist Party completed its sixth five-year plan, a document the party still uses to help guide the economy, inaugurating a new era of economic reform and opening to foreign trade.
Of course, no country’s ascent had a single, undisputed starting point. But cutoffs are necessary to gauge a rise or a fall, and the above inflection points are apt candidates. Here’s how China’s shares of global GDP, trade, and military spending compare to that of the other four powers, 30 years into their respective ascents (click any image below to enlarge):



In sheer scale, China remains near the head of the pack on several measures, but it is not yet a clear frontrunner. After three decades of ascent, China’s economic footprint is comparable to that of the United States in 1900. China currently accounts for 14.6 percent of world output, while the U.S. share of global GDP in 1900 was 15.9 percent. At 14.3 percent, China’s share of global commerce is about a percentage point higher than the United States’ at the same stage of its rise. Militarily, China resembles Germany before it developed the powerful navy that new wealth afforded. Thirty years in, China’s share of global military spending — 9.2 percent — is just behind Germany’s share in 1900, at 10.5 percent. Of the comparison group, the Soviet Union’s rise differs most from China’s. The USSR prioritized military strength over economic prosperity, and the numbers show it. In 1975, the Soviet Union accounted for about a third of international military spending, but only 9.4 percent of global output, and a measly 3.9 percent of world trade, due to its isolation from the global economy.

Speed is where China stands out. In 30 years of ascent, starting from a low base, it has come farther, faster than any of the other rising powers in the comparison group. Here’s a look at its GDP growth, in historical context:



(Trend lines for Germany and the United States are interpolated due to limited GDP data. Data for the USSR share of global GDP begins in 1950.)

China has expanded its share of world GDP faster than any other rising state from 1870 to today. When then-leader Deng Xiaoping inaugurated a series of sweeping economic reforms in 1982, China accounted for a mere 2.2 percent of global output. 30 years later, in 2012, China produced 14.6 percent of the world’s GDP, a roughly seven-fold increase. Notably, other powers at the start of their rise began with a much more substantial share of world GDP: 6.5 percent for Germany in 1870, 7.1 percent for Japan in 1960, 8.9 percent for the United States in 1870, and 9.6 percent for the Soviet Union in 1950. Of those four, only the United States nearly doubled its share of global output during three decades of ascent. Although considered an industrial powerhouse at the time, Germany only managed to increase its share of world GDP by a few percentage points, while the Soviet Union’s 30-year share remained virtually unchanged through 1975.

The speed of China’s ascent as a trading power is even more impressive:



(Comparable trade data unavailable for Japan before 1970. Gaps in USSR trend line are where outlier data points exist without any clear historical cause.)

China’s share of global trade has exploded faster than any other rising power in the comparison group. In 30 years, China has expanded its share by a staggering multiple of more than 22. At the dawn of its reform period, China accounted for only 0.6 percent of world commerce; by comparison, the United States at year zero of its rise already conducted 9.3 percent of the world’s trade. Germany at the start of its ascent accounted for 10.7 percent of international commerce. Only the Soviet Union at the close of World War II had less of a presence in global trade than China at the outset of its rise.

A different picture emerges when examining the speed of China’s military ascent. In line with Deng Xiaoping’s belief that China should “hide [its] capacities” and “bide [its] time” — which meant, in part, getting rich first before building up its military — China’s share of world arms spending has advanced slower than its share of global GDP and trade:



(No comparable data available for Chinese military expenditure before 1989, or for 1991.)

China’s proportion of world military spending has expanded at an objectively rapid clip, even if it has not ballooned as fast as its economic footprint. During the 1990s, and then again during the 2000s, China nearly tripled its share of global military outlays. Pentagon data on China’s military spending paints a similar picture, and its 2013 white paper to the U.S. Congress notes China has the “fiscal strength and political will to support defense spending growth at comparable levels” in the future, although given that “China’s published military budget omits several major categories of expenditure” including foreign arms purchases, it’s hard to know for sure. The Defense Department estimated China’s total military-related expenditures for 2012 fell between $135 billion and $215 billion, though it cautioned that it didn’t know for sure. The next Pentagon white paper is scheduled to be released next week.

Mapped over time, China’s share of global military spending has charted an exponential growth path, unusual by historical standards. The Soviet share spiked after World War II, then plateaued at around one-third of global military spending. The U.S. share fluctuated around specific events — Germany’s return to peacetime footing after 1870 caused a temporary increase, while the Spanish-American War of 1898 produced a sharp peak leading into a rapid decline. Germany’s share of global military spending expanded and contracted over time, generally remaining between 10 and 15 percent of world spending on arms. Japan increased its share of global military spending throughout, but at a much slower pace than China.

China has risen faster than other powers, but not farther — yet. Prediction is a risky business. A decline in China’s working age population,widespread environmental degradation, endemic corruption, and risks associated with staggering income inequality — or some combination of those factors — could slow or derail the country’s rise. But if China can muddle through, conservative estimates put its share of global GDP at 28 percent by 2030. If this forecast is correct, China’s economic dominance will, on paper, equal that of the United States in 1951, a peak year in which the residual devastation wrought by World War II significantly boosted America’s share of global output.

Yet China will likely punch below its weight even if these forecasts prove accurate. It took the United States two world wars, a sea change in how the U.S. public viewed the world, and the creation of a new international order backed by a set of military alliances to fully translate its size into global dominance. China’s economy may become larger than the United States’ this year, but parity on paper will not quickly yield equal influence abroad.

The graphs are very instructive. Even compared to historically rising hegemons, like Bismarck's Germany and Gilded Age USA, famous for their rapid ascent, China still compares very well. China is currently the largest trading country in the world. We need to push both our world GDP share and world trade share to >20%.
 
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With the rising economic power china has only made enemies...to become a power, it needs allies...strong allies..which China has failed to make!
 
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Why only look at the recent past?

For the past two thousand years, China was the main power to stay for most of the time. She has her ups and downs. However, the downs are really the minority and the ups are the trends.

Though there were four civilizations starting in the beginning, the only remaining one is China's civilization.

China back to the main power is only the historical norm. I am not sure why it is surprising to anyone at all.

Is China the Fastest Rising Power in History? - Tea Leaf Nation



The graphs are very instructive. Even compared to historically rising hegemons, like Bismarck's Germany and Gilded Age USA, famous for their rapid ascent, China still compares very well. China is currently the largest trading country in the world. We need to push both our world GDP share and world trade share to >20%.
 
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Is China the Fastest Rising Power in History?

There is an idiom: " Easy come easy go "

暴發 - 暴殘
 
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china has always been a powerful country, however in some periods during its history incompetent rulers had prevented it from reaching its full potential, but currently thats not the case, china is moving ahead and regaining its traditional place as world's key commercial player.
 
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Currently, yes.

However, we are also starting from a very low base.

Also, we are the world's oldest "continuous" civilization, and for the past 200 years we've done badly.

When you take that into account, the speed of our current rise is simply a necessity for us to become a developed country.
 
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With the rising economic power china has only made enemies...to become a power, it needs allies...strong allies..which China has failed to make!

China has only made "enemies" where these "enemies" are enemies of all their neighbors: Japan, India, Vietnam, Philippines. All of these countries are hated across every single one of their maritime and land borders. Lucky for India China is so nice or they would have split your nation into 30 (as it should be) long ago. Unlucky for the Mongoloid Northeast "Indians" that suffer brutal racist oppression every day, however.

These common, imperialist, delusional enemies have created a sort of Korean, Cambodian, Thai, Laotian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Nepali alliance to help their insurgents and dissidents rupture these imperial regimes.
 
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With the rising economic power china has only made enemies...to become a power, it needs allies...strong allies..which China has failed to make!
Then you've only seen the good side of China. You don't wanna see the bad side of it. China has been way too nice to India and Vietnam. Considering 1962, China could have just steam rolled you guys, but when we back out being nice, you make excuses. Consider that as a second chance to exist, instead of making crappy excuses.
 
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Never needed any allies and never will need any allies.

Well China should capitalize people of Chinese origin that are still bound strongly by cultural identity, despite political differences. The reason why Mainland China is still clinging to its political ideology is nothing but selfish personal interests of those in power. We need gradually shift towards our own identity and discard ideological biases, thus further binding people of Chinese origin.

1/5 world population is Chinese, so that's more than enough if we can truly bind them. Plus, if we can put aside old bitterness, and think ahead, Japan and Korea should potentially be good allies.

I have no idea why some nationalist Chinese hate Japan so much but embrace Manchu and even Mongols. WTF! If Germany can be accepted in Europe, Japan should be forgiven by China. Plus, the reason why Japan refused to apologize and even re-write history books is deeply rooted in the culture even shared by us. Has the CCP truly apologized for the past disasters? No. We Chinese are no different than Japanese when it comes to history. We think history as continuous and are afraid of being held responsible for wrongdoings of ancestors, while the Europeans do not think so, so they are more willing to just verbally apologize.
 
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I have no idea why some nationalist Chinese hate Japan so much but embrace Manchu and even Mongols. WTF! If Germany can be accepted in Europe, Japan should be forgiven by China. Plus, the reason why Japan refused to apologize and even re-write history books is deeply rooted in the culture even shared by us. Has the CCP truly apologized for the past disasters? No. We Chinese are no different than Japanese when it comes to history. We think history as continuous and are afraid of being held responsible for wrongdoings of ancestors, while the Europeans do not think so, so they are more willing to just verbally apologize.

WTF? :lol:

Manchus and Mongols in China are Chinese people and Chinese citizens.

Americans of Chinese descent are not.

I don't hate Japanese people by the way, my problem is with the Japanese Government. Like America, it is not in their interests to see a strong and rising China.
 
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WTF? :lol:

Manchus and Mongols in China are Chinese people and Chinese citizens.

Americans of Chinese descent are not.

I don't hate Japanese people by the way, my problem is with the Japanese Government. Like America, it is not in their interests to see a strong and rising China.

I am sorry but I don't consider invaders as one of us. I would never embrace a murder that breaks my house and kills my relatives, then rape my cousin as my brother in law , but I will still consider my sister who married out as my sister. Citizenship is a political concept and national border changes, see Ukraine, but cultural identity is hard to erase. Of course, if a Chinese no longer considers himself as Chinese, that's a different story.

Nobody wants to see a rising power competing for resources. The question is how China can capitalize and maximize any human resources. Even thought I have lived in the U.S. for very long time, I would rather see China be friend with Japan instead of U.S. The Americans have inherent bias against East Asians no matter how successful, how political progressive you are. It's just human nature. Nothing wrong with that.

Let us disagree on those points due to our different educational background and life experience.
 
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